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https  ://arch  i ve . o rg/detai  Is/h  isto  ryof  wh  itbysOI  yo  u n 


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i 


■?  • 


’ ■ ' 


' ' - . I 


'ASKXI 11ILA4 


A 


HISTORY 

OF 


WHITBY, 

AND 


Oil .23 ilAJti'il 


WITH  A 

STATISTICAL  SURVEY  OF  THE  VICINITY 


TO  THE 

IBte’tatuo  of  ^foottg=fibt  #ltles : 

BY  THE  REV.  GEORGE  YOUNG, 

WITH  THE  ASSISTANCE  OF  SOME  PAPERS  LEFT  BY  THE  LATE  MR.  R.  WINTER, 
AND  SOME  MATERIALS  FURNISHED  BY  MR.  J.  BIRD. 


iU.VA.ULX:  ABBEY 


VOL.  I. 


SE&ttfig: 

PRINTED  AND  SOLD  BY  CLARK  AND  MEDD, 

SOLD  ALSO  BY  LONGMAN  AND  CO.,  AND  R.  FENNER,  LONDON  j AND  OLirHANT, 
WAUGH  AND  CO.,  EDINBURGH. 


1817, 


PREFACE 


q^Z.74- 

y 7£H 


THE  advantages  of  local  history  are  generally  acknowledged. 
Correct  views  of  a country  are  not  to  be  gained  from  the  hasty 
remarks  of  the  tourist,  who  skims  over  its  surface  in  a few  days;  but 
from  the  patient  researches  and  mature  observations  of  local  writers, 
each  of  whom,  devoting  his  attention  to  objects  within  his  reach,  and 
collecting  what  is  interesting  in  his  own  vicinity,  furnishes  his  quota 
to  the  common  fund  of  statistical  knowledge.  In  general,  topographi- 
cal works  will  be  more  or  less  correct,  in  proportion  as  the  field  of 
view  is  contracted  or  enlarged : and  he  who  attempts  to  take  in  too 
much,  endangers  the  whole.  What  is  gained  in  extent,  is  lost  in 
accuracy.  The  fore-ground  of  the  landscape  is  distinctly  perceived, 
while  the  distant  objects  are  involved  in  shades. 

To  serve  the  interests  of  science,  the  subject  of  a local  history 
should  be  judiciously  chosen,  as  well  as  patiently  investigated:  the 
place,  or  district,  must  afford  an  adequate  proportion  of  interesting 
materials;  and  the  central  point,  on  which  they  are  made  to  bear,  must 
possess  sufficient  respectability  to  entitle  it  to  that  distinction.  In 
these  respects,  few  places  present  a more  legitimate  subject  for  the 
pen  of  the  topographer,  than  Whitby  and  the  vicinity.  The 
vestiges  of  ancient  British  towns  and  sepulchres,  forts  and  iutrench- 
ments,  found  in  this  district;  the  remains  of  Roman  camps,  roads, 
and  stations,  which  it  exhibits;  its  connexion  with  the  affairs  of  the 
Roman  provinces  and  Saxon  kingdoms,  a connexion  which  may  be 
found  in  this  work  to  be  more  intimate  than  has  hitherto  been  supposed; 
its  singular  natural  productions ; the  early  fame  of  the  abbey  of 
Streoneshalh,  as  a seat  of  religion  and  learning;  the  splendour 
of  Whitby  abbey  that  succeeded  it,  after  the  conquest;  the  number 
and  respectability  of  the  other  religious  houses  in  the  district;  the 
antiquity  of  Whitby  as  a town  and  port;  the  rapid  progress  of  its 
commerce  and  manufactures,  and  vast  increase  of  its  wealth  and 
population,  in  modern  times;  with  its  importance  as  the  chief  town 


5935G1 


IV 


PREFACE. 


of  Whitby-Slrand ; — all  concur  in  pointing  out  this  town  and  neigh- 
bourhood as  a fit  subject  for  historical  research. 

Charlton's  work,  the  only  History  of  Whitby  yet  published, 
lias  become  scarce;  and,  from  the  injudicious  mode  in  which  that 
laborious  author  disposed  of  his  valuable  materials,  it  has  never  been 
popular.  Besides,  several  important  topics,  connected  with  Whitby 
or  the  neighbourhood,  are  either  wholly  omitted  in  his  work,  or  very 
slightly  noticed;  and,  during  the  forty  years  that  have  elapsed  since 
his  book  was  written,  many  remarkable  changes  have  occurred,  valua- 
ble improvements  have  been  introduced,  and  interesting  antiquities 
have  been  brought  to  light.  For  these  reasons,  a new  History  of 
Whitby  and  the  vicinity  has  long  been  a desideratum.  So  early  as 
the  year  1792,  the  late  Fias.  Gibson,  Esq.  F.  S.  A attempted  the 
task;  but,  after  preparing  seven  or  eight  sheets  for  the  press,  and 
providing  a number  of  drawings,  he  relinquished  the  undertaking. 

To  meet  the  wishes  of  the  public,  the  present  work  was  begun 
by  the  late  Mr.  Richard  Winter.  He  collected,  with  great  labour, 
a considerable  stock  of  materials;  issued  a prospectus  of  the  intended 
publication,  for  which  subscriptions  were  received;  wrote  a number 
of  detached  pieces,  chiefly  introductory,  on  various  topics  proposed 
for  investigation;  and  prepared  for  the  press  twenty-one  pages  of  a 
General  History.  Thus  far  he  had  advanced,  when  death,  which 
often  blasts  the  fairest  prospects,  and  cuts  short  the  noblest  enterprises, 
put  a period  to  his  arduous  labours. 

Previous  to  this  mournful  even!,  Iliad  been  solicited  to  correct 
the  sheets  of  the  intended  publication;  and,  in  compliance  with  the 
wishes  of  many  of  the  subscribers,  1 undertook,  with  the  assistance 
of  my  friend  Mr.  Bird,  to  continue  and  complete  the  work;  not  only 
that  the  public  might  not  be  disappointed,  but  especially,  that  the 
labours  of  Mr.  Winter,  labours  which  had  at  least  accelerated  his  pre- 
mature death,  might  not  be  altogether  lost  to  his  widow  and  family. 

In  entering  on  this  undertaking,  I was  not  duly  aware  of  its 
magnitude.  I expected  that  what  Mr.  Winter  had  written  and  col- 
lected might,  with  a few  alterations,  compose  a considerable  portion 
of  the  work;  but,  on  a close  examination  of  the  materials  provided,  I 
found  myself  mistaken.  Not  one  article  was  finished;  no  plan  was 
laid  down,  further  than  the  general  list  of  topics  announced  in  the 


PREFACE. 


v 


prospectus  ; even  the  small  part  that  was  prepared  for  the  press  could 
not  meet  the  public  eye  without  undergoing;  great  modifications,  a 
circumstance  not  surprising,  as  it  was  written  amidst  the  languor  of 
a wasting  disease.  In  short,  the  whole  work  was  to  begin  anew  ; or 
rather,  as  it  was  proper  to  introduce  some  specimens  of  Mr  Winter’s 
composition,  the  task  was  more  arduous,  and  less  pleasant,  than  if 
nothing  had  been  done.  The  portions  written  by  Mr.  Winter  will  be 
found,  enclosed  in  brackets,  in  pages  7—10,  18,  19,  25 — 29,  33, 
38 — 46:  the  notes  that  are  his  have  a fV  annexed  to  them. 

Setting  out  with  a resolution,  not  to  be  satisfied  with  the  testimony 
of  others  on  subjects  within  my  own  reach,  and  not  to  rely  on  secondary 
authorities  where  there  was  access  to  originals,  1 soon  found,  in  inves- 
tigating the  topics  to  be  discussed,  that  numerous  mistakes  had  been 
committed  by  historians,  both  ancient  and  modern,  in  their  accounts 
of  Whitby  and  the  vicinity.  In  correcting  these  mistakes,  the  work 
may  seem  to  assume  a censorious  air;  but  the  candid  reader,  it  is 
hoped,  will  impute  this  to  the  nature  of  the  subject,  rather  than  to 
the  spirit  of  the  author.  When  he  found  it  in  his  power  to  elucidate 
some  points  of  history,  involved  in  obscurity  or  error,  he  could  not 
have  been  justified  in  neglecting  the  opportunity. 

In  a work  comprising  such  a multiplicity  of  topics,  connected 
with  various  sciences  and  arts,  the  assistance  of  friends  was  essen- 
tially necessary:  and  the  author  did  not  embark  in  the  undertaking, 
till  he  had  engaged  t he  friendly  co-operation  of  Mr.  Bird,  whose  inti- 
mate acquaintance  with  the  district,  particularly  with  its  antiquities 
and  natural  history,  rendered  him  a valuable  coadjutor.  To  his  services 
the  work  is  much  indebted;  the  materials  which  lie  lias  supplied  have 
been  useful  in  a variety  of  departments;  especially  in  the  article 
mineralogy,  a great  part  of  which  is  copied  almost  verbatim  from 
his  manuscript.  He  has  ably  assisted  me  in  exploring  a region,  of 
which  his  pencil  has  often  delineated  the  beauties,  and  copied  the 
antiquities.  Yet  I must  not  omit  to  mention,  that,  in  our  excursions 
through  the  district,  several  gentlemen  have  taken  a part;  particularly 
Dr.  Wm.  Campbell  and  John  Holt,  Junr.  Esq.,  whose  friendly  aid,  in 
various  forms,  deserves  to  be  gratefully  noticed.  Dr.  Campbell’s 
superior  knowledge  of  botany,  mineralogy,  and  other  sciences,  lias 
enabled  him  to  become  an  eminent  contributor  to  the  work, 


VI 


PREFACE. 


It  is  a pleasing  duty,  to  record  the  liberal  assistance,  and  polite 
attentions,  received  from  the  ladies  and  gentlemen,  to  whom  I have 
had  occasion  to  apply  for  the  use  of  ancient  records,  scarce  books,  and 
other  valuable  documents.  Many  of  the  debts  of  this  description  are 
acknowledged  in  the  notes;  but  I cannot  forbear  expressing,  in  this 
place,  my  strong  obligations  to  Mrs.  Cholmley,  Lady  of  the  manor 
of  Whitby,  and  her  esteemed  family,  in  whose  possession  the  records 
of  our  abbey  are  carefully  preserved ; to  Lady  Johnstone,  of  Hackness; 
to  the  Rt.  Hon.  Earl  Mulgrave;  to  Sir  Cuthbert  Sharp,  F.  S.A.  author 
of  the  History  of  Hartlepool;  to  George  Allan,  Esq.  M.  A.,  F.  S.  A., 
M.P;  to  Robert  Chaloner,  Esq.  M.P.,  in  whose  possession  are  several 
charters  and  records  relating  to  the  priory  of  Guisborough ; to  the  Rev. 
Fras.  Wrangham,  A.M  , F.R.S.,  Rector  of  Hunmanby ; to  Anth. Thorpe, 
of  York,  Esq. ; to  Jn.  Caley,  Esq.  of  the  Augmentation  Office;  to  the 
Rev.  Mr.  Dallin,  Librarian  to  the  Minster  Library,  York  ; to  A. 
Manners,  Esq.  Librarian  to  Ihe  Advocates’  Library,  Edinburgh;  to 
the  Very  Rev.  the  Dean  and  Chapter  of  Rochester;  to  Mr.  W.  Bearcroft, 
of  Kirkby  Moorside;  to  J Ridley,  Esq.  Fyling;  to  Mr.  Jas.  Bathgate, 
ofLoft'nouse;  toMr.Jn.  Jones, of Kirkleatham ; to  J.W.  Sanders,  Esq., 
Newcastle;  to  Sol.  Chapman,  Esq.,  Sunderland;  to  Jn.  Sowerby,  Esq., 
Lyth;  to  Jn.  Harrison,  Esq.,  and  Hen.  Clark,  Esq.,  Guisborough;  and 
to  Thos.  Hinderwell,  Esq.,  author  of  the  History  of  Scarborough,  whose 
friendly  communications  have  been  numerous  and  important,  and  from 
whose  valuable  work,  as  well  as  from  the  Rev.  John  Graves’s  History 
of  Cleveland,  I have  derived  much  information.  To  this  list,  long  as  it 
is,  great  additions  might  be  made;  particularly  from  among  the  gentle- 
men of  Whitby,  to  whom  my  debts  of  gratitude  are  far  too  numerous  to 
he  particularised.  The  ministers  of  religion,  and  others  connected  with 
public  institutions;  the  gentlemen  employed  in  the  different  departments 
of  the  revenue;  the  gentlemen  engaged  in  manufactures,  commerce, 
or  business;  and  the  respectable  inhabitants  in  general,  have  all  been 
ready  to  lend  their  aid  in  forwarding  the  work.  Perhaps  it  would  be 
unjust,  not  to  name  the  Rev.  Jas.  Andrew,  Jn.  Chapman,  Esq.,  Hen. 
Simpson,  Esq.,  Thomas  Fishburn,  Esq.,  Henry  Walker,  Esq  , Richd. 
Moorsom,  Junr.  Esq.,  Thos.  Peirson,  Esq.,  Rob.  Campion,  Esq.,  Mr. 
Thos. Parkin,  Mr.  Win.  Scoresby,  Junr.,  and  Lieut.  T.  Liuklater, R.N.j 
to  all  of  whom,  with  many  others,  the  author  is  under  peculiar  obligations. 


PREFACE. 


vii 

For  its  numerous  and  interesting  embellishments,  the  work  is 
indebted  to  the  pencil  of  Mr.  Bird,  and  the  skill  of  various  engravers. 
Some  of  the  plates  are  etchings  by  Mr.  Bird  himself.  To  the  expense 
of  tiie  portrait  of  Capt.  Cook,  a gentleman  in  Whitby  contributed 
fine  guineas,  from  respect  to  the  memory  of  our  illustrious  navigator. 
The  wap  and  plan  have  been  constructed  by  the  author  and  his  friend, 
with  great  labour ; yet,  partly  by  their  own  oversight,  and  partly  by 
that  of  the  engravers,  a few  inaccuracies  have  occurred. 

The  printers,  as  well  as  the  author,  have  bestowed  much  pains 
on  the  correction  of  the  sheets;  but  no  work  of  such  extent  is  wholly 
free  from  typographical  errors.  Mistakes  of  another  kind  are  also  too 
frequent.  Most  of  these  will  be  found  corrected  in  the  notes  on  subse- 
quent sheets;  in  which  form,  not  only  corrections,  but  supplements, 
are  often  introduced.  Such  blemishes  are  chiefly  owing  to  this  circum- 
stance, that  in  order  to  save  time,  the  different  portions  of  the  work  were 
printed  in  succession,  immediately  after  they  were  composed.  The  first 
part  of  a chapter,  and  even  of  a sheet,  was  gone  to  the  press,  before 
the  last  part  was  w ritten;  so  that  the  author,  having  the  printer  close 
at  his  heels,  was  unable  to  avail  himself  of  any  new  light  which  might  be 
thrown,  during  his  progress,  on  subjects  previously  discussed;  except 
in  the  way  of  supplementary  notes.  This  mode  of  proceeding  has 
been  productive  of  other  evils : the  latter  part  of  the  history  is  much 
compressed,  while  the  former  is  perhaps  too  diffuse;  and  the  work 
has  swelled  to  more  than  double  the  size  originally  intended:  in 
consequence  of  which,  the  printing  of  it,  which  was  not  expected  to 
occupy  more  than  a year,  has  required  upwards  of  two  years  and  a 
half;  two  volumes  have  been  produced  instead  of  one;  and  an  advance 
on  the  price  proposed  to  the  early  subscribers  has  been  rendered  una- 
voidable; though  this  advance  is  very  far  from  being  proportionate  to 
the  increase  of  the  book,  or  even  of  its  embellishments.  If  it  be 
asked,  Why  then  was  this  injudicious  plan  adopted?  Why  was  not 
the  whole  prepared,  before  any  portion  was  printed?  My  answer  is, 
that,  had  the  latter  method  been  pursued,  the  work,  instead  of  being 
now  published,  would  probably  not  have  been  ready  for  the  press  for 
several  months  to  come,  and  the  publication  must  have  been  delayed  at 
least  two  years  longer;  in  which  case,  one  of  its  principal  ends,  the  relief 
of  Mr.  Winter’s  family,  might  have  been  in  a great  measure  defeated. 


PREFACE. 


Tin 

With  all  its  blemishes,  the  history  will  perhaps  be  found  to  con- 
tain a greater  proportion  oi  original  and  interesting  matter  than  is 
usually  met  with  in  topographical  works;  and  the  whole  is  arranged 
in  the  order  that  appeared  the  most  natural  and  perspicuous.  Gratetul 
to  that  Providence,  by  whose  kindness  he  has  been  spared  to  finish 
the  work  begun  bv  another,  the  author  must  not  complain,  that  he  has 
rot  been  permitted  (o  polish  and  improve  it  to  the  utmost  of  his  wishes. 
Let  it  suffice,  that  he  has  thrown  si>me  additional  light  on  the  h'story, 
antiquities,  and  present  state,  or  an  interesting  portion  of  his  country. 
He  has  corrected  the  mistakes  of  his  predecessors;  and,  if  he  shall 
have  no  opportunity  to  correct  his  own  in  a second  edition,  others  will 
arise  to  correct  them  when  he  is  gone. 

It  has  been  my  uniform  study,  in  composing  this  work,  to  render 
it  at  once  agreeable  and  useful.  How  far  1 have  succeeded,  the  public 
must  determine.  That  every  part  should  be  acceptable  to  all,  is  next 
to  impossible;  but,  when  the  reader  meets  with  articles  which  he  deems 
unwmrthy  of  perusal,  let  him  recollect,  that  there  are  other  readers  to 
whom  the  same  articles  may  appear  of  the  greatest  moment  On  sub- 
jects that  interest  the  passions  of  men,  every  unworthy  prejudice  has 
been  avoided;  yet  1 make  no  pretensions  to  that  spurious  candour 
which  consists  in  a criminal  indifference  to  w*  at  is  good  : I own 
my  partiality  for  true  religion.  A few  readers,  I hope  only  a few, 
may  find  fault  with  the  moral  reflexions  occasionally  introduced : hut, 
instead  of  wishing  them  expunged,  I have  more  ca  se  to  be  ashamed 
of  introducing  them  so  sparingly.  In  addressing  beings  possessed  of 
immortal  souls,  is  it  an  intrusion,  to  aim  at  the  improvement  of 
their  nobler  part,  when  the  subject  naturally  leads  to  it?  The  very 
situation  in  which  1 now  stand  seems  to  proclaim  the  vanity  of  time, 
and  the  vast  importance  of  eternity.  The  history  sent  forth  records 
the  deeds  of  generations  that  have  passed  away;  the  hand  that  began 
it  is  mingled  with  the  dust;  not  a few  who  hoped  to  peruse  it,  belong 
no  more  to  the  lists  of  the  living  ; and  the  time  approaches  when  the 
writer,  and  the  reader  loo,  must  hid  adieu  to  the  present  world.  When 
that  era  arrives,  I may  perhaps  regret  that  I devoted  so  much  atten- 
tion to  subjects  comparatively  trivial;  but  I shall  never  regret  having 
dropt  some  hints  to  promote  the  best  interests  of  mankind. 

GEORGE  YOUNG. 


Whitby,  October  25,  1817. 


CONTENTS  CF  YOL.  I 


BOOK  I. 

GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  DISTRICT. 

Page 

Ghai1  T.  Original  Inhabitants  — Roman  Period  I 

Chap.  II  Saxon  Period 18 

Chap.  III.  Anglo-Norman,  or  English  Period  68 

BOOK  II. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY  OF  STREONESHALH,  OR  WHITBY:  WITH  \ 
SKETCH  OF  THE  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  DISTRICT. 

Chap.  I.  Introduction  of  Christianity,  and  of  Monastic 

Institutions 103 

Chap.  II.  Monastery  of  Streoneshalh  founded  by  Lady  Hilda  129 

Chap.  III.  The  Synod  of  Streoneshalh  153 

Chap.  IV.  Cedmon  the  Poet,  and  other  eminent  men  in 

Lady  Hilda’s  Monastery  182 

Chap.  V.  Administration  and  deatli  of  Lady  Hilda. — Mo- 
nastery, or  cell,  at  Hackness,  founded  201 

Chap.  VI.  Life  of  iElfleda. — Destruction  of  Streoneshalh  by 

the  Danes  215 

Chap.  VII.  Restoration  of  our  Monastery,  under  the  modern 
name  Whitby  — Reiufrid  the  Prior — Stephen 
— Serlo. — Hackness  and  Lestingkam  restored.  238 


X 


CONTENTS. 


Page 

Chap.  VIII.  William  the  Abbot — Nicholas — Benedict — and 
their  successors,  unto  the  dissolution  of  the 


Monastery  25S 

Chap,  IX.  Possessions,  Privileges,  and  Immunities  of  the 
Monastery.  Its  Revenues  temporal  and  spi- 
ritual. Management  of  its  Property 266 

Chap.  X-  Securities  for  the  Monastic  Possessions — Feudal 

services  given  or  required  29® 

Chap.  XI.  Disputes  and  Agreements,  concerning  the  Rights 

and  Possessions  of  the  Abbey 315 

Chap.  XII.  Buildings  of  the  Monastery;  Cells,  Hermitages, 
Hospitals,  Churches,  and  Chapels,  belonging 

to  it 339 

Chap.  XIII.  Officers  of  the  Monastery — ’Monks  — Eminent 

men — State  of  learning,  and  of  Religion  383 

Chap.  XIV.  A short  account  of  the  Neighbouring  Monasteries  413 

Chap.  XV.  Dissolution  of  the  Monasteries — State  of  Eccle- 
siastical affairs  since  that  era , 451 


DIRECTIONS  FOR  PLACING  THE  ENGRAVINGS. 


VOL.  I. 

/ View  of  Whitby,  - - Frontispiece. 

Ruins  of  Whitby  Abbey,  to  face  p.  344. 


Frontispiece, 
p.  756. 
p.  764. 

p.  861. 

The  numerous  engravings  on  wood  are  already  disposed  in  their  proper 
places,  with  the  letter-press. — The  table  exhibiting  the  success  of  the  Whale- 
fishery  must  face  p.  568. 


VOL.  II 

Map  and  Plan, 

Plate  of  Crosses,  to  face 

■ Antiquities,  

Portrait  of  Capt.  Cook, 


HISTORY  OF  WHITBY  &c. 


ROOK  I. 

GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  DISTRICT. 


CHAP.  I. 

Original  Inhabitants. — Roman  Period. 

WHO  were  the  first  inhabitants  of  this  District, 
or  of  any  other  part  of  Britain,,  it  would  be  fruitless 
to  incpiire.  The  origin  of  most  nations  and  states  is 
lost  in  the  ages  of  oblivion,,  which  the  eye  of  the 
historian  is  unable  to  penetrate.  To  supply  this  defect, 
almost  every  nation  has  its  popular  fables,,  in  which 
its  descent  is  traced  to  some  of  the  gods  or  heroes  of 
antiquity,  or  at  least  to  some  people  renowned  in  the 
history  ot  the  world.  In  such  productions  of  national 
vanity  Britain  has  had  an  ample  share.  The  most 
remarkable  which  it  has  produced  or  adopted  are  the 
fictions  which  w ere  published  in  the  reign  of  Henry  II 

B 


o 


GENERAL  III3T0RV. 


by  Geoffrey  Ap  Arthur  of  Monmouth.  In  his  history 
of  Britain  which  he  translated,  or  rather  pretended  to 
translate,  from  an  ancient  work  in  the  British  language, 
we  are  told  that  the  Britons,  like  the  Romans,  sprung 
from  the  warlike  Trojans,  and  have  derived  their  name 
and  the  name  of  their  country,  from  Brutus,  a great 
grandson  of  the  celebrated  .Tineas.  This  imaginary 
hero,  according  to  Geoffrey,  having  at  his  birth  occa- 
sioned the  death  of  his  mother,  and  having  accidentally 
slain  his  father  when  he  was  grown  up,  felt  unhappy 
in  his  native  abode  in  Italy,  and  having  gone  over  into 
Greece,  and  collected  a number  of  the  Trojans  whom 
the  Greeks  had  taken  captive  at  the  destruction  of 
Troy,  he  put  himself  at  their  head,  effected  their  liberty, 
and  embarked  with  them  in  a lleet  in  quest  of  new 
settlements.  After  a variety  of  wonderful  adventures, 
partly  in  the  Mediterranean,  and  partly  in  Aquitain 
in  Gaul,  Brutus  and  his  surviving  followers  arrived  in 
Britain,  to  which  they  had  been  directed  by  an  oracle. 
They  landed  at  Totness,  it  is  said,  66  years  after  the 
fall  of  Troy,  and  1 108  years  before  the  Christian  /Era. 
The  Island  was  then  inhabited  by  giants,  who,  it  seems, 
were  the  aborigines  of  the  country ; but  Gogmagog 
their  chief  being  slain  by  Corinaeus  a bold  Trojan, 
who  threw  him  over  the  cliffs  of  Dover,  the  whole  of 
the  gigantic  race  was  soon  exterminated ! Brutus 
therefore  became  the  monarch  of  the  island,  his  fol- 
lowers soon  increased  into  a powerful  nation,  and  he 
commanded  them  to  be  called  by  his  name.  He  did 
not  however  denominate  them  Brutes,  as  might  be 


ORIGINAL  INHABITANTS. 


3 


expected;  but  gave  them  the  more  honourable  designa- 
tion of  Britons.  A little  before  his  death,  he  divided 
his  king'dom  among’  his  three  sons ; assigning  England 
to  Locrine,  Wales  to  Camber,  andScotland  to Albanact! 
A great-grandson  of  Locrine,  named  Ebrancke,  or 
Ebrauc,  founded  the  city  of  York,  983  years  before 
Christ;  and  from  him  it  was  named  Caer-ebrauc, 
which  name  was  afterwards  changed  into  Eboracum. 

Such  are  some  of  the  legendary  tales  which  fancy 
has  invented  to  supply  the  place  of  a portion  of  history 
irrecoverably  lost;  and,  though  absurdity  is  written 
on  them  as  with  a sun-beam,  though  they  were  pro- 
nounced fictions  by  writers  co-temporary  with  Geoffrey 
their  author,*  yet  such  is  the  eagerness  of  mankind  for 
knowledge  that  is  beyond  their  reach,  such  their  love 
for  the  marvellous,  and  such  their  fondness  for  what- 
ever is  flattering  to  their  vanity,  that  these  tales  have 
been  greedily  swallowed  by  thousands,  and  have  had 
some  among  the  learned  to  maintain  their  authenticity 
even  so  late  as  the  last  century. 

At  whatever  period  the  British  Islands  were 
peopled,  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  first  inha- 
bitants came  from  the  shores  of  the  neighbouring 
continent : but  whether  they  came  hither  by  accident, 
or  design ; whether  they  were  the  survivors  of  some 
shipwreck,  or  refugees  who  had  fled  from  their  enemies 
on  the  continent,  or  adventurers  who  arrived  in  quest 
of  new  settlements,  it  is  impossible  to  determine. 

* See  Camden’s  Britannia  (Gough’s  Edition)  Yol.  I,  page  v. 
Sammes’s  Britannia  Antiqua,  page  158,  159. 

B 2 


4 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


If  we  except  the  imperfect  notices  of  the  trade 
carried  on  with  Britain  by  the  Phoenicians  and  Greeks, 
the  earliest  authentic  accounts  of  this  island  are  those 
which  we  find  in  Caesar’s  Commentaries.  From  his 
observations,  viewed  in  connexion  with  the  later  and 
more  accurate  details  of  Tacitus  and  other  Roman 
historians,  we  learn,  that  when  the  Romans  invaded 
our  country,  they  found  it  possessed  by  a numerous 
and  warlike  people,  greatly  resembling'  the  inhabitants 
of  Gaul,  in  their  persons  and  habits,  their  language 
and  manners,  their  religion  and  government.  Like  the 
Gauls,  they  were  divided  into  numerous  petty  tribes,* 
each  under  its  own  independent  chief,  often  at  war  with 
one  another,  and  rarely  acting  in  concert;  a circum- 
stance highly  favourable  to  the  ambitious  views  of  the 
invaders. f They  were  not  in  the  rudest  state  of 
barbarism ; but  were  acquainted  with  agriculture, 
commerce,  and  several  of  the  useful  arts.  They  knew 
the  use  of  metals  and  of  money,  they  had  houses  and 
clothing;  they  had  war  chariots  which  they  managed 
with  great  dexterity,  and  fortresses  which  they  con- 
structed with  art  and  defended  with  skill.  Some  remains 
of  their  fortifications,  evidently  of  high  antiquity,  are 
found,  as  will  be  afterwards  noticed,  in  this  district. 
The  tribes  in  the  interior  were  the  least  civilized, 
having  no  clothing  but  skins,  and  living  chiefly  on 

* No  less  than  33  existed  in  Britain,  and  some  of  them  were  subdi- 
vided into  smaller  Clans.  Henry’s  History  of  Britain,  Book  i.  C.  iii. 

•]•  Rams  duabus  tribusve  civitatibus  ad  propulsandum  commune 
periculum  conventus  : ita  dum  singuli  pugnant,  uuiversi  vincuntur. 

Tacitus  Vita  Agric.  c.  12. 


ORIGINAL  INHABITANTS.  5 

milk  and  flesh,  neglecting-  in  general  the  pursuits  of 
agriculture.  All  the  Britons  stained  their  bodies  with 
a blue  colour,  which  made  their  appearance  the  more 
frightful  to  their  enemies;  an  effect  which  would 
doubtless  be  increased  by  the  length  of  their  hair,  and 
by  the  roughness  of  their  upper  lips,  which  they  never 
shaved.*'  Caesar  and  Dion  Cassius  both  assert  that 
they  had  their  wives  in  common,  or  at  least  that  every 
ten  or  twelve  of  them  had  such  a community ; but 
these  assertions  are  scarcely  consistent  with  facts  that 
are  recorded  by  other  historians,  particularly  the 
indignation  expressed  by  the  Brigantes  when  their 
queen  Cartismandua  proved  an  adulteress. f 

It  is  probable  that  most  of  these  tribes  had  inhab- 
ited Britain  for  many  ages  before  the  arrival  of  Caesar; 
and  that,  however  divided  and  subdivided,  they  were 
all  of  one  race,  and  spake  one  language,  though  in 
different  dialects.  The  people  denominated  the  Celts 
appear  to  have  then  occupied  the  whole  of  the  British 
islands,  and  the  western  part  of  the  continent  of 
Europe.  The  remains  of  that  people,  and  of  their 
language,  still  exist  in  Wales,  in  the  Highlands  of 
Scotland,  and  in  the  west  of  Ireland.  It  is  scarcely 
possible  to  read  Caesar’s  Commentaries,  and  other 
Roman  histories  relating  to  Gaul  and  Britain,  with- 
out being  struck  with  the  resemblance  between  the 
names  of  the  tribes,  cities,  princes,  &c.  in  the  one 

* Caesar  de  Bello  Gall.  Lib.  IV.  c.  33.  Lib.  V.  c.  12,  14,  &c. 
Tacit.  Vita  Agric.  c.  11,  12. 

t Tacit.  Histor.  Lib.  III.  c.  45. 


6 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


country  and  in  the  other.  In  both  there  were  Belgae, 
Parish;,  and  Atrebates  or  Atrebatii ; in  each  there 
was  a town  called  Bibrax;  Gaul  had  its  Uxellodunum, 
Noviodunum,  Melodunum,  &c.  Britain  its  Axelodunum 
Maridunum,  Cambodunum,  &c.  And  it  is  observable, 
that  as  a part  of  the  compound  name  of  the  Gaulish 
town  Vellaunodunum  is  found  in  the  name  of  the 
British  chief  Cassivellaunus,  so  a part  of  the  name  of 
the  British  town  Camulodunum  is  found  in  the  name  of 
the  Gaulish  chief  Camulogenus.  Indeed  the  identity  of 
the  language  of  ancient  Gaul  with  the  ancient  British 
language,  one  dialect  of  which  is  still  called  Gaelic, 
can  scarcely  be  disputed.*  That  this  was  once  the 
language  spoken  throughout  the  British  islands,  may 
be  inferred,  not  only  from  the  well  known  fact  that 
tribes  of  the  same  name  were  found  in  South  Britain, 
North  Britain,  and  Ireland,  but  from  the  very  frequent 
recurrence  of  the  same  names  of  hills,  promontories, 
rivers,  &c.in  each  of  these  parts  of  the  British  Empire. f 
The  name  of  the  river  at  Whitby,  the  Esk,  which  in 
the  British  language  signifies  water  or  river,  affords  a 
noted  example  ; there  being  three  rivers  of  that  name 
in  England,  five  in  Scotland,  and  two  or  three  in 
Ireland. 

Among  the  tribes  who  inhabited  Britain,  the 
Brigantes  held  a distinguished  rank.  They  occupied 
the  middle  part  of  the  island,  and  their  territories 
extended  from  sea  to  sea ; comprehending  the  greater 

* See  numerous  proofs  in  Camden’s  Britannia  Vol.  I.  p.  xii.--xvi. 
f See  a multitude  of  instances  in  Chalmers’s  Caledonia,  B.  I.  c.  i. 


ROMAN  PERIOD. 


part  of  Yorkshire  and  Durham  on  the  east  coast,  and 
Lancashire,  Westmoreland  and  Cumberland  on  the 
west.  As  their  kingdom  included  the  district  which 
is  the  chief  subject  of  this  work,  their  history  demands 
a share  in  our  attention. 

[The  introduction  of  the  Roman  legions  into 
Britain  forms  a memorable  epocha  in  its  history.  It 
appears  that  the  Brigantes  had  been  compelled  to  ac- 
cept conditions,  if  not  completely  subdued,  by  Aulius 
Plautius,  the  Roman  general  in  Britain  during  the 
reign  of  Claudius ; as  we  find  them  endeavouring  to 
break  the  chains  of  bondage  about  the  year  50  of  the 
Christian  iEra.  They  paid  dear  for  this  ill  fated  revolt : 
Publius  Ostorius  Scapula  at  that  time  propraetor  in 
Britain,  marched  his  forces  into  the  province.  The 
Brigantes  were  soon  reduced  to  subjection,  the  most 
active  of  the  revolters  were  cut  to  pieces,  and  a free 
pardon  was  granted  to  the  rest.*  Nevertheless  they 
were  allowed  to  retain  the  regal  authority  in  their 
own  hands,  as  we  find  Cartismandua  the  reigning 
queen  immediately  afterwards  delivering  up  in  chains 
to  the  Roman  power,  the  renowned  patriot  Caractacus, 
who  had  taken  refuge  in  her  dominions  after  his  defeat 
by  Ostorius.  Such  however  was  the  spirit  of  liberty 
which  prevailed  through  the  island,  that  the  time  em- 
ployed by  the  Romans  for  the  reduction  of  one  state 
was  embraced  by  another  as  a fit  opportunity  for  revolt. 
Thus  harassed  and  perplexed,  Ostorius  sunk  under 
the  fatigues  of  an  endless  campaign,  and  expired  in 
disappointment  and  anxiety. 

* Tacit.  Annal.  Lib.  XII.  c.  32. 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


Not  long  after,  the  state  of  the  Brigantes  was 
thrown  into  the  utmost  confusion  by  the  detestable 
conduct  of  Cartismandua.  She  had  formed  a matri- 
monial connection  with  Venusius,  a chief  of  the  Ju- 
gantes,  possessed  of  acknowledged  valour  and  military 
experience;  but  the  union  was  inauspicious  for  the 
nation.  Cartismandua  proved  unfaithful  to  her  husband, 
and  made  Yellocatus,  her  armour-bearer,  the  partner 
of  her  bed  and  of  her  throne.  The  injured  Yenusius 
resolved  to  be  revenged,  and  his  cause  was  warmly 
espoused  by  the  bulk  of  his  subjects;  while  some  con- 
tinued to  support  Cartismandua.  The  embers  of  civil 
discord  were  spread  with  activity  through  the  state, 
and  the  partizans  of  the  queen  having  seized  upon  the 
brother  and  relatives  of  Venusius,  this  act  of  oppression 
heightened  the  animosity  of  the  people.  A nation  of 
heroes  disdained  to  submit  to  an  infamous  woman, 
who  had  betrayed  the  liberties  of  her  country,  and 
stained  the  throne  of  Brigantia  with  her  crimes.  She 
was  attacked  and  overthrown  in  the  centre  of  her 
dominions ;]  and  though  her  allies,  the  Romans,  es- 
poused her  cause,  and  a legion  was  sent  for  her  support 
under  the  command  of  Cesius  Nasica,  Yenusius  se- 
conded by  the  ardour  of  his  people,  was  finally  triumph- 
ant. The  adulteress  escaped  with  her  life,  but  lost  her 
crown : the  Brigantes  headed  by  the  warlike  Yenusius 
asserted  their  independence ; and  the  propraetor  Aulus 
Didius,  infirm  with  age,  and  incumbered  with  other 
wars,  was  unable  to  reduce  them  to  subjection.* 

* Tacit.  Annal.  Lib.  XII,  c.  40.  Hist,  lib.  III.  c.  45. 


ROMAN  PERIOD. 


9 


[After  this  period  the  Roman  forces  appear  to  have 
made  no  attempt  to  recover  Brigantia  until  the  reign 
of  the  emperor  Vespasian.  About  the  year  70,,  Peti- 
lius  Cerialis  was  appointed  by  that  emperor  to  the 
command  of  the  legions  in  Britain.  The  affairs  of  the 
province  had  for  some  time  before  been  feebly 
conducted;  but  no  sooner  did  Cerialis  assume  the 
government  than  he  began  to  act  with  vigour  and 
resolution.  He  fell  with  sudden  fury  on  the  Brigantes,in 
point  of  numbers  the  most  considerable  state  in  Britain. 
Various  battles  were  fought  with  alternate  success, 
and  great  effusion  of  blood.  At  length  the  greatest  part 
of  the  country  was  either  subdued,  or  ravaged. 

Julius  Frontinus  succeeded  Cerialis.  Historians 
represent  him  as  an  able  warrior  and  consummate 
general.  His  military  fame  was  acquired,  chiefly  in 
reducing  the  Siiures  to  subjection.* 

The  honour  of  finally  conquering  the  Brigantes 
was  reserved  for  the  genius  of  Agricola,  who  was  ap- 
pointed to  the  government  of  Britain,  A.  D.  78.  He 
had  acquired  the  rudiments  of  the  military  art,  under 
the  conduct  of  Suetonius  Paulinus  in  Britain,  where 
he  afterwards  distinguished  himself  as  commander  of 
the  XXth  legion,  under  Bolanus  and  Cerialis.  He 
was  therefore  completely  acquainted  with  the  island 
and  its  inhabitants,  a circumstance  which  greatly 
conduced  to  his  success.  He  explored  the  wmods  and 
forests,  marked  out  proper  stations  for  encampments, 
and  erected  a chain  of  posts  along  the  frontiers  of  his 
* Tacitus  Vita  Agric.  c.  17. 

C 


10 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


extensive  conquests.]  lie  carried  the  terror  of  the 
Roman  arms  far  beyond  the  country  of  the  Brigantes; 
he  attacked  the  distant  Caledonians  amidst  their  native 
hills,  and  had  he  not  been  recalled  by  the  jealous  tyrant 
Bomitian,  lie  might  perhaps  have  completed  the 
conquest  of  the  island. 

From  the  time  of  Agricola,  the  Brigantes  appear 
to  have  lived  quietly  under  the  Roman  government, 
which  owing  to  the  excellent  regulations  introduced  by 
that  general  had  become  more  mild  and  tolerable.  They 
are  scarcely  again  mentioned  in  the  Roman  history,* 
and  perhaps  the  name  Brigantes  might  begin  to  be 
laid  aside,  when  their  country  was  formed  into  a 
Roman  province,  which  was  denominated  Maxima 
Caesariensis.  This  province,  as  appears  from  the 
Notilia  Imperii,  was  on  account  of  its  importance, 
always  governed  by  a person  of  consular  dignity ; and 
it  was  frequently  visited  by  the  emperors  themselves. 
Isurium,  or  Aldborough,  near  Boroughbridge,  was 
the  ancient  capital  of  this  state;  but  in  later  times, 
Eboracum,  or  York,  the  head  quarters  of  the  Vlth 
legion,  held  the  first  rank.  Here  the  emperor  Severus 
died,  here  most  probably  Carausius  and  Allectus,  the 
former  of  whom  reigned  in  Britain  as  emperor  seven 

* Pausanias  states,  that  in  the  time  of  the  emperor  Antoninus 
Pius,  the  Brigantes  made  incursions  into  Genounia,  a region  subject 
to  the  Romans,  for  which  they  were  punished  by  the  loss  of  a great 
part  of  their  lands.  But  these  people  could  not  be  the  Brigantes  of 
Yorkshire  and  Lancashire,  (whose  country  wras  already  included  in  the 
Roman  dominions,)  but  some  tribe  of  the  same  name  among  the  Maeatre, 
or  in  the  northern  part  of  the  island.  There  were  also  Brigantes  in  the 
south  east  parts  of  Ireland. 


ROMAN  PERIOD. 


II 


years,  and  the  latter  three  years,  in  the  time  of 
Dioclesian,  had  their  royal  seat ; here  Constantius 
closed  his  eyes,  and  his  son  Constantine  the  great,  who 
is  thought  by  some  to  have  been  a native  of  Britain, 
was  proclaimed  emperor.* 

As  the  Romans  possessed  this  country  for  about 
350  years,  wTe  may  conclude  that  under  the  govern- 
ment of  that  enlightened  people,  it  could  not  fail  to 
attain  a high  degree  of  civilization  and  improvement. 
Agriculture,  commerce,  and  the  arts  must  have 
flourished ; especially  as  Britain,  through  its  remote 
situation,  often  enjoyed  a state  of  tranquillity,  while 
the  central  parts  of  the  Roman  empire  were  shaken 
by  the  most  dreadful  convulsions.  Of  the  introduction 
of  the  useful  and  elegant  arts,  and  of  the  refinements 
of  luxury,  the  Roman  remains  which  have  been  found 
in  this  district  and  other  parts  of  the  island,  afford 
indubitable  proofs ; and  the  extent  to  which  agriculture 
was  carried  is  obvious  from  the  quantities  of  corn 
annually  exported  from  Britain,  to  supply  the  Roman 
armies  in  Gaul  and  on  the  frontiers  of  Germany.f 
On  some  occasions,  supplies  were  derived  from  it  to 
a vast  amount;  for  in  the  time  of  Constantius,  when 
the  countries  bordering  on  the  Rhine  had  been  laid 
waste  by  an  irruption  of  the  Germans,  Julian  built  a 
fleet  of  800  vessels,  which  he  sent  into  Britain  for 
corn,  to  be  carried  up  the  Rhine;  and  the  voyage 
* Eutrop.  Lib.  viii,  ix,  x. 

f Horrea  quin  etiam  exstrueret  pro  incensis,  ubi  condi  posset 
annona,  a Britannis  sueta  tratisferri.  Amm.  Marcell.  1. 18.  c.  3. 

c 2 


12 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


was  repeated  till  enough  was  procured,  both  for 
sowing  the  fields  and  supporting  the  inhabitants  until 
the  harvest.*  Perhaps  our  bleak  moors,  on  which  we 
discern  so  many  obvious  traces  of  the  plough,  might 
then  be  in  a state  of  high  cultivation ; and  the  yellow 
corn  then  waved,  where  nothing  seems  now  to 
vegetate  but  heath  and  moss.  Our  cold  and  naked 
hills  might  be  graced  with  fertile  fields,  sheltered  by 
the  woods  which  skirted  their  sides,  and  of  which 
numerous  vestiges  are  found  in  the  mosses  and  on  the 
moors. 

But  the  riches  and  luxuries  of  provincial  Britain 
proved  the  occasion  of  its  overthrow,  for  while  they 
tended  to  enervate  the  inhabitants,  and  to  extinguish 
that  martial  spirit  which  a long  subjection  to  the 
Romans  had  likewise  repressed,  they  presented  a 
tempting  bait  to  their  less  polished,  but  more  warlike 
neighbours.  The  Piets  or  Caledonians,  in  North 
Britain;  the  Scots  who  inhabited  Ireland,  and  after- 
wards settled  in  the  west  of  Scotland ; and  the  Saxons 
who  dwelt  in  the  north  of  Germany.,  tribes  that  were 
all  much  addicted  to  plunder,  cast  a longing  eye  on 
the  fruitful  fields  and  wealthy  cities  of  South  Britain, 
and  marked  them  out  as  their  prey. 

At  first  their  predatory  attempts  were  of  trivial 
importance,  but  by  and  by  they  were  conducted  on  a 
more  formidable  scale,  and  it  required  a considerable 
force  to  withstand  them.  An  irruption  of  the  Piets 
and  Scots  was  made  in  A.  D.  343,  when  they  were 
* Zosim.  Lib.  III. 


ROMAN  PERIOD. 


13 


repulsed  by  the  emperor  Constans  ; and  another 
occurred  in  A.  D.  360,  in  the  reign  of  Constantius, 
when  Julian,  who  then  commanded  in  Gaul,  dis- 
patched Lupicinus  with  a force  for  the  defence 
of  Britain.*  In  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of 
Valentinian  and  Valens,  (A.  D.  364 — 367,)  Britain 
was  assailed  with  hosts  of  plunderers,  the  Piets,  the 
Scots,  the  Attacots,f  the  Saxons,  and  the  Franks ; 
but  the  skill  and  bravery  of  count  Theodosius  saved  it 
from  impending  ruin,  and  even  enlarged  it  by  the 
conquest  or  recovery  ot  the  territory  between  the  walls, 
which  he  formed  into  a distinct  province  called 
Valen tia.].'  When  the  usurper  Maximus,  who  began 
his  career  in  Britain  A.  D.  381,  carried  over  to  the 
continent  most  of  the  legionary  troops,  with  the 
flower  of  the  British  youth,  the  country  was  left 
exposed  to  the  ravages  of  its  enemies ; but  the  em- 
peror Theodosius,  when  he  had  conquered  Maximus, 
provided  for  the  security  of  the  Britons,  and  after  his 
death  (in  395)  the  forces  of  the  celebrated  Stilico, 
who  administered  the  affairs  of  the  western  empire,  as 
the  guardian  of  his  son  Honorius,  defeated  the  Piets, 
Scots,  and  Saxons  with  great  slaughter^  The  repose 

* Amm.  Marcell.  Lib.  XX.  c.V 
f The  Attacots  inhabited  part  of  Argyleshire,  and  of  Dumbarton- 
shire. See  Chalmers’s  Caledonia,  Book  i.  c.  2. 

j Amm.  Marcell.  Lib.  XXVI.  c.  4.  Lib.  XXVII.  c.  8. 

§ The  importance  attached  by  the  Romans  to  the  preservation  of 
Britain  from  its  warlike  invaders,  appears  from  the  following  interesting 
passages  of  Claudian,  which  refer  chiefly  to  the  victories  of  count 
Theodosius  and  Stilico  : 

Ille  leves  Mauros,  nec  falso  nomine  Pictos 
Edomuit,  Scotumque  vago  mucrone  secutus. 


14 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


which  the  Britons  derived  from  these  victories,  lasted 
but  a few  years.  Constantine,  another  usurper,  who 
was  elevated  to  the  imperial  dignity  by  the  Roman 
troops,  in  Britain,  (A.  D.  408,)  having  stripped  the 
country  once  more  of  the  legions  and  cohorts  appointed 
for  its  defence,the  inroads  of  its  inveterate  enemies  again 
commenced.  Upon  this  the  Britons,  finding  them- 
selves deserted  by  the  Romans,  took  up  arms  in  their 
own  defence,  and  after  many  hazardous  enterprizes, 

Fregit  Hyperboreas  remis  audacibus  undas. 

De  III  Cons.  Honor. 

Ille,  Caledoniis  posuit  qui  castra  pruinis, 

Qui  medios  Libya  sub  casside  pertulit  aestus, 

Terribilis  Mauro,  debellatorque  Britanni 
Litoris,  ac  pariter  Boreoe  vastator  et  Austri. 

Quid  rigor  aeternus  coeli,  quid  frigora  prosunt, 
ignotumque  fretum  ? maduerunt  Saxone  fuso 
Orcades:  iacaluit  Pictorum  sanguine  Thule, 

Scotorum  cumulos  flevit  glacialis  Ierne. 

De  IV  Cons.  Honor. 

Turn  sic  orsaloqui:  Quantum  te  principe  possini, 

Non  longinqua  docent,  domito  quod  Saxone  Tethys 
Mitior,  aut  fracto  secura  Britannia  Picto. 

In  Entropium  Lib.  I. 

Inde  Caledonio  velata  Britannia  monstro, 

Ferro  picta  genas,  cujus  vestigia  verrit 
Caerulus,  Oceanique  aestum  mentitur  amictus. 

Me  quoque  vicinis  pereuntem  gentibus,  inquit, 

Me  juvit  Stilico,  totam  cum  Scotus  Iernen 
Movit,  et  infesto  spumavit  remige  Tethys. 

IUius  eflectum  curis,  ne  tela  timerem 
Scotica,  ne  Pi  ctum  tremerem,  ne  litore  tuto 
Prospicerem  dubiis  venturum  Saxona  ventis. 

De  Laudibus  Stilic.  Lib.  II. 

Venit  et  extremis  legio  praetenta  Britannis, 

Quae  Scoto  dat  frena  truci,  ferroque  notatas 
Perlegil  exangues  Picto  moriente  figuras, 

De  Bello  Getico. 


ROMAN  PERIOD . 


1-5 


freed  their  cities  from  the  barbarians  who  besieged 
them.*  In  this  successful  warfare,  they  acted  under 
leaders  of  their  own  choosing,having  deposed  the  officers 
whom  Constantine  had  left  to  govern  them.  Yet  while 
they  renounced  the  authority  of  Constantine,  and 
assumed  a temporary  independence,  it  does  not  appear 
that  they  separated  themselves  wholly  from  the  Roman 
empire;  on  the  contrary,  it  would  seem  that  they 
soon  after  applied  to  Honorius  for  aid,  as  he  wrote 
letters  to  them,  counselling  them  to  defend  themselves, -f* 
which  we  can  scarcely  suppose  him  to  have  done,  had 
they  been  in  a state  of  rebellion  against  him.  The 
Britons  soon  found  themselves  incompetent  to  the 
task  which  Honorius  assigned  them,  and  vrere  com- 
pelled to  have  recourse  again  to  his  assistance ; but 
though  he  sent  some  forces  more  than  once  for  their 
support,  it  was  notin  his  power  to  afford  them  any 
permanent  protection  ; for  the  vitals  of  the  empire 
being  now  attacked,  it  became  necessary  to  abandon 
the  extremities. 

After  the  final  departure  of  the  Romans,  which 
appears  to  have  taken  place  near  the  close  of  the  reign 
of  Honorius,  w ho  died  A.  D.  423,  the  state  of  South 
Britain  soon  became  more  deplorable  than  ever.  The 
walls,  which  the  legions  had  repaired,  proved  but  a 
feeble  barrier  against  the  ferocious  invaders,  who 
spread  devastation  far  and  wide,  and  turned  great 
part  of  the  country  into  a desert.  They  were  not 
indeed  prompted  by  a thirst  for  conquest  so  much  as 


* Zosim.  Lib.  VI. 


t Id.  Ibidem. 


16 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


by  the  love  of  plunder;  for  they  never  attempted  to 
form  any  permanent  settlement  in  South  Britain  • yet 
their  periodical  expeditions  were  not  the  less  ruinous. 
The  inhabitants  who  lived  nearest  the  wall  fled  to  the 
southern  parts  of  the  island;  and  it  is  highly  probable, 
that  during  some  of  these  years  of  disaster,  this  district, 
with  a great  part  of  the  north  of  England,  lay  desolate 
and  uninhabited.  When  the  romanized  Britons  were 
reduced  to  the  greatest  extremities,  the  plundering 
hordes  having  penetrated  further  and  further  into  the 
country,  they  again  implored  the  aid  of  their  ancient 
protectors;  presenting  a humble  and  moving  petition 
to  the  celebrated  iEtius,  prefect  of  Gaul,  during  his 
third  consulship  ; (A.  D.  446)  but  that  general  was 
too  much  occupied  with  other  wars  to  attend  to  their 
supplications.*  The  Britons,  however,  by  their  own 

* Gildas  De  Excid.  Brit. — Bed.  Hist.  Eccles.  Lib.  I.  c.  12,  13, 
14.  Ricardi  Corin.  De  situ  Brit.  Lib.  II.  c.  1.  Gibbon,  and  his 
imitator  Turner,  setting  aside  the  authority  of  the  writers  here  quoted, 
have  framed  according  to  their  fancy,  a very  different  history  of  the 
state  of  independent  Britain,  from  A.  D.  410  to  the  arrival  of  the 
Saxons  in  449.  They  found  their  history  of  this  period  on  a passage 
in  Zosimus,  the  substance  of  which  is  inserted  above ; and  because 
Gildas  has  painted  the  distresses  of  his  country  in  too  strong  colours, 
and  has  mistaken  the  repairing  of  the  Roman  walls  for  the  building 
of  them,  in  which  he  has  been  followed  by  Bede,  and  by  Richard  of 
Cirencester,  they  have  presumed  to  reject  his  narrative  of  the  miseries 
of  the  Britons,  and  their  applications  to  the  Romans,  as  fabulous. 
But  it  is  not  usual  for  men  to  invent  fables  to  the  discredit  of  their 
country ; and  Gildas  lived  so  near  the  times  of  which  he  writes,  that 
some  who  were  alive  in  his  early  youth  might  communicate  some  of 
the  principal  facts  which  he  records  from  their  own  knowledge.  Besides, 
if  he  was  so  grossly  ignorant  as  these  learned  authors  represent  him, 
and  if  Britain  was  so  long  separated  from  the  Roman  empire,  how 
eould  he  know  that  JEtius  was  thrice  consul,  or  even  that  such  a man 
as  iEtius  existed  ? His  authority  is  nearly  as  good  as  that  of  Zosimus, 
that  heathen  bigot,  who  in  some  instances  perverts  the  truth  through 
his  enmity  to  the  gospel ; — a charge  from  which  Gibbon  himself  is  not 


ROMAN  PERIOD. 


17 


efforts,  obtained  some  advantages  over  their  invaders; 
and  this  success,  combined  with  their  poverty,  pro- 
cured for  them  an  interval  of  repose.  They  were 
not  without  kings  or  chiefs,  and  had  they  united  in  a 
body,  they  might  have  banished  the  enemy  from  their 
borders.  Their  hardships  had  now  taught  them 
courage,  as  appears  from  their  long  and  arduous 
contests  with  the  Saxons,  of  which  some  account  will 
be  given  in  the  following  Chapter. 

altogether  free.  Indeed  the  facts  related  by  Gildas  are  only  what 
might  have  been  expected,  after  what  the  Roman  historians  had 
recorded;  for  when  we  read  that,  in  the  time  of  Valentinian,  the  Piets 
and  other  invaders  overpowered  the  Roman  forces,  slew  their  generals, 
and  extended  their  ravages  as  far  as  London;*  and  that  it  required  such 
efforts  at  various  periods  to  check  their  incursions,  what  could  be 
expected,  but  that  after  the  departure  of  the  Romans,  these  warlike 
tribes  would  break  in  tike  an  overwhelming  torrent? 

* Ammian.  Marcell.  Lib.  XXVII.  c.  8. 


D 


IS 


GENERAL  HISTORY, 


CIIAP.  II. 


Saxon  Period. 

[THE  Saxons  began  to  make  their  piratical 
descents  on  the  British  coasts  so  early  as  the  latter  part 
of  the  third  century  : for  we  find  that  Carausius 

distinguished  himself  by  his  naval  victories,  over  the 
fleets  of  these  barbarians;*  and  in  the  early  part  of 
the  reign  of  Constantine  the  great,  a new  officer  was 
appointed  in  Britain,  to  guard  the  coast  against  their 
attacks,  denominated  the  count  of  the  Saxon  shore ; 
by  which  name,  on  account  of  the  frequent  descents 
of  the  Saxons,  the  shore  of  Britain  on  the  east  and 
south,  was  then  designated. 

The  Saxons  are  described  as  one  of  the  bravest 
nations  presented  to  us  in  the  whole  compass  of 
ancient  history.  Strength  of  body,  patience  in  warlike 
labours,  a ferocious  courage,  and  a formidable  activity, 
are  the  qualities  by  which  they  have  been  commemorat- 
ed.f Such  is  the  character  given  of  that  people  who 
were  ultimately  doomed  to  have  the  dominion  of  Britain, 
who  were  to  give  laws  and  manners  to  a degenerate 

* Eutrop.  Lib  IX.  f Turner’s  Ilist.  Anglo-Saxons,  Vol.  I.  p.  71, 


SAXON  PERIOD. 


19 


race,  a people  depressed  into  pusillanimity,  under 
the  slavish  government  of  the  Romans,  whose  imbecility 
was  such,  from  continued  oppression,  that  they  could 
not  defend  themselves  without  the  intervention  of  a 
foreign  aid.  Accustomed  to  a predatory  and  piratical 
life,  the  Saxons  braved  every  element;  neither  the 
stormy  ocean  of  the  Germans,  nor  the  dangerous 
shores  of  Britain  could  depress  their  ardour  for 
plunder  and  conquest.  The  frowning  clouds  of  winter 
darting  the  lightning’s  flash  amidst  the  howling  of  the 
midnight  storm,  sheltered  their  designs  from  the  view 
of  an  unsuspecting  foe.  But  while  we  display  a gleam 
of  the  brightest  part  of  their  character,  let  us  not 
overlook  one  of  the  most  horrible  traits  that  can 
degrade  the  reputation  of  a people,  a crime  that  casts 
the  most  odious  shade  over  every  minor  virtue,  that  of 
sacrificing  the  whole  or  a part  of  the  unfortunate 
captives  who  fell  a prey  to  their  vindictive  rage.  Had 
their  objects  been  merely  confined  to  the  acquisition 
of  territory  or  amassing  plunder  from  their  fellow 
creatures,  we  might  have  passed  them  with  the  same 
negative  disgust  which  we  entertain  for  conquerors 
in  general;  but  when  we  are  informed  that  they 
dragged  off*  the  inoffensive  part  of  the  inhabitants  into 
bondage,  and  decimated  their  captives  to  be  sacrificed 
as  victims  to  an  abominable  deity*  of  disgusting 
attributes,  our  admiration  must  sink  into  abhorrence.] 
The  year  449  is  the  memorable  era  of  the 
introduction  of  the  Saxons  into  Britain  under  Hengist 

* Turner’s  Hist.  I.  p.  73,  76. 

D 2 


20 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


and  Horsa.  At  first  the)’  assisted  the  Britons  in 
expelling  the  Piets  and  Scots  from  their  territories, 
but  when  they  had  settled  a few  years  in  the  isle  of 
Thanet,  they  resolved  to  attempt  the  conquest  of  that 
country  which  they  came  to  defend.  While  the  two 
brothers  received  reinforcements  of  their  countrymen, 
to  establish  their  dominion  in  the  south,  a powerful 
force  arrived  in  the  north  in  40  ships,  commanded  by 
Octa,  the  brother  (or  as  some  say  the  son)  of  Hengist, 
and  Ebusa,  (or  Ebissa)  Octa’s  son ; who  formed  a 
settlement  in  the  country  formerly  possessed  by  the 
Ottadini,  extending  from  the  Tyne  to  the  firth  of 
Forth.  That  country  having  been  almost  depopulated, 
they  seem  to  have  met  with  little  opposition  ; and 
having  made  peace  with  their  neighbours  the  Piets, 
they  retained  possession  of  the  district;  but  made  no 
considerable  figure,  being  subject  for  a long  course 
of  years  to  the  kingdom  of  Kent.* 

On  the  arrival  of  Ida  in  547,  the  affairs  of  this 
Saxon  colony  underwent  an  important  change.  He 
landed  at  Flamboroughf  with  a host  of  Angles  in  40  ves- 
sels, and  bending  his  course  northward  united  with  the 
Saxons,  and  became  the  first  king  of  Northumberland. 
This  kingdom  however  was  by  no  means  so  extensive 
as  the  kingdom  of  Northumbria  afterwards  became. 
The  British  princes  possessed  the  western  coasts,  and 

* Henry’s  History  of  Brit.  Vol.  II.  p.  4,  9.  Chalmers’s  Caledonia, 
Vo!.  I.  p.  252.  Ridpath’s  Border  History,  p.  14.  \ Anciently  called 

Flemisburgh,  which  is  the  name  of  a city  in  hat  part  of  Denmark 
from  which  the  Angles  emigrated.  See  Sammes’s  Brit.  Ant  p.  533. 
Camden’s  Brit.  p.  cii. 


SAXON  PERIOD. 


21 


it  is  not  certain  that  Ida’s  dominions  reached  to  the 
Humber.  He  seems  to  have  been  only  the  king  of 
Bernicia,  the  country  between  the  Tyne  and  the 
firth  of  Forth.*  His  capital  was  Bebbanburgh,  (now 
Bamburgh)  so  named  in  honour  of  his  queen  Bebba.f 
The  southern  part  of  Northumbria,  which  reached 
from  the  Tyne§  to  the  Humber,  and  of  which  York 
was  the  capital,  was  called  the  kingdom  of  Deira. 
The  history  of  the  erection  of  this  kingdom  is  some- 
what obscure.  Bede  intimates  ||  that  it  was  peopled 
by  Angles,  and  that  their  king  was  called  Ella  ; and 
the  Saxon  Chronicle  states  that  this  Ella,  who  was 
the  son  of  Iffi  and,  like  the  other  Saxon  kings,  a 
descendant  of  Woden,  began  his  reign  in  560,  and 
reigned  30  years.**  As  Ida  died  in  the  preceding  year, 
having  been  slain  in  battle  by  Owen,  one  of  the 
British  chiefs  on  the  west  coasts,  with  whom  he  had 
had  frequent  wars,  some  have  called  Ella  the  successor^; 
of  Ida,  and  king  of  all  Northumbria.  This  opinion 
is  favoured  by  the  Saxon  Chronicle;  but  by  other 
accounts  it  appears  that  while  Ella  reigned  in  Deira, 
several  sons  of  Ida  successively  occupied  the  throne 
of  Bernicia,  till  Ethelric,  the  last  of  them,  upon  the 

* Henry’s  Hist.  vol.  II.  p.  10.  Ridpath’s  Border  Hist.  p.  15. 
Sammes’s  Britannia  Antiqua.  p.  533,  534.  f Bed.  L.  111.  c.  6. 
§ The  Tees  appears  to  have  been  the  boundary  between  Deira  and 
Bernicia  at  some  periods;  and  after  Ihe  destruction  ofEcgtrid  and  his 
army  by  the  Piets  in  685,  the  Tweed  became  the  boundary  of  Bernicia 
on  the  north.  Bed.  L.  III.  c.  26.  Chalmers’s  Caled.  vol.  I.  p.  255,  256. 
Tl;e  names  Bernicia  and  Deira  are  said  to  have  belonged  to  these 
districts,  previous  to  the  arrival  of  the  Anglo  -Saxons.  See  Turner’s 
Hist,  vol  I.  p.  174.  |]  Lib.  II.  c.  1.  **  Yet  it  would  appear  from 

the  same  Chronicle  that  he  reigned  only  28  years.  \ Some  have  even 
called  him  his  son.  See  Drake’s  Eboraeum,  p.  71,  73. 


22 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


death  of  Ella  in  588.,  assumed  the  sovereignty  of 
Deira  also,  which  at  his  death  he  lett  to  his  son 
Ethelfrid,  to  the  exclusion  of  Edwin  son  of  Ella.* 
These  accounts  agree  with  the  statement  of  Bede,  that 
Edwin  was  the  true  heir  to  the  kingdom  of  Deira, and 
Ethelfrid  to  that  of  Bernicia.f  This  Ethelfrid,  who 
married  Acca  the  daughter  of  Ella,  was  for  several 
years  king  of  all  Northumbria;  yet  his  dominions  wTere 
more  extensive  than  populous.  The  north  of  England 
was  long  in  recovering  from  the  devastations  of  the 
Piets;  for  John  of  Tynemouth  relates,  that  in  the  early 
periods  of  the  Saxon  kingdoms,  the  whole  country 
between  the  Tyne  and  the  Tees  was  one  vast  desert, 
the  habitation  of  wild  beasts. § It  is  probable  that  our 
mountainous  district  was  at  that  time  equally  wild  and 
desolate. 

It  was  owing  to  the  minority  of  Edwin  that  the 
king  of  Bernicia  took  possession  of  Deira ; and  per- 
haps the  government  of  the  kingdom  was  administered 
for  some  time  in  Edwin's  name.  At  the  death  of  his 
father  Ella,  he  could  not  be  more  than  two  or  three 
years  old;  at  least  if  Bede  be  correct  in  stating  that 
he  was  only  47  when  he  was  slain  in  633.  ||  Upon 
the  accession  of  Ethelfrid,  (A.  D.  593)  the  life  of  the 
young  prince  being  in  danger  from  his  machinations, 
he  fled,  or  rather  was  conveyed  by  his  friends,  to  some 
safe  retreat.  For  a time  he  found  an  asylum  in  the 
dominions  of  Cadvan,  one  of  the  British  princes,  by 

* Ridpath’s  Hist.  p.  16.  Henry’s  Hist.  vol.  II.  p.  10.  f Lib. 
III.  c.  1.  § See  Gibbon’s  Decl.  and  Fall,  vol.  Ill,  p.  622.  (4to 

Edition)  ||  Bed.  Lib.  II.  c.  20. 


SAXON  PERIOD. 


23 


\vhom  he  was  educated;*  he  afterwards  enjoyed  the 
protection  of  Ceorl,  king  of  Mercia,  who  gave  him 
his  daughter  Quenburga  in  marriage,  by  whom  he 
had  two  sons  ;f  and  at  last  he  took  refuge  at  the 
court  of  Redwald,  king  of  the  East  Angles.  Here 
the  enmity  of  Ethelfrid,  which  pursued  him  from 
place  to  place,  had  nearly  proved  fatal  to  him. 
Redwald,  dreading  the  power  of  Ethelfrid  and  moved 
by  his  promises,  was  on  the  point  of  delivering  up 
his  guest;  but,  prompted  by  his  noble-minded  queen, 
he  afterwards  adopted  the  more  honourable  resolution 
of  re-instating  him  in  the  throne  of  his  father.  March- 
ing suddenly  with  a strong  force  against  Ethelfrid, 
he  defeated  and  slew  him  on  the  banks  of  the  Idle, 
though  with  the  loss  of  his  own  son  Reiner ; and  in 
consequence  of  this  victory,  which  Avas  gained  in  617, 
Edwin  ascended  the  throne  of  Northumbria,  the  sons 
of  Ethelfrid  having  fled  into  Scotland.§ 

Edwin,  educated  in  the  school  of  adversity, 
proved  one  of  the  best  and  greatest  of  the  Northum- 
brian princes ; and,  after  the  death  of  Redwald,  he 
was  regarded  as  the  chief  sovereign  in  the  Saxon 
Heptarchy.  He  was  beloved  by  his  subjects,  among 
whom  he  administered  justice  and  diffused  happiness; 
and  dreaded  by  his  enemies,  Avho  felt  the  power  of  his 
conquering  arm.  His  dominions  reached  to  the 
western  sea,  and  several  of  the  neighbouring  states 
were  compelled  to  pay  him  homage.** 

* Turner’s  Hist.  vol.  I.  p.  272.  f Bed.  Lib.  II.  c.  14.  § Ibid, 
c.  12.  Lib.  III.  c.  1.  **  Lib.  II.  c.  5,  16. 


24 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


But  greatness  is  ever  the  butt  of  envy;  and 
Edwin's  glory  awakened  the  jealousy  of  the  neigh- 
bouring princes,  and  prompted  them  to  plot  his 
destruction.  Cvvichelm,  king  of  the  West  Saxons, 
basely  hired  an  assassin  to  cut  him  off ; and  the  attempt 
would  have  succeeded,  had  not  Lilia,  one  of  Edwin’s 
courtiers,  generously  interposed  his  body  to  receive 
the  blow,  thus  sacrificing  his  own  life  for  the  pre- 
servation of  his  sovereign.*  In  the  same  year  (626) 
a more  successful  enemy  began  to  make  his  appearance 
in  the  person  of  Penda  king  of  Mercia,  the  scourge 
of  the  Saxon  princes.  After  some  bloody  wars  with 
the  kings  of  East  Anglia  and  Wessex,  he  turned  his 
arms  against  Edwin ; and  having  united  his  forces 
with  those  of  Cadvvallon,  a British  prince,  fought 
with  the  Northumbrians  at  Hethfield.  (supposed  to  be 
Hatfield  in  Yorkshire)  where  Edwin  and  his  son 
Osfrid  and  the  greater  part  of  his  army  were  unfor- 
tunately slain.  His  queen  Ethelburga  (his  second 
wife)  fled  with  her  family  to  the  court  of  her  brother 
Eadbald  king  of  Kent;  and  Northumbria  was 
dreadfully  ravaged  by  the  conquerors. f 

Upon  the  death  of  Edwin,  A.  D.  633,  Osric,  the 
son  of  his  uncle  Elfric,  took  possession  of  the  throne 
of  Deira;  while  Eanfrid,  one  of  the  sons  of  Ethelfrid, 
returning  from  Scotland,  was  placed  on  that  of 

* Bed.  Lib.  II.  c.  9.  + Saxon  Chron.  Bed.  Lib.  II.  c.  20.  An 
account  of  the  introduction  of  Christianity  into  Northumberland  in  the 
reign  of  Edwin,  will  be  given  in  Book  II. 


SAXON  PERIOD . 


23 


Bernicia:  but  both  these  princes  were  slain  next  year 
by  the  fierce  Cadwallon,  and  Northumbria  was  wasted 
more  cruelly  than  before.* 

[A  temporary  deliverer  of  his  country  arose  in 
Oswald,  another  son  of  Ethelfrid,  and  nephew  of 
Edwin  by  his  sister  Acca.  This  young  warrior, 
roused  by  the  groaning  sufferings  of  his  oppressed 
country,  and  the  recent  murder  of  his  brother  Eanfrid 
by  the  ruffian  hands  of  Cadwallon,f  nobly  resolved  to 
arrest  the  progress  of  the  destroyer.  The  banks  of 
the  Deniseburn,  near  Hexham,  became  the  goal  of  this 
barbarous  hero’s  career  : Oswald  with  a small  but 
gallant  band  attacked  the  very  superior  forces  of  the 
British  king  and  completely  overthrew  them.  There 
the  enthraller  of  Lloegyr,  the  fierce  affliction  of  his 
foes,  the  prosperous  lion  fell.§  The  death  of  Cad- 
wallon  was  followed  by  the  decline  of  the  power  of 
the  Cambro-Britons  in  Northumbria,  which  was 
again  united  into  one  kingdom.  The  victory  of 
Oswald  was  marked  with  humanity;  every  action  of 
his  is  represented  in  the  fairest  light ; but  we  must 
recollect  that  the  historians  of  his  conduct  were 
extremely  partial.  His  liberality  was  unbounded,  his 
piety  sincere,  and  his  knowledge  extensive.  After 
extending  his  power,  improving  the  state  of  the 
country  and  ornamenting  it  with  churches,  jj  the 

* Bed.  Lib.  III.  c l.  f Eanfrid  went  to  Cadwallon  with 
twelve  soldiers  only,  to  sue  for  peace ; but  the  barbarous  monster,  re- 
gardless of  the  sacred  purpose  of  his  visit,  slew  the  unsuspecting 
Eanfrid  without  giving  him  an  audience. — W.  § Turner’s  Hist.  I. 
p.  288.  Bed.  Lib.  III.  c.  1.  ||  Ibid.  c.  3,  6. 

E 


26 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


glory  of  his  splendid  reign  was  clouded  in  the  end. 
The  hoary-headed  Penda,  king  of  Mercia,  cut  short 
the  number  of  his  days;  he  fell  together  with  the 
flower  of  his  army  (A.  D.  642)  in  an  engagement 
with  the  pagan  monarch  at  Maserfield*  in  Shropshire. 
The  inhuman  Penda  mangled  the  dead  body  of  the 
king,  and  to  refine  upon  brutality  itself,  he  caused 
the  reeking  fragments  to  be  placed  yet  streaming 
with  blood  upon  the  points  of  stakes,  as  trophies  of 
his  victory. t 

The  conquering  army  ravaged  the  kingdom  of 
Northumbria  with  unrelenting  fury ; but  the  barba- 
rous Penda  unsuspectingly  procured  his  own  defeat, 
lie  failed  in  an  attempt  to  carry  the  city  of  Bebban- 
burh  by  storm,  and  in  order  to  ensure  success  at 
the  second  attack,  he  caused  an  immense  pile  of 
wood  to  be  raised  near  the  most  accessible  part  of  the 
walls,  intending  by  this  means  to  set  the  city  in 
flames  when  the  wind  should  prove  most  favourable 
for  that  purpose,  and  in  the  midst  of  the  conflagration 
to  rush  with  all  his  force  upon  the  place ; but  the 
hand  of  providence  had  determined  against  him,  a 
fallacious  breeze  arose,  the  destructive  torch  was  ap- 
plied to  the  mighty  pile,  his  soldiers  flew  to  the  assault, 
and  just  when  the  fiery  columns  were  overtopping 
the  walls,  the  fickle  wind  changed  in  a moment  to 
the  opposite  point;  the  assailants  were  enveloped  in 
an  ocean  of  smoke  and  flame ; numbers  were  severely 

* Since  called  Oswald’s  tree,  and  by  abbreviation  Oswestry. — W. 
f Bed.  Lib.  III.  c.  9,  12. 


SAXON  PERIOD. 


27 


scorched,  and  the  rest  fled  with  the  utmost  conster- 
nation. The  Northumbrians  viewed  this  deliverance 
as  an  interposition  of  heaven.*] 

After  the  death  of  Oswald,  Northumbria  was 
again  divided  into  two  kingdoms ; Oswy  his  brother 
taking  possession  of  Bernicia,  while  Oswin  the  son 
of  Osric,  Edwin’s  cousin,  reigned  in  Deira-  Oswin 
is  represented  as  a most  amiable  prince,  and  the 
Deirans  were  blessed  with  his  government  for  seven 
years.  At  the  close  of  that  period  he  was  involved  in 
a war  with  the  ambitious  Oswy,  who  sought  to  annex 
Deira  to  his  own  dominions.  The  hostile  armies 
approached  each  other  at  a place  not  far  from  Cat- 
terick  bridge,  when  Oswin,  perceiving  the  inferiority 
of  his  force,  humanely  resolved  to  prevent  the  effusion 
of  blood,  by  dismissing  his  army  and  retiring  into  a 
place  of  concealment  till  better  times.  He  took  re- 
fuge in  the  house  of  a earlHunwald,  whom  he  regarded 
as  his  most  trusty  friend;  but  Hunwald  had  the 
baseness  to  betray  him  to  Oswy,  by  whose  orders  he 
was  cruelly  murdered  at  Yedingham ; where,  to  atone 
for  his  crime,  Oswy  afterwards  erected  a monastery. f 

* Bed.  L.  III.  c.  16.  It  is  not  certain,  however,  whether  this  event 
took  place  immediately  after  the  death  of  Oswald,  or  during  some  other 
of  Peuda’s  inroads  into  Northumberland. 

f Ibid.  Lib.  III.  c.  14.  “This  was  done,”  says  Bede,  “in  the 
ninth  year  of  his  reign;”  which  may  denote  either  the  reign  of 
Oswin,  or  that  of  Oswy,  though  the  Saxon  version  understands  it  of 
the  latter.  Either  the  seven  years  of  Oswin’ s reign  must  mean  the 
seven  years  of  his  prosperity,  which  sense  is  consistent  with  the 
words  of  Bede  in  the  above  chapter;  or  we  mnst  suppose  that  Oswin 
lived  more  than  a year  after  he  had  ceased  to  reign.  Some  to  remove 
the  difficulty,  allege  that  Oswin  began  his  reign  tico  years  later  than 

E 2 


28 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


But  the  murderer  did  not  enjoy  in  quietness  the 
fruits  of  his  cruelty ; for  it  appears  that  the  Deirans, 
detesting  his  crime,  made  Ethehvald  the  son  of 
Oswald  their  king.  We  find  that  in  his  reign  a con- 
siderable part  of  this  district  must  have  been  little 
better  than  a wilderness ; for  when  through  his  mu- 
nificence the  monastery  of  Lestingham  was  founded 
by  Cedd,  the  places  all  around  appeared  more  like 
the  dens  of  robbers  or  of  wild  beasts  than  the  habita- 
tions of  man.* 

To  confirm  himself  in  the  possession  of  his  throne 
against  the  attempts  of  Oswy,  Ethelwald  formed 
an  alliance  with  the  bloody  Penda  king  of  Mercia, 
who  from  time  to  time  had  renewed  his  ravages  in 
Bernicia;  and  who,  having  strengthened  himself  by  a 
further  alliance  with  Ethelhere,  king  of  the  East 
Angles,  resolved,  though  he  was  now  eighty  years 
old,  to  undertake  an  expedition  for  the  overthrow  of 
Oswy's  kingdom.  [Oswy  endeavoured  in  vain  to 
appease  the  ambitious  Penda,  he  even  offered  him  his 
royal  ornaments  and  other  presents  of  great  value ; 
but  finding  these  acts  of  humiliation  of  no  avail,  the 
sword  was  the  only  alternative  left  him.  Oswy,  accom- 
panied by  his  son  Alchfrid,  with  a force  said  to  be 
only  one  thirtieth  of  the  combined  armies  under  the 

Oswy  ; but  Bede  tells  us  that  Oswin  reigned  in  Deira  in  the  begin- 
ning  of  Oswy's  reign.  The  Saxon  Chronicle  places  the  death  of 
Oswin  in  651,  corresponding  with  the  ninth  year  of  Oswy’s  reign. 

* Elegil  sibi  locum  monasterii  construendi  in  montibus  arduis  ac 
remotis : in  quibus  latronum  magis  latibula  ac  lustra  feraruni,  quam 
habilacula  fuisse  videbantur  hominum.  Bed.  Lib.  III.  c.  23. 


SAXON  PERIOD . 


29 


command  of  Penda  and  his  allies  attacked,  this  mighty 
host  and  overthrew  them  with  great  slaughter.  The 
hoary  veteran  Penda,  together  with  the  flower  of  his 
army,  perished  in  the  engagement,  and  the  flight  of 
his  troops  was  rendered  more  destructive  by  an 
extraordinary  overflow  of  the  river  Air,  which  de- 
voured more  than  the  sword.  Thus  fell  the  destroyer 
of  mankind  in  the  year  655,  a just  example  to 
ambitious  heroes.*] 

The  victory  of  Oswy  was  chiefly  owing  to  the 
part  which  Ethelwald  acted  on  the  day  of  battle ; for 
that  prince,  justly  dreading  that  Penda  if  victorious 
would  take  possession  of  Deira  as  well  as  Bernicia, 
withdrew  with  his  forces  at  the  commencement  of  the 
action,  to  await  the  issue;  a circumstance  which 
greatly  discouraged  the  Mercians,  and  contributed 
much  to  their  defeat.  What  became  of  Ethelwald 
after  the  engagement  is  not  certainly  known.  Some 
think  that  he  retained  possession  of  Deira  till  his 
death  which  took  place  in  a few  years  after;  but  as 
the  monastery  of  Streaneshalh,  which  Oswy  founded 
about  two  years  from  the  date  of  this  victory,  was  in 
Deira,  and  as  Mercia  which  lay  beyond  Deira  was 
for  some  years  subject  to  Oswy,  it  would  seem  that 
Ethelwald  either  resigned  his  kingdom  entirely  to 
Oswy,  or  contented  himself  with  a part  of  it.f  At 
any  rate  we  know  that  in  the  year  664,  when  the 

* Bed.  Lib.  III.  c.  24.  The  place  in  which  this  battle  was 
fought  is  called  Winwid  field,  and  is  supposed  to  have  been  situated 
near  where  the  present  town  of  Leeds  stands. — W.  + Bed.  Lib.  III. 
c.  24. 


3a 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


synod  of  Streaneshalh  was  held,  Alchfrid  the  son  of 
Oswy  was  his  partner  in  the  kingdom  of  Northum- 
bria ;*  and  it  appears  from  the  part  which  Alchfrid 
took  in  procuring  a bishop  for  York  immediately 
after,  and  in  founding  the  monastery  of  Ripon  some 
years  before,  that  Deira  was  his  province,  while  his 
father  retained  possession  of  Bernicia.f  Yet  we  have 
good  reason  to  believe,  that  Oswy  during  the  last  two 
or  three  years  of  his  life  reigned  alone,  and  it  is 
certain  that  at  his  death  he  was  not  succeeded  by 
Alchfrid,  but  by  Ecgfrid  another  of  his  sons.§ 

Historians  are  not  agreed  respecting  the  fate  of 
Alchfrid.  It  is  generally  thought  that  upon  the 
death  of  his  father  he  was  deposed  by  a faction  of 
the  nobles,  as  being  illegitimate,  and  the  crown  given 
to  Ecgfrid  the  son  of  queen  Eanfleda ; and  that, 
having  retired  into  Ireland,  he  occupied  himself  in 
the  pursuits  of  literature,  till  in  consequence  of  Ecg- 
frid’s  death  he  was  recalled  to  the  throne.  This  idea 
is  countenanced  by  some  passages  in  Malmesbury.  || 
But  upon  a close  examination  of  the  subject,  I am 
fully  persuaded,  that  Aldfrid  the  successor  of  Ecgfrid 
was  another  son  of  Oswy,  and  not  the  Alchfrid  who 
whs  Oswy’s  colleague,  and  who  seems  to  have 
died  before  his  father.  The  name  of  Oswy’s  eldest 
son,  though  very  similar  to  that  of  the  prince  who 

* Bed.  L.  III.  c.  25.  t Ibid.  c.  2S,  25.  L.  V.  c.  20.  Ridpath  allots 
Deira  to  Oswy  and  Bernicia  to  Alchfrid.  Border  Hist.  p.  22.  This 
is  not  the  only  instance  of  inattention  in  that  author.  He  makes 
Eanfleda,  Edwin’s  daughter,  the  wife  of  Oswald;  though  it  is  well 
known  that  she  was  Oswv’s  wife.  § Bed.  Lib.  IY.  c.  3,  5.  Turner 
V.  I p.  298,  304. 


SAXON  PERIOD. 


31 


succeeded  Ecgfritl,  is  quite  distinct  from  it.  The 
former  occurs  in  Bede’s  Ecclesiastical  History  nine 
times,  and  the  latter  ten  times,  and  in  every  instance 
the  distinction  is  preserved ; which  is  particularly 
observable  in  that  chapter  which  contains  the  life  of 
Wilfrid,  where  both  are  mentioned.*  Aldfrid  mar- 
ried Cuthburg'a,  sister  of  Ina  king  of  Wessex,  and 
seems  to  have  had  another  wife  after  she  deserted  him,-f* 
but  the  wife  of  Alchfrid  was  Cyniburga,  daughter  of 
Penda  king  of  Mercia,  whose  son  Peada  married 
Alchfleda  the  sister  of  Alchfrid. § From  the  date  of 
this  last  marriage,  which  was  subsequent  to  that  of 
Alchfrid,  it  is  obvious  that  Eanfleda  could  not  be  the 
mother  of  Alchfrid  and  Alchfleda,  for  the  latter  was 
married  in  653,  the  11th  year  of  Oswy’s  reign,  and 
Oswy’s  marriage  with  Eanfleda  did  not  take  place 
before  his  accession  to  the  throne.  ||  But  when  it  is 

* L.  V.  c.  20.  The  former  is  always  called  Alchfridus  (and  in  two 
instances  Alhfridus)  in  the  Latin,  and  Ealhfrith  in  the  Saxon  version; 
the  latter  is  always  named  Aldfridus  (and  in  one  instance  Alfridus) 
in  the  Latin,  and  Ealdfritli  (in  one  place  Aldfrith)  in  the  Saxon, 
and  in  the  Saxon  Chronicle  Ealdfcrth.  The  name  of  Alfred  the  Great 
is  distinct  from  both,  being  Alfredus  in  the  Latin,  and  JElfred  in  the 
Saxon.  It  was  not  uncommon  among  the  Saxons  to  find  two  brothers, 
or  two  sisters,  having  nearly  the  same  name.  In  the  family  of  Oswy 
himself  there  was  an  Alhfleda  (or  Ealhftced)  and  an  Elfleda  (or 
ARflced)  as  well  as  an  Alchfrid  and  an  Aldfrid.  The  name  JElfhd,  or 
JElfrith  denotes  All  peace : Ealdfrith  signifies  Lasting  peace,  or 
The  peace  of  former  times, — literally  Old  peace.  The  meaning  of 
Ealhfrith  is  no  doubt  distinct  from  both,  though  I cannot  explain  the 
distinction.  Eald  and  Ealh  frequently  occur  in  the  composition  of 
Saxon  names;  but  they  are  by  no  means  used  indiscriminately. 
From  some  passages,  even  in  Malmesbury,  it  may  be  inferred  that 
Aldfrid,  (or  Alfrid  as  he  calls  him)  who  was  so  hostile  to  Wilfrid, 
was  not  the  Alchfrid  who  had  Wilfrid  for  his  preceptor. — See  Wilkins’s 
Concilia  V.  I.  p.  65,  67.  f Saxon  Chron. — Malmesb.  § Bed. 

L.  III.  c.  21.  [|  Ibid.  c.  15. 


32 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


considered  that  Alchfrid  and  Alchfleda  were  so  honour- 
ably  married,  that  they  lived  at  the  court  of  Oswy 
after  his  marriage  with  Eanfieda,  and  that  Oswy  made 
Alchfrid  his  colleague  in  the  throne  while  he  had  sons 
by  that  queen,  it  appears  far  more  probable  that  they 
were  children  by  a former  wife,  than  that  they  were 
illegitimate.  That  this  Alchfrid  died  before  his  father 
may  be  inferred  from  Bede’s  account  of  the  death  of 
Oswy,  where,  without  taking  any  notice  of  Alchfrid, 
he  informs  us  that  “ he  left  his  son  Ecfrid  the  heir  of 
bis  kingdom.”*  We  also  find  from  another  passage 
in  Bede,  which  seems  to  have  been  overlooked  by  our 
modern  historians,  that  this  Alchfrid  rebelled  against 
his  father  ;f  and  it  is  probable,  from  a tradition  which 
will  be  mentioned  presently,  that  he  perished  in  this 
rebellion,  and  that  this  district  was  the  scene  of  the 
unnatural  conflict.  This  event  appears  to  have 
occurred  previous  to  the  year  66 S;  for  some  transac- 
tions related  by  the  same  author,  respecting  bishops 
Theodore,  Wilfrid,  and  Ceadda,  imply  that  before 
that  year  Oswy  had  resumed  the  sovereignty  of  all 
Northumbria.^ 

It  is  not  unlikely  that  Aldfrid  might  be  the 
illegitimate  offspring  of  Oswy  ; for  he  seems  to  have 
lived  in  retirement  till  his  elevation  to  the  throne; 
and  when  Bede  first  introduces  him  to  our  notice,  he 

* Ecfiidum  (ilium  regni  hseredem  reliquit.  L.  IV.  c.  5.  f L.  III. 
c.  14.  Where  it  is  stated  that  Oswy  had  a troublous  reign;  “ Impug- 
natus  videlicet  a pagano  rege  Penda,— — — — et  a Jilio  quoque  suo 
Alhfrido.”  § L.  III.  c.  1.  &c. 


SAXON  PERIOD. 


33 


speaks  with  some  hesitation  of  his  relation  to  Ecgfrid 
and  Oswy.* 

f Ecgfrid  succeeded  his  father  in  670,  and  reigned 
fifteen  years  over  all  Northumbria,  which  henceforth 
formed  but  one  kingdom.  He  was  an  ambitious  and 
restless  prince,  and  his  reign  was  disastrous  both  to 
his  neighbours  and  to  his  own  subjects  He  van- 
quished the  Piets  with  such  dreadful  slaughter  that 
two  rivers  are  said  to  have  been  so  filled  up  with  the 
carcases  of  the  slain,  that  Ecgfrid  marched  his  army- 
over  the  dead  corpses  dryshod.  He  invaded  Lincoln- 
shire about  the  year  679,  but  wras  repulsed  by  Ethelred 
king  of  Mercia,  to  whom  that  province  belonged,  in 
a bloody  engagement  on  the  Trent,  in  which  Elfwine 
the  brother  of  Ecgfrid  was  slain. f Nevertheless  this 
disaster  did  not  prevent  him  from  invading  Ireland, 
in  684,  and  carrying  desolation  through  the  verdant 
fields  of  Erin.  In  the  year  after  his  Irish  expedition 
he  again  invaded  the  territories  of  the  Piets,  A.  D. 
685,  but  he  was  decoyed  by  these  wary  people  into 
the  strait  of  Drumnechtan,  where  he  perished  with 
the  greatest  part  of  his  army;§  not  like  the  great 
Leonidas,  in  defence  of  his  country,  but  in  the  flagi- 
tious attempt  to  subjugate  and  enslave  another.^ 

* Successit  autem  Ecgfrido  in  regnum  Aldfrid,  vir  in  scripturis 
doctissimus,  qui  frater  ejus  et  filius  Oswini  regis  esse  dicebatur. 
Lib.  IV.  c.  26. — Had  Bede  meant  to  refer  to  what  he  himself  had 
formerly  said,  he  would  doubtless  have  used  a different  phrase.- — I 
find  that  an  ancient  chronicle  speaks  expressly  of  Alchfrid  and  Aldfrid 
as  two  sons  of  Oswv;  calling  the  one  Alfrid  and  the  other  Elfrid : 
“ Alfridus  et  Elfridus  filii  Oswii  regis  Northurnbrorum.”  Lei,  Collect. 
I.  p.  211.  f Bed.  Lib.  IV.  c.  21.  § Ibid.  c.  26. 

F 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


34 


Ecgfrid  dying  without  issue,*  his  brother  Aldfrid 
who  hud  retireYl  into  Ireland,  was  recalled  to  occupy 
the  vacant  throne.  At  his  accession  the  limits  of 
Northumbria  were  much  contracted,  the  Piets  having, 
in  consequence  of  their  victory,  taken  possession  of 
the  country  between  the  Tweed  and  the  Forth,  while 
the  Britons  made  some  encroachments  on  the  west. 
Aldfrid,  however,  made  no  attempt  to  extend  his 
kingdom  to  its  former  boundaries,  either  because  he 
found  his  force  incompetent  to  the  task,  or  because 
he  felt  no  inclination  to  the  work  of  blood.  His  long 
retirement  in  Ireland  was  honourably  devoted  to  the 
pursuits  of  literature  and  the  study  of  the  scriptures; 
and,  after  his  elevation  to  the  throne,  he  became  the 
patron  of  men  of  piety  and  learning,  and  was  himself 
distinguished  as  one  of  the  greatest  scholars  of  that 
age.f  Such  a prince  would  prefer  the  glory  of 
diffusing  knowledge,  goodness,  and  happiness  among 
his  subjects,  to  that  spurious  renown  which  is  the 
offspring  of  misery,  and  which  riots  in  slaughter. 

* His  queen  Etheldrith,  it  is  said,  persisted  in  remaining  a 
virgin,  though  she  lived  with  him  twelve  yrears;  at  the  end  of  which 
.period  she  parted  from  him  and  became  the  abbess  of  Ely.  Bed. 
Lib.  IV.  c.  19  — It  is  a singular  circumstance  that  Cuthburga,  the 
wife  of  his  brother  and  successor  Aldfrid,  also  deserted  her  royal 
consort  to  embrace  the  monastic  life,  and  founded  the  monastery  of 
Wiuburn  in  Dorsetshire;  and  tiiat  Cypiburga  (or  Kyniburga)  the 
wife  of  Alchfrid  their  elder  brother,  in  like  manner  laid  aside  the 
crown  for  the  veil,  becoming  the  founder  and  first  abbess  of  a monas- 
tery in  Huntingdonshire,  called  from  her  Kyneburg-ceaster,  and 
afterwards  Caster.  This  last  queen,  however,  appears  to  have  been  a 
widow  at  the  time  of  her  retirement.  Chron.  Sax.  sub  an.  718.  Lei. 
Coll.  I.  p.  48,  82.  Dugd.  Monast.  I p.  63,  64,  65.  See  also  Britannia 
Sancta.  V.  II.  p.  108,  109.  V.  I.  p.  156,  157,  where  Alchfrid  and 
Aldfrid  are  clearly  distinguished,  f Bed  Lib.  IV.  c.  26.  V.  c.  13, 
16.  Turner’s  Hist.  V.  I.  p.  304. 


SAXON  PERIOD. 


35 


Tradition  has  reported,  that  the  peaceful  reign 
of  the  learned  Aldfrid  ended  in  blood  ; and  that  this 
district  was  the  scene  of  the  conflict  in  which  he 
received  his  mortal  wound.  On  a hill  close  by  the 
village  of  Ebberston,  on  the  north  side,  there  are 
some  vestiges  of  a cave,  now  almost  filled  up,  over 
which  was  once  placed,  (as  some  old  people  now  living 
can  recollect)  a stone,  and  afterwards  a board,  with 
an  inscription  to  the  following  purport:  “Alfrid, 
king  of  Northumberland,  was  wounded  in  a bloody 
battle  nigh  this  place,  and  was  hid  in  a cave ; and 
from  thence  he  was  removed  to  Little  Driffield,  where 
he  died.”*  The  battle,  it  is  said,  was  fought  partly 
on  the  heights,  and  partly  in  a plain  on  the  west  side 
of  the  village,  now  called  the  bloody  field. 

That  Aldfrid  died  at  Driffield  (19  Cal.  Jan.  705) 
is  stated  in  the  Saxon  Chronicle,  at  least  in  some 
copies  of  it;  and  it  is  generally  believed  that  he  was 
buried  in  the  church  of  Little  Driffield;  as  appears 
from  the  following  inscription  now  on  the  south  wall 
of  the  chancel  of  that  church : 

Within  this  Chancel  lyes  the  Body  of  Alfred 
King  of  Northumberland,  who  departed 

* About  20  yards  north  of  the  cave  stands  a grotto  of  a circular 
form,  constructed  of  rude  stones,  and  arched  or  closed  in  at  the  top. 
It  is  about  3 yards  diameter  within,  and  4 yards  high  in  the  centre : 
the  entrance  faces  the  south,  and  a dwarf  wall  surrounds  the  building  at 
the  distance  of  2 yards.  Sir  Charles  Hotham  who  erected  this  grotto 
to  the  memory  of  Alfrid,  about  the  year  1790,  intended  to  have 
placed  a stone  with  a suitable  inscription  in  the  wall  of  the  building 
within;  and  to  have  decorated  the  outside  with  ivy  and  other  shrubs, 
but  death  prevented  the  completion  of  his  plan. 

F 2 


36 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


this  Life  Jany-  19th/  Anno  Domini  705,  in 
the  XXtii  year  of  his  Reign. 

Statutum  est  omnibus  setnel  mori.-f 
This  inscription  seems  to  corroborate  the  Ebber- 
ston  tradition ; yet  that  tradition  cannot  apply  to  this 
Aldfrid ; for  not  only  does  Bede  who  mentions  his 
death,  and  who  was  himself  then  living’,  give  no  hint 
ot  his  having'  perished  by  the  sword;  but  we  have  the 

* The  author  of  this  inscription  must  have  heen  unacquainted 
with  the  Roman  mode  of  reckoning  the  days  of  the  month:  for  19 
Calend.  Januar.  705,  is  not  the  19th  of  January,  705,  but  corres- 
ponds with  the  14th  of  December,  704. 

f “ It  is  appointed  for  all  men  once  to  die.” 

The  following'  strange  story  is  given  in  Cooke’s  Topography 
of  Yorkshire,  (p.  353)  a work  which  is  shamefully  incorrect: 

“ In  1784  the  Society  of  Antiquarians,  having  had  undoubted 
information  that  the  remains  of  king  Alfred  the  Great,  who  died  in  the 
year  901,  were  deposited  in  the  parish  church  of  Little  Driffield, 
deputed  two  of  that  learned  body  (accompanied  by  some  other  gentle- 
men), to  take  up  and  examine  the  same.  Accordingly,  on  Tuesday  the 
20th  ofSeptember,  1784,  the  above  gentlemen,  with  proper  assistants, 
entered  the  church  for  that  purpose,  to  be  directed  to  the  identical  spot 
by  a secret  history.  After  digging  some  time  they  found  a stone  coffin, 
and,  on  opeuing  the  same,  discovered  the  entire  skeleton  of  that  great 
and  pious  prince,  together  with  most  part  of  his  steel  armour,  the  remain- 
der of  which  had  probably  been  corroded  by  rust  and  length  of  time. 
After  satisfying  their  curiosity,  the  coffin  was  closed,  as  well  as  the 
grave,  that  every  thing  might  remain  in  the  same  state  as  when  found. 
In  the  history  above  alluded  to,  it  appears,  that  king  Alfred,  being 
wounded  in  the  battle  of  Stanford  Briggs,  returned  to  Driffield,  where 
he  languished  of  his  wounds  20  days,  and  then  expired,  and  was  in- 
terred in  the  parish  church  thereof.  During  his  sickness  he  chartered 
four  fairs,  which  are  now  annually  held.” 

It  is  unnecessary  here  to  inquire  how  Alfred  the  Great  came  to 
be  buried  in  Northumbria,  which  during  his  reign  was  possessed  by 
the  Danes,  or  how  he  could  be  wounded  in  a battle  that  was  fought 
150  years  after  his  death!  It  is  well  known  that  that  Alfred  died  a 
natural  death,  and  was  interred  at  Winchester.  This  ridiculous  story 
took  its  rise  from  a search  that  was  made  for  the  remains  of  Aldfrid, 
in  1784,  by  some  gentlemen  of  Great  Driffield,  which  is  about  a mile 
from  Little  Driffield.  This  search,  of  which  a particular  account  is 


SAXON  PERIOD. 


37 


express  testimony  of  William  of  Malmesbury,  and  of 
Eddius  in  his  life  of  Wilfrid,  that  Aldfrid  died  through 
the  effect  of  a painful  disease,  which  was  regarded  as 
a punishment  inflicted  by  Providence  for  his  severity 
to  that  saint ; and  they  state  that  his  sister  zElfleda, 
abbess  of  Streneshalh,  who  visited  him  in  his  sickness, 

given  in  the  Gentleman’s  Magazine  for  November,  1785,  and  in 
Gough’s  Camden  (V.  III.  p.  71),  ended  in  disappointment ; but  some 
persons,  desirous  of  amusing  themselves  and  the  public  at  the  expense 
of  truth,  inserted  this  romautic  narrative  in  the  Newspapers  of  that 
time,  from  whence  it  was  copied  (with  some  corrections)  into  the 
Gentleman’s  Magazine  for  January,  1785,  and  afterwards  found  its 
way 'into  other  works. 

In  1807,  when  the  church  of  Little  Driffield  was  taken  down 
and  rebuilt,  the  present  minister,  the  Rev.  Richard  Allen,  by  whom 
I have  been  favoured  with  these  particulars,  made  another  fruitless 
search  for  the  remains  of  Aldfrid  He  found,  however,  when  the 
walls  were  taken  down,  that  what  constituted  the  whole  of  the  church 
had  formerly  been  only  the  middle  aisle,  and  that  the  chancel  had 
undergone  a similar  contraction;  and  that  consequently  if  Aldfrid  was 
interred  near  the  north  wall,  upon  which  the  inscription  was  formerly 
painted,  his  remains  must  now  be  in  the  church  yard.  When,  or  by 
whom,  the  inscription  was  first  placed  in  tbe  church  is  not  known; 
but  it  has  been  twice  renewed  within  the  memory  of  man,  and  has 
undergone  various  modifications. 

It  appears  from  the  following  extract  of  a Letter  from  Dr. 
Stukeley,  (dated  July  13,  1740),  which  I find  in  Reliquiae  Galeanae 
(MSS),  that  there  was  formerly  a tomb-stone  to  the  memory  of 
Aldfrid : 

“ I parted  with  you  at  Godmunham  with  much  concern.  After 
I overcame  my  grief,  I pushed  for  Driffield,  and  arrived  there  by  8 
at  night.  The  church  there  is  very  ancient : in  it  is  a basso  relievo 

of  Paulinos.  Next  morning  I walked  in  pilgrimage  to  visit  my  patron’s 
tomb  at  Little  Driffield.  ’Tis  in  the  quire,  about  knee  high,  seem- 
ingly of  that  antiquity  ; but  I suspect  they  have  laid  a new  blue  stone 
over  it.  Here  reposes  the  great  king  Alkfrid,  who  lived  in  our  castle 
(at  Stanford),  and  built  the  church  formerly  before  my  door,  and  I 
believe  founded  the  university  there.  However  he  brought  Christi- 
anity into  the  kingdom  of  Mercia,  and  gave  his  chaplain  Wilfrid  the 
ground  on  which  he  founded  our  St.  Leonards.” 

I need  scarcely  remark  that  Dr.  Stukeley  considers  Aldfrid  and 
Alchfrid  as  the  same  individual. 


38 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


declared  in  the  Council  of  Nidd,  that  her  brother 
AMfrid  in  his  last  illness.,  vowed  that  if  he  should 
recover,,  he  would  restore  Wilfrid  to  his  dignity  and 
possessions.*  If  the  tradition  has  any  foundation  in 
fact,  it  must  relate  to  the  death  of  his  brother  Alch- 
frid,  who  rebelled  against  his  father,  and  most  probably 
came  to  an  untimely  end.  This  hilly  district,  so  near 
the  limits  between  Deira  and  Bernicia,  is  very  likely 
to  have  been  the  scene  of  the  contest : and  it  is  worthy 
of  remark,  that  the  entrenchments  on  Scamridge, 
near  Ebberston,  have  from  time  immemorial  been 
known  by  the  name  of  Oswy’s  Dikes,  probably  because 
Oswy’s  army  encamped  there,  before  engaging  with 
the  forces  of  his  rebellious  son.  Even  the  last  part  of 
the  tradition  might  be  true  of  Alchfrid ; for  if  Drif- 
field was  frequently  the  residence  of  the  Northumbrian 
kings,  as  some  have  stated,  the  remains  of  more  than 
one  of  them  might  be  there  deposited. 

[TJpon  the  death  of  Aldfrid,  who  reigned  19years, 
his  son  Osred,  a child  about  eight  years  of  age,  suc- 
ceeded to  the  crown  ; but  Eadulf  stepped  in  between 
the  infant  and  the  tempting  prize,  and  seized  it  for 
himself.  The  young  king  fled  accompanied  b}r 
Berectfrid  his  guardian  and  friend,  and  took  refuge 
in  the  strong  fortress  of  Bebbanburh  ; and  the 
majority  of  the  nation  declaring  in  his  favour,  the 
usurper  was  driven  from  the  throne,  and  Osred  re- 
instated in  his  dominions.  Little  is  related  of  him  in 
the  history  of  those  times : all  that  we  can  find  is,  that 
* Wilkins’s  Concil.  V.  I.  p.  67,  6S,  69. 


SAXON  PERIOD. 


39 

lie  was  slain  at  the  lake  Windamere,  in  the  19th  year 
of  his  age,  and  that  Cenred  a prince  of  the  blood 
royal  ascended  the  tottering  throne.,  which  he  held  only 
for  the  space  of  two  years,  and  was  then  removed  to 
his  last  mansion — ‘the  grave,  A.  D.  718.*  Osric,  the 
second  son  of  Aldfrid,  next  appeared  upon  the  turbu- 
lent stage  of  power;  and  after  the  changing  scenes  of 
blood  which  succeeded  each  other,  without  advantage 
to  his  country,  or  honour  to  his  memory,  he  died  in 
the  year  729;  and  had  for  his  successor  Ceolwulph 
the  brother  of  Cenred,  who,  in  737,  exchanged  the 
bloodstained  diadem  for  the  religious  tonsure.  It  was 
to  this  prince  that  the  enlightened  Bede  inscribed 
his  ecclesiastical  history,  which  was  completed  about 
the  second  year  of  Ceolwulph’s  reign. f 

Eadbert,  the  next  possessor  of  the  crown,  was  a 
prince  of  eminent  talents,  and  great  military  repu- 
tation : he  gained  several  important  advantages  over 
the  Britons ; but  the  allurements  of  a monastery  were 
irresistible  inducements  for  him  to  forsake  a temporal 
crown,  in  hopes  of  securing  a crown  of  more  per- 
manent value.  He  retired  into  a convent  in  York 
about  the  year  758. § A rapid  alternation  of  usurpers, 
kings,  rebels,  murderers,  and  robbers  now  wasted 
the  agitated  regions  of  Northumbria  without  intermis- 

* Sax.  Chron.  Bed.  Lib.  V.  c.  19.  23.  Turner’s  Hist.  Vol.  I. 

р.  312,  314.  f Bed.  Lib.  V.  c.  24.  Simeon  Dunelm.  Hist  Eccl-es. 

Dun.  c.  13,  16. — The  Saxon  Chronicle  places  the  accession  of 
Ceolwulph  in  731,  and  his  resignation  in  739.  § Turner's  Hist. 

Vol.  I.  p.  326.  Continuation  of  the  Epitome  of  Bede.  Simeon  Dun. 

с.  18. 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


4ft 

sion.  Osulph  had  the  temerity  to  assume  the  crown 
which  his  father  had  resigned ; hut  the  year  of  his 
accession  proved  also  that  of  his  dissolution : he 
suffered  by  the  hands  of  the  most  execrable  of  all 
enemies — his  own  treacherous  domestics.  Ethel  wold, 
sirnamed  Moll,  upon  the  death  of  Osulph,  immediately 
took  possession  of  the  throne  ; but  his  claims  appear 
to  have  been  those  of  usurpation.  A prince  of  the 
name  of  Oswin  opposed  him  as  being  the  lawful  heir; 
a desperate  battle  ensued  at  Eldun,  near  Melrose  in 
Scotland,  between  the  forces  of  these  rival  warriors, 
which  is  said  to  have  lasted  three  days,  in  which 
Oswin  was  slain,  and  his  army  vanquished.  Ethelwold 
did  not  long  enjoy  the  fruits  of  his  victory,  being 
obliged  to  resign  the  crown  into  the  hands  of  Ale  red 
(or  Alcred)  the  son  of  Osulph.*  Alered  enjoyed  the 
tinsel  of  royalty  until  the  year  774  ; if  it  be  proper  to 
call  a life  of  treasons,  plots,  and  domestic  murders, 
enjoyment.  He  was  deserted  by  his  family  and  nobles, 
in  the  time  of  Easter  festival,  and  obliged  to  seek  his 
safety  by  a precipitate  flight  from  York.  He  first 
retired  to  Bamborough,  and  thence,  accompanied  by 
a few,  to  Cynoth  the  Pictish  king.  Ethelred  the  son 
of  Moll,  who  had  been  the  cause  of  the  downfall  of 
Alered  was  placed  on  the  throne.  In  the  third  year 
of  his  reign  he  basely  procured  the  death  of  two  of 
his  generals  by  the  instrumentality  of  two  others  ;f 
and  in  the  very  next  year  these  men  who  had  been 

* Ridpath’s  Hist,  p 35.  Henry’s  Hist.  Vol,  II.  p.  38. 
f Turner’s  Hist,  Vol.  I.  p.  326. 


SAXON  period: 


41 


the  vile  actors  of  this  tragic  scene,  turned  their 
ruffian  hands  against  himself,  and  with  their  forces 
expelled  him  from  the  kingdom.  Alfwold  the  son  of 
Osulph,  the  legitimate  heir  to  the  crown,  succeeded 
him.  Alfwold  was  highly  esteemed  for  his  rectitude 
and  piety;  but  these  virtues  were  in  little  estimation, 
amongst  the  Northumbrians  of  this  age.  He  fell 
another  victim  to  treachery  in  the  year  788,  by  the 
arts  of  Sigan  one  of  his  nobles.  Osred  the  nephew* 
of  Alfwold,  and  son  of  Alered,  had  the  misfortune  to 
accept  the  crown  from  the  assassins  of  his  uncle;  but 
in  the  year  following  he  was  made  the  mark  of  their 
ridicule;  they  seized  him  in  his  palace,  and  having 
shaved  him  as  a monk,  forced  him  into  a monastery 
at  York.  The  sanguinary  Ethelred  was  recalled 
from  exile,  to  revisit  and  take  possession  of  the  Acel- 
dama. Osred  made  his  escape  to  the  Isle  of  Man  for 
safety,  but  was  induced  to  leave  his  retreat  by  the 
oaths  and  entreaties  of  a part  of  his  former  nobility. 
As  soon  as  a favourable  moment  appeared,  these 
Proteuses  of  human  nature  betrayed  him  into  the 
hands  of  the  brutal  Ethelred;  and  he  was  barbarously 
murdered  at  Aynburg  in  the  year  792.*  Elf  and 
Elwin  the  sons  of  Alfwold  were  also  dragged  from 
their  sanctuary  in  York  and  slain.  Ethelred  in  order 
to  secure  his  possession  in  the  firmest  manner, 
contracted  a matrimonial  alliance  with  Elfleda  the 
daughter  of  Offa  king  of  Mercia;  but  all  these 
precautions  were  of  no  avail : duke  Wada,  a Saxon 

* Ridpath’s  Hist.  p.  36. 

G 


42 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


chief  of  great  power,  who  resided  at  Mulgrave  castle, 
headed  an  army  of  conspirators,  fell  upon  the  inhu- 
man Ethelred,  and  slew  him  in  the  year  794.  Such 
was  the  anarchy  and  barbarism  which  prevailed  at 
this  period,  that,  according  to  William  of  Malmes- 
bury, nobody  had  the  courage  to  accept  of  the  North- 
umbrian crown  the  advancement  to  it  appearing  in 
so  many  instances  to  lead  to  certain  destruction. 
However  it  appears  that  Osbald  was  destined  to  enjoy 
the  ghostly  shadow  of  kingly  power  for  twenty-seven 
days,  when  he  was  deposed ; but  he  had  the  good 
fortune  to  evade  the  death-hunters  of  Northumbria, 
by  escaping  into  the  monastery  of  Lindisfarn,  and 
from  thence  to  the  Pictish  court.  Eardulf  a nobleman, 
who  had  been  left  weltering  in  his  blood  at  the  gates 
of  a monastery  by  the  murderous  Ethelred,  but 
through  the  care  of  the  monks  had  been  restored  to 
health,  was  now  recalled  from  these  sacred  abodes, 
to  wield  the  sceptre,  or  perhaps  more  properly 
speaking  the  poniard.  In  the  fourth  year  of  his  reign, 
Eardulf  had  to  contend  with  the  forces  of  Wada  and 
his  confederates,  but  he  vanquished  them  in  a great 
battle  fought  near  Whalley,  in  Lancashire,*  and 
Wada  was  forced  to  seek  shelter  at  Mulgrave  where 
he  died.j*  In  order  to  secure  his  crown  still  further, 
Eardulf  caused  Alchmund  the  son  of  Alered  to  be  put 
to  death,  that  the  last  bud  of  the  ancient  Northum- 
brian kings  might  be  totally  annihilated.  Eardulf 

* Charlton  erroneously  states  this  place  to  be  in  Lincolnshire : 
perhaps  it  was  an  error  of  the  press. — W.  f Camden’s  Brit.  Vol.  III. 
p.  18,  129.  Turner’s  Hist.  Vol.  1.  p.  328,  329.  Ridpath’s  Hist 
p.  36,  37. 


SAXON  PERIOD . 


4a 


found  a potent  enemy  in  Kenulf  king’  of  Mercia  : this 
prince  had  protected  several  of  the  enemies  of  the 
Northumbrian  king;  war  appeared  inevitable,  an 
army  was  raised  on  either  side ; but  a reconciliation 
was  effected  by  the  interposition  of  the  prelates  and 
nobles  of  each  kingdom.*  In  the  year  806  Eardulf 
was  banished  the  kingdom,  and  Alfwold  is  mentioned 
as  a fleeting  monarch  for  the  two  following  years, 
when  the  crown  devolved  upon  Eanred  the  son  of 
Eardulf.  In  his  reign  an  attack  was  aimed  at  North- 
umbria by  Egbert  the  powerful  king  of  the  West 
Saxons,  (A.  D.  827)  but  Eanred  evaded  the  blow  by 
acknowledging  the  supremacy  of  Egbert. f This 
circumstance  seems  to  have  obtained  him  the  peace- 
able possession  of  Northumbria  till  the  year  841,  at 
which  time  he  appears  to  have  had  the  novel  conso- 
lation of  dying  a natural  death.  He  was  succeeded 
in  the  government  by  his  son  Ethelred,  who  was 
slain  by  Osbert  in  850,  and  this  usurper  ascended  the 
throne. § 

We  have  now  passed  through  a dismal  period  of 
Northumbrian  history ; unparalleled  in  the  history  of 
nations  for  varied  and  multiplied  atrocities.  A new 

4 

* Ridpath  p.  37.  f Mr.  Turner  in  his  very  elegant  history  of 
the  Anglo-Saxons,  Vol.  I.  p.  367,  has  completely  refuted  the  gene- 
rally received  opinion;  that  Egbert  was  acknowledged  king  of  all 
England.  Athelstan  was  undoubtedly  the  first  monarch  that  could 
with  any  degree  of  propriety  assume  that  title. — W.  § Sim  Dun. 
Hist.  D.  E.  c.  20. — It  would  appear  from  Matth.  Westm.  that  in 
844,  Ethelred  was  driven  from  his  throne  by  a faction,  and  one 
Redowald  put  in  his  place;  but  the  latter  being  slain  not  long  after  by 
a party  of  Danes  who  had  made  a descent  on  the  coast,  Ethelred  was 
restored. 

G 2 


44 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


era  is  before  us,  but  we  are  sorry  to  observe  the 
prospect  equally  dreary  to  the  afflicted  inhabitants, 
and  disgraceful  to  mankind.  The  Northmen,  or 
Danes,  a more  barbarous  race,  if  possible,  than  even 
the  Saxon  pirates,  suddenly  made  their  appearance, 
to  contest  the  palm  of  empire  with  the  Anglo-Saxons 
in  Britain. 

It  was  a law  or  custom  amongst  the  northern 
nations,  that  only  one  of  the  male  children  should  be 
selected  to  remain  at  home  to  inherit  the  government 
and  property  of  his  forefathers,  the  rest  were  exiled 
to  the  ocean,  in  quest  of  a fortune  to  be  derived  from 
rapacity,  or  obtained  by  the  sword  All  men  of  royal 
descent,  who  assumed  piracy  as  a profession,  enjoyed 
the  name  of  sea-kings.*  Without  a yard  of  territorial 
property,  without  any  visible  nation  or  even  a single 
town,  with  no  wealth  but  their  ships,  no  force  but 
their  crews,  and  no  hope  but  from  their  sword,  the 
sea-kings  swarmed  upon  the  boisterous  ocean,  visited 
like  the  fiends  of  vengeance  every  district  they  could 
approach,  and  maintained  a fearful  empire  on  that 
element,  whose  impartial  terrors,  seem  to  mock  the 
attempt  of  converting  it  into  kingdoms. f They 
plundered  the  more  fertile  parts  of  the  earth  of  its 
productions,  and  then  retired  into  their  frosty  abodes 
to  enjoy,  or  rather  to  devour,  the  fruits  of  a danger- 
ous campaign. 

These  fierce  barbarians  seem  to  have  maintained 
a studied  equality  amongst  themselves ; every  one 

* Turner  II.  p.  40.  f Ibid.  p.  38,  39, 


SAXON  PERIOD. 


4o 


drank  from  the  same  vessel,,  without  regard  either  to 
rank  or  power ; to  excel  in  personal  accomplishment 
was  to  exhibit  the  most  refined  species  of  ferocity; 
and  in  nothing  was  their  character  for  cruelty  more 
conspicuous  than  in  their  savage  exultation  over  their 
miserable  captives.  They  tore  the  helpless  infant 
from  its  mother’s  breast,  and  tossed  it  from  one 
ruffian  to  another,  that  they  might  practise  their 
dexterity  by  catching  the  shrieking  innocent  upon 
the  point  of  their  spears.  This  was  one  of  their 
amusements — a pastime  well  calculated  to  enure  them 
to  scenes  of  cruelty,  unchecked  by  the  dictates  of 
humanity.* 

It  was  a custom  amongst  the  ancient  warriors  to 
set  up  a dismal  shout  when  they  rushed  into  battle. 
The  modern  Russians  and  the  different  tribes  of 
American  Indians  continue  the  same  horrid  yell.  But 
the  Danes  seem  to  have  excelled  even  in  this  species 
of  brutality : they  imitated  as  much  as  possible  the 
howling  of  maddened  wolves,  gnawed  their  shields, 
and  exhibited  the  most  perfect  images  of  frantic 
horror. f 

The  first  attempt  made  by  the  Danes  upon  the 
shores  of  Northumbria  was  in  the  year  793,  when 
they  plundered  the  monastery  of  Lindisfarn,  slew  a 
great  number  of  the  monks,  and  carried  several  of 
the  rest  away  captives.  Six  years  previous  to  this 
time,  they  had  begun  their  destructive  career  in  the 
southern  parts  of  the  island,  where  they  slew  the 

* Turner  II.  p.  47,  48.  f Ibid.  p.  48,  49 


46 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


Gerefa  of  the  place,  upon  his  going  out  to  interrogate 
them  concerning  their  business.*  In  794,  the  abbey 
of  Jarrow  underwent  the  same  fate  as  that  of 
Lindisfarn  had  done  the  preceding  year;  but  the 
overstretched  arm  of  ambitious  avarice  generally 
enfeebles  its  own  might.  The  Danes  spread  over  the 
country  in  sanguine  exp*ectations  of  securing  a 
considerable  booty ; but  they  were  attacked  by  the 
inhabitants  who  slew  several  of  them,  one  of  whom 
was  a chief;  and  of  those  who  returned  to  their  ships 
numbers  perished  in  a storm.  This  disaster  seems  to 
have  greatly  subdued  the  ardour  of  these  demons  of 
the  north  for  a length  of  tjme.f] 

In  the  reign  of  Osbert  the  Danes  invaded  the  north 
of  England  with  an  immense  force,  under  the  com- 
mand of  Inguar,  Hubba,  Halfdene,  and  several  other 
kings  and  chiefs.  The  occasion  of  this  formidable 
attack  has  been  variously  represented.  Some  have 
ascribed  it  to  the  resentment  of  Bruern  Bocard,  a 
nobleman  who  guarded  the  coasts,  whose  beautiful 
lady  had  been  ravished  by  Osbert;  and  who,  in  re- 
venge for  this  injury,  not  only  procured  the  expulsion 
of  the  adulterer  from  the  southern  part  of  Northum- 
bria, where  Ella  was  advanced  to  the  throne  in  his 
stead,  but  resolved  to  compleat  the  work  of  vengeance 

* Ibid.  I.  p.  341.  Sax.  Cliron.  ad  An.  787.  -f  Ridpatb  p.  37. 
Turner  Vol.  II.  p.  63.  Sim.  Dunelm.  c.  20. — Charlton  in  his  History 
of  Whitby  (p.  41.)  tells  us  that  the  plunderers  fell  in  with  Elhelred 
king  of  Northumberland,  who  routed  them  with  the  assistance  of  the 
king  of  Mercia:  but  this  statement  appears  to  be  unsupported,  and,  as 
far  as  regards  the  king  of  Mercia,  it  is  even  inconsistent  with  the 
history  of  that  period — N.  B.  Than  far  Mr.  ff inter  had  proceeded 
in  the  General  History. 


SAXON  PERIOD. 


47 


by  inviting;  the  Danes  to  assist  him  in  accomplishing 
Osbert’s  ruin.  Others,  with  more  probability,  attribute 
this  invasion  to  the  revenge  of  the  Danes  themselves, 
for  the  death  of  Ragnar  Lodbrog,  the  father  of  Inguar, 
Hubba,  and  Halfdene,  who  having  been  thrown  on 
the  Northumbrian  coast  with  a small  force,  was 
attacked  and  taken  prisoner  by  Ella,  who  caused  him 
to  perish  in  a dungeon  among  venomous  snakes.* 

But  whatever  might  be  the  causes  of  this  inva- 
sion, it  was  conducted  on  a scale  sufficient  to  ensure 
its  success,  against  a kingdom  already  weakened  by 
intestine  broils,  and  wholly  unprepared  for  the  ap- 
proach of  an  enemy.  Five  years  had  nearly  elapsed 
since  Ella  had  been  set  up  in  opposition  to  Osbert; 
and  the  power  of  these  two  rival  princes  had  been  so 
equally  balanced,  that  while  the  former  maintained 
himself  on  the  throne  of  Deira,  he  could  not  expel 
the  latter  from  the  possession  of  Bernicia. f Such 

* A northern  poem  entitled.  The  Quida,  or  Death  Song  of 
Ragnar  Lodbrog,  is  still  extant;  and  exhibits  a lively  picture  of 
the  barbarous  heroism  of  that  age. — Some  of  our  English  Annalists 
have  transferred  the  scene  of  Ragnar’s  death  to  East  Anglia;  but  the 
accounts  of  the  Icelandic  writers  appear  more  worthy  of  credit. — See 
Turner’s  Hist.  Vol.  II.  p.  116,  117.  f Rapin,  whom  Drake  and 
Charlton  have  followed,  assigns  Bernicia  to  Ella,  and  Deira  to  Osbert; 
but  I find  that  the  lands  which  Osbert  is  charged  with  taking  from  the 
church  of  Lindisfarn  are  situated  in  Bernicia,  while  those  which  Ella 
seized  belong  to  Deira.  Sim.  Dun.  c.  21. — To  this  I may  add,  that  in 
an  ancient  record,  which  gives  an  account  of  Ella’s  adultery  with  the 
wife  of  iErnulf  Seafar,  a rich  merchant  of  York,  he  is  expressly 
called  rex  Deirorum\  and  is  said  to  have  then  resided  within  a few 
miles  of  York.  I, el.  Coll.  II.  p.  367. — This  circumstance  tends  to 
throw  discredit  on  the  story  of  Bruern  Bocard ; for  if  the  Danes  came 
to  avenge  his  quarrel  with  Osbert,  they  ought  not  to  have  invaded 
Deira  but  Bernicia. 


48 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


was  the  state  of  Northumberland  when  the  Danish 
armada,  composed  of  various  warlike  bands.,  all  equally 
eager  for  plunder  and  for  blood,  prepared  to  over- 
whelm it.  Having  spent  a part  of  the  winter  in  East 
Anglia,  where  they  first  landed,  and  where  they  ob- 
tained a supply  of  horses,  the  enemy  crossed  the 
Humber  in  great  force;  and  advancing  rapidly 
towards  York,  took  possession  of  that  capital,  and 
from  thence  proceeded  to  lay  waste  the  province  with 
fire  and  sword.  The  tide  of  desolation  rolled  north- 
ward to  the  banks  of  the  Tyne,  filling  every  place 
with  slaughter  and  rapine,  sparing  neither  age  nor 
sex,  and  converting  the  country  into  a desert,  and 
the  towns  and  villages  into  heaps  of  ruins.  The 
churches  and  monasteries  were  peculiarly  the  objects 
of  pagan  fury;  and  this  district  being  involved  in 
the  common  ruin,  Streneshalh  with  its  venerable 
abbey  became  a prey  to  the  flames.* 

Osbert  and  Ella  saw  when  it  was  too  late  the 
fatal  effects  of  their  civil  discord,  and,  through  the 
interference  of  their  nobles,  they  at  last  agreed  to 

* Cliron.  Sax.  Sim.  Duuelm.  c.  21.  Lelandi  Collect.  III.  p. 
39. — Charlton  (p.  42)  has  made  the  neighbourhood  of  Streneshalh  the 
first  landing  place  of  the  Danes  in  this  expedition,  markiug  out 
Dunsley  Bay  as  the  place  where  the  division  of  Hubba  disembarked, 
and  assigning  Peak  to  that  of  his  brother  lnguar.  I can  find  nothing  to 
support  his  fanciful  narrative,  except  the  existence  of  a Ravenhill  at 
each  place;  which  name  he  supposes  to  have  arisen  from  the  planting 
of  the  Danish  standard,  the  Raven,  on  eminences  near  the  shore. 
It  is  more  probable  that  both  places  have  derived  their  name  from 
living  ravens.  At  any  rate,  we  are  sure  that  the  Danes  on  this  occa- 
sion did  not  land  in  this  neighbourhood,  but  penetrated  into  the 
Northumbrian  kingdom  from  the  south. 


SAXON  PERIOD. 


49 


forget  their  quarrels,  and  unite  their  forces  against 
the  common  enemy.  The  Danes  had  retired  to  York 
with  their  booty.  Thither  the  two  kings,  with  eight 
earls,  advanced  to  attack  them.  A dreadful  conflict 
took  place  at  York,  partly  without  the  walls,  and 
partly  in  the  streets;  a part  of  the  Saxon  troops 
having  forced  their  way  into  the  town.  For  a long 
time  the  issue  was  doubtful ; but  at  last  the  Saxons 
were  overpowered,  and  Osbert  and  Ella  both  perished, 
with  the  greater  part  of  their  army.  The  Icelandic 
and  other  northern  historians  relate  that  Ella  was  put 
to  a cruel  death,  in  revenge  for  the  death  of  Ragnar 
Lodbrog.* 

This  catastrophe,  which  occurred  in  the  springf 
of  867,  was  fatal  to  the  kingdom  of  Northumbria, 
which  never  again  recovered  its  independence  as  a 
a Saxon  state ; for  when  it  had  continued  some  years 
under  the  dominion  of  the  Danes,  it  submitted,  like 
the  rest  of  England,  to  the  kings  of  Wessex. 

After  the  battle  of  York,  the  Danes  assumed  the 
sovereignly  of  all  Northumberland.  They  appointed 
one  Ecgbert  to  be  king  of  Bernicia,  but  retained 
Deira  in  their  own  possession;  and  York,  which 
they  repaired,  became  their  head  quarters,  from 
whence  they  extended  their  ravages  into  Mercia, 
East  Anglia,  and  other  kingdoms  of  the  Heptarchy- 
East  Anglia  experienced  the  same  fate  as  Deira; 
Edmund  its  king  was  slain,  the  inhabitants  were 

* Sira.  Dunelm.  c.  21.  Turner  II.  p.  123.  f Simeon  Dunelm. 
dates  it  12  Kalendas  Aprilis,  which  Turner  renders  the  12  of  April; 
but  in  the  Roman  mode  of  computation  it  is  the  21st  of  March. 

H 


60 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


almost  exterminated,  and  the  whole  country  was  laid 
■waste.  Not  long  after,  Bernicia  suffered  the  same 
cruel  devastation.  The  Northumbrians  had  expelled 
Ecgbert  and  raised  one  Ricsig  to  the  throne;  but  in 
875,  Halfdene  one  of  the  Danish  kings  arrived  with 
an  army  in  the  Tyne  to  complete  the  subjugation  of 
Bernicia;  and  the  same  bloody  tragedy  which  had 
been  acted  in  the  south  of  Northumbria  was  witnessed 
in  the  north.  In  the  year  following  Ricsig  died  with 
grief  for  the  calamities  of  his  country,  and  another 
Ecgbert  was  advanced  by  the  Danes  to  the  nominal 
sovereignty.*  Northumbria  and  East  Anglia  now 
became  Danish  kingdoms,  the  lands  were  divided  by 
Halfdene  and  the  other  chiefs  among  their  followers, 
the  few  Saxons  who  survived  were  incorporated  with 
the  new  settlers;  and  when  Alfred  the  Great,  king  of 
Wessex,  recovered  the  southern  provinces  from  the 
Danes  in  878,  he  left  them  in  full  possession  of  these 
two  kingdoms  which  they  had  colonized.  There  is 
reason  to  believe  that  a great  proportion  of  the 
present  inhabitants  of  Norfolk,  Lincolnshire,  York- 
shire, Durham,  and  Northumberland,  are  sprung  from 
Danish  ancestors. f 

Which  of  the  sons  of  Ragnar  was  king  of  Deira, 
or  whether  it  was  appropriated  to  any  one  of  them  in 
particular,  it  is  difficult  to  determine;  for  at  one  time 
we  find  Inguar  (or  Ivar)  reigning  at  York,  at  another 
time  Hubba,  and  lastly  Halfdene.  Upon  the  death 

* Some  think  that  the  former  Ecgbert  was  restored.  + Chron. 
Sax.  Sim.  Duu.  e.  21.  TurnerYol.il.  p.124,211,212.  Lei. 
Coll.  I.  p.  373. 


SAXON  PERIOD 


51 


of  the  last  of  these  royal  brothers  in  883,  one  Guthred 
a Dane,  the  son  of  Hardicnut,  was  raised  to  the 
throne  of  Deira,  while  Ecgbert  still  reigned  in  Ber- 
nicia,  and  Guthrun  was  king  of  East  Anglia,* 

Guthred  had  a prosperous  reign  of  14  years, 
and  was  one  of  the  few'  kings  of  Northumbria  who 
died  in  peace.  It  is  commonly  supposed  that  upon 
his  death  the  Anglo-Danes  of  Northumbria  submitted 
to  x\lfred,  as  well  as  those  who  occupied  East  Anglia 
and  part  of  Mercia  ;f  but,  though  we  learn  from  the 
Saxon  Chronicle  and  other  authorities,  that  they  made 
some  submissions  to  that  prince  and  gave  him  host- 
ages, it  is  obvious  from  the  same  authorities,  that 
their  submission  was  but  momentary,  and  that  instead 
of  becoming  the  subjects  of  Alfred,  they  were  in  a 
state  of  hostility  with  him  for  several  years,  during 
his  arduous  struggles  with  the  celebrated  Hastings. 

In  what  manner  Deira  was  governed  during  the 
seven  years  which  followed  the  death  of  Guthred  is 
not  certainly  known.  It  was  probably  possessed  by 
several  petty  kings  or  chiefs ; for  upon  the  death  of 
Alfred  in  901,  Ethelwald,  who  was  competitor  with 
Edward  the  elder,  being  driven  out  of  Wessex,  was 
received  with  open  arms  by  the  Northumbrian  Danes, 

* Sim.  Dun.  c.  28.  Chron.  Sax.  Turner  II.  p.  212. — Eowils 
is  also  mentioned  as  the  colleague  of  Halfdene ; and,  according  to 
many  of  the  annalists,  these  kings  reigned  26  years  in  Northumbria, 
and  at  last  perished  in  a great  battle  fought  at  Wodnesfield,  or  Wilmes- 
ford,  with  the  forces  of  Edward  the  elder  about  the  year  910.  Lei. 
Coll.  I.  p.  214,  218.  II.  p.  219,  399. — It  is  very  difficult  to  ascer- 
tain the  true  history  of  this  period,  the  accounts  which  the  monkish 
writers  have  given  us  being  so  confused  and  contradictory,  f Sira. 
Dun.  c.  29.  Lei.  Coll.  I.  p.  329,  373. 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


$2 

who  chose  him  for  their  sovereign,  advancing  him 
above  their  kings  and  chiefs.*  His  reign,  however, 
was  of  short  continuance;  for  having  invaded  the 
dominions  of  Edward,  in  the  hopes  of  deposing  him, 
he  fell  in  a fierce  engagement  with  the  men  of  Kent 
A.  D.  905;  and  Eohric  (or  Etliric)  king  of  East 
Anglia,  who  had  joined  him  in  his  enterprize,  shared 
in  his  fate.f  Yet  the  Anglo-Danes  were  not  con- 
quered; they  rallied  under  new  leaders,  and  gained 
the  victory;  so  that  Edward,  harassed  by  their 
incursions,  was  glad  to  make  peace  with  them.§  But 
they  were  too  turbulent  to  remain  long  in  peace.  In 
a short  time  hostilities  were  renewed ; and  though 
Edward  gained  a victory  over  them  in  Northumbria, 
where  he  laid  waste  a great  part  of  the  country; 
though  he  overcame  another  of  their  armies  at  Toten- 
haul  in  Staffordshire  in  the  following  year;  and 
though  he  afterwards  gained  a third  and  more  splendid 
victory  at  Wodensfield,  (or  Wilmesford)  where  their 
two  kings  Halfdene  and  Eowils  (or  Ecwils)  fell,  yet 
they  still  withstood  his  power,  and  maintained  their 
independence.  || 

* Super  reges  et  duces  suos  ipsum  regem  et  principem  statuerant. 
Lei.  Coll.  1.  p.  214.  f Chrnn.  Sax.  Lei.  Coll.  I.  p.  214 — The 
chronicle  quoted  in  this  passage  of  Leland,  calls  the  Danish  prince 
who  perished  with  Ethelwald  Egbright.  If  Egbert  (or  Egbright) 
continued  to  reign  in  Bernicia  till  this  time,  which  seems  very  doublful, 
he  may  have  accompanied  Ethelwald  in  this  expedition;  but  it  appears 
certain  that  Ethric,  the  successor  of  Gutbrun,  also  fell  in  the  engage- 
ment.— See  Lei.  Coll.  I.  p.  407.  § Chron.  Saxon.  ||  Chron.  Sax. 

Lei.  Coll.  I.  p.  195,  214,  2IS.  II.  p.  219. — Several  of  the  ancient 
chronicles  state,  as  was  observed  in  a former  note,  that  these  two 
kings  were  the  brothers  of  Inguar  and  Hubba,  and  had  reigned  in 
Northumbria  from  the  time  when  it  was  colonized  by  the  Danes:  but 


SAXON  PERIOD. 


53 


Who  were  the  next  possessors  of  the  Northum- 
brian throne,  it  is  difficult  to  ascertain.  In  the  close 
of  Edward’s  reign  it  was  occupied  by  Reginald,  or 
Reingwald,  the  son  of  Guthfred  a Danish  king. 
This  Guthfred  was  perhaps  a different  person  from 
Guthred  formerly  mentioned;  but  the  immediate  pre- 
decessor of  Reginald  was  Sithric*  the  son  of  Inguar, 
who  having  slain  his  brother  Nigel,  or  Niel,  incurred 
the  general  odium  of  his  subjects;  when  Reginald, 
taking  advantage  of  their  disaffection,  obtained  pos- 
session of  York,  and  of  the  kingdom.  His  claim  to 
the  crown  appears,  indeed,  to  have  been  as  valid  as 
that  of  Sithric ; for  the  latter  had  taken  possession  of 
the  throne  upon  the  death  of  Guthfred,  to  the  exclu- 
sion of  Reginald  his  son  and  heir.f 

It  would  seem  that  one  Aldred,  the  son  of  Eadulf, 
was  a king  in  Northumbria  at  the  same  time  with 
Reginald:  he  probably  reigned  in  Bernicia.  Both 
these  princes  were  constrained  to  pay  homage  to 
Edward,  whose  influence  extended  even  to  the  Scots, 
and  to  the  Strathclyde  Britons.§ 


this  cannot  be  admitted  without  setting  aside  a great  part  of  the  History 
of  Simeon  of  Durham,  and  the  accounts  of  other  respectable  writers, 
as  fabulous.  Perhaps  this  Halfdene  was  a son  or  nephew  of  the  former. 
It  must  be  admitted,  however,  that  Simeon’s  history  of  this  period  is 
far  from  being  correct. 

* Called  also  Sidric,  Sitric,  Sigtryg,  &c.  f Sitricus  ex  Danico 
genere  qui  successit  Guthredo.  Lei.  Coll.  I.  374.— If  this  Guthred 
was  the  same  with  the  Guthred  formerly  mentioned,  Sithric  must 
have  reigned  at  the  same  time  with  Halfdene  and  Ecwils,  and  even 
Ethelwald  § Chron.  Sax.  Hen.  Huntingd.  Lib.  V.  Cliron.  Urivall. 
apud  Lei.  Coll.  I.  p.  194,  215.  Sim.  Dun.  c.  31. 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


H 

Reginald  did  not  long  enjoy  the  undisturbed 
possession  of  the  throne ; for  the  fickle  and  iestless 
Northumbrians  soon  recalled  Sithric,  and  reinstated 
him  in  at  least  a part  of  his  dominions.*  The  power 
of  the  latter  was  greatly  increased  by  an  alliance  with 
Athelstan,  the  son  and  successor  of  Edward,  who 
gave  him  his  sister  Editha  in  marriage.  But  the 
happiness  of  Sithric  was  of  short  duration,  for  before 
the  expiration  of  a year  he  was  cut  off  by  the  hand  of 
death.  A short  time  before  his  decease  he  put  away 
his  wife,  and  renounced  Christianity  which  he  had 
professed  at  his  marriage.  Alhelstan,  enraged  at  this 
affront,  was  preparing  to  chastise  him ; and  upon 
hearing  the  news  of  his  death,  he  advanced  with  an 
army  and  took  possession  of  his  territories.  Anlaf 
and  Godefrid,  (or  Guthfred),  the  sons  of  Sithric  by  a 
former  marriage,  fled  before  the  conqueror ; the 
former  into  Ireland,  the  latter  into  Scotland.  Athelstan 
sent  messengers  in  pursuit  of  Godefrid,  and  Constan- 
tine king  of  Scots  was  prevailed  on  to  deliver  up  the 
fugitive ; but  he  afterwards  made  his  escape,  and 
betook  himself  to  a life  of  piracy. f 

Athelstan  having  seized  on  Deira,  from  whence 
Reginald  appears  to  have  retired,  (perhaps  before  the 

* It  is  possible  that  Sithric  when  expelled  from  York  and  the 
neighbourhood,  might  still  retain  the  sovereignty  over  a part  of  his 
dominions.  Rapin  supposes  him  to  have  reigned  over  Bernicia,  while 
Reginald  possessed  Deira  ; hut  Aldred  was  the  prince  who  then  reigned 
at  Bamburgh. — See  Ridpath’s  Hist.  p.  46.  If  Deira  was  divided 
between  Reginald  and  Sithric,  the  latter  had  probably  the  western 
part  for  his  share,  f Gul.  Malnies.  apud  Lei.  Coll.  I.  p.  140,  141. 
ibidem  p.  414,  41*3.  Ridpath  p.  46.  Turner  III.  p.  20,  21. 


SAXON  PERIOD. 


65 


death  of  Sithric),  Bernicia,  wlierc  Aid  red  ruled,  be- 
came an  easy  conquest;  and  as  the  Danish  kingdom 
of  East  Anglia  had  been  previously  subdued,  England 
was  now  for  the  first  time  united  under  one  sovereign.* 
The  kingdom  of  Northumbria  had  already  at  various 
periods  been  compelled  to  pay  homage  to  the  kings  of 
Wessex;  but  it  was  only  the  homage  which  a small 
independent  state  is  obliged  to  pay  to  its  more  pow- 
erful neighbours.  It  was  now  at  last  reduced  to  a 
state  of  complete  subjection  to  that  dynasty.  The 
honour  of  being  the  first  king  of  all  England  cannot 
with  propriety  be  assigned  to  Egbert  or  to  Alfred,  under 
whom  the  kingdom  of  Wessex  was  raised  to  the  first 
rank  in  the  Heptarchy;  any  more  than  to  Edwin  or 
to  Oswy,  under  whom  a similar  preeminence  was 
acquired  by  Northumbria ; but,  whatever  our  histo- 
rians have  said  to  the  contrary,  that  honour  must  be 
assigned  to  Athelstan.  This  memorable  revolution 
took  place  about  the  year  927,  the  third  year  of 
Athelstan’s  reign. f 

* Gul.  Malmes.  apud  Lei.  Collect.  I.  p.  374.  Ibidem  p.  414. 
Ridpath  p.  46.  Turner  III.  p.  21,  22.  ■(-  See  this  subject  well 

illustrated  in  Turner's  History  of  the  Anglo-Saxons,  V.  1.  p.  367, 
368,  and  V.  III.  p.  37,  38. — To  this  learned  author,  Mr.  Winter 
and  I have  been  greatly  indebted.  His  laborious  researches  have 
throwu  mueh  light  on  a dark  portion  of  the  history  of  our  country. 
Yet  I cannot  help  expressing  my  regret,  that  his  valuable  work  is 
written  in  a style  so  ill  suited  to  the  dignified  simplicity  of  history. 
He  has  imitated  the  bombast  of  Gibbon,  as  well  as  his  diligence;  or 
rather,  he  exceeds  him  in  the  one  as  much  as  in  the  other.  Sometimes 
he  arrays  the  most  serious  subjects  in  a dress  so  fantastic  as  to  excite 
ridicule  ; at  other  times  the  sense  is  buried  under  masses  of  tropes,  so 
that  it  requires  a considerable  effort  to  discover  it.  The  following 
specimen,  taken  from  his  account  of  the  fables  relating  to  the  usurper 
iyiaximuSj  will  shew  that  I am  not  misrepresenting  him  : “ Armorica 


56 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


But  the  conquests  of  Athelstan  were  far  from 
being  secure.  The  Northumbrians  had  enjoyed 
their  independence  too  long  to  be  prepared  to  sur- 
render it  without  a struggle;  and  they  bore  with 
impatience  the  yoke  that  was  imposed  on  them.  Anlaf, 
the  head  of  the  exiles,  had  grown  very  powerful ; 
having  acquired  a sovereignty  in  the  north  of  Ireland 
and  over  part  of  the  Hebrides,  and  having  obtained 
in  marriage  the  daughter  of  Constantine  king  of 
Scots.  This  monarch  was  jealous  of  the  overgrown 
power  of  Athelstan  ; and  could  not  but  desire  the 
restoration  of  the  Northumbrian  kingdom,  that  it 
miffbt  serve  as  a barrier  to  secure  his  own  frontiers. 
The  English  king,  aware  of  his  hostile  dispositions, 
resolved  to  anticipate  him;  being  perhaps  prompted 
by  the  ambitious  desire  of  becoming  the  sovereign  of 
all  Britain.  In  the  year  934,  he  invaded  Scotland 
with  a powerful  force,  both  by  sea  and  land,  and  laid 
waste  a great  part  of  the  country;  but  he  appears  to 

“ has  been  colonized  by  his  British  Soldiers,  and  Cornwall  has  beeH 
“ exhausted  of  its  virgins  to  console  them : but  the  enamoured  spirit  of 
“ the  waters  interfered ; some  thousands  of  the  female  adventurers  it 
“ unreasonably  monopolized  to  itself,  and  sent  the  residue  to  Uie  Piets 
“and  Huns  at  Cologne,  to  be  virtuously  murdered  or  conveniently 
“ enslaved.”  Vol.  1 p.  87. — It  would  have  been  difficult  to  find  out  the 
meaning  of  this  passage,  had  not  the  author  given  a translation  of  it  in 
a note,  where  we  learn  that  it  signifies  in  plain  English,  That,  according 
to  the  fables  alluded  to,  an  immense  number  of  the  Britons  who  fol- 
lowed Maximus  settled  in  Armorica,  and  being  in  want  of  wives,  ‘sent 
for  a large  supply  from  Cornwall ; but  while  the  females  were  on  their 
passage,  furious  storms  arose,  by  which  the  greater  part  of  them  were 
drowned,  and  the  remainder  were  wrecked  on  the  shores  of  the  Piets 
and  Huns,  who  murdered  all  of  them  who  resolved  to  be  virtuous,  and 
enslaved  the  rest. — ’ I'is  a pity  that  a work  so  respectable  should  have 
been  disfigured  by  an  excess  of  ornament.  Historic  truth  is  not 
honoured,  but  degraded,  by  such  meretricious  decorations. 


SAXON  PERIOD. 


57 


have  soon  returned,  without  gaining'  any  decisive 
advantage.*  This  insult  could  not  fail  to  strengthen 
the  enmity  of  Constantine,  and  prompt  him  to  espouse 
the  cause  of  his  son-in-law  with  greater  ardour.  A 
powerful  confederacy  was  formed,  for  the  purpose  of 
overturning  the  throne  of  Athelstan,  or  at  least  of 
wresting  Northumbria  from  his  grasp.  With  this 
view,  an  expedition  was  planned  on  an  extensive  scale,, 
which  must  have  been  a considerable  time  in  com- 
pleting. Constantine  and  Anlaf  headed  the  armament; 
and  they  were  supported  by  Ewen  king  of  Cumbria, f 
with  several  other  petty  kings  from  Ireland,  Wales, 
the  Scottish  isles,  and  even  from  Norway.  They 
arrived  in  the  Humber  with  an  immense  force  in  615 
ships,  and  soon  overpowered  the  troops  that  opposed 
their  landing,  and  advanced  into  the  country  to  meet 
Athelstan.  That  prince  was  aware  of  the  approaching 
storm,  and  had  prepared  to  face  it  with  his  wonted 
energy  and  courage.  His  army  was  numerous  and 
well  appointed,  and  was  commanded  by  officers  of 
distinguished  bravery  ; among  whom  were  his  brother 
Edmund,  and  his  chancellor  Turketul;  with  Thorolf 
and  Egils,  two  sea-kings,  who  headed  a band  of  allies 
from  the  continent.  The  hostile  armies  met  at  a place 

* Chron.  Sax.  Sim.  Dun.  c.  33.  Lei.  Collect.  I.  374.  Chalmers’s 
Caled.  I.  386,  387.  f Cumbria  was  a small  British  kingdom,  con- 
sisting of  part  of  the  present  Cumberland,  with  some  portion  of  the 
south  of  Scotland.  It  was  conquered  by  Edmund  a few  years  after, 
and  given  by  him  to  the  king  of  Scotland.  The  small  British  kingdom 
of  Strathclyde,  in  the  west  of  Scotland,  continued  to  exist  some  years 
longer;  when  it  was  incorporated  with  Scotland.  The  little  sovereignty 
of  Galloway,  in  the  same  quarter,  seems  to  have  retained  its  indepen- 
dence for  a longer  period. — See  Chalmers’s  Caled.  I.  p.  349 — 366. 

* 


68  GENERAL  HISTORY. 

called  Brunanburg’,  probably  not  far  from  the  banks 
of  the  Humber.  Here  was  fought  one  of  the  most 
dreadful  battles  recorded  in  English  history.  It  lasted 
from  morning  till  night  with  various  success;  but 
victory  at  length  declaied  for  Athelstan,  chiefly 
through  the  gallant  conduct  of  Turketul,  who  per- 
formed prodigies  of  valour.  The  carnage  on  both 
sides  was  horrible  ; but  especially  on  the  part  of  the 
allies,  who  lost  five  kings  and  a number  of  princes 
and  nobles,  among  whom  was  the  warlike  son  of 
Constantine.  Anlaf  and  Constantine  made  good  their 
retreat  to  their  ships,  with  the  broken  remains  of  their 
numerous  army.* 

This  glorious  victory,  which  was  gained  in  the 
year  938,  secured  to  Athelstan  the  possession  of  his 
conquests,  procured  him  the  homage  of  all  the  British 
states,  and  exalted  his  fame  above  that  of  any  English 
monarch  who  had  preceded  him.  The  Saxon  writers 
celebrated  his  praises  in  lofty  strains,  and  the  account 
of  this  victory  in  the  Saxon  Chronicle  is  one  of  the 
songs  composed  on  the  occasion. 

But  short-lived  are  the  triumphs  of  mortals:  in 
less  than  three  years  the  glory  of  Athelstan  sunk  into 
the  grave.  The  death  of  this  great  prince  was  the 
signal  of  revolt  to  the  discontented  Northumbrians, 
who  immediately  asserted  their  independence,  and 
recalled  Anlaf  to  occupy  the  throne.  Reginald,  it 

* Chroa.  Sax.  Sim.  Dun.  c.  33.  Lei.  Coll.  I.  p.  215,  330,  375. 
Turner  III.  23 — 34.  Chalmers  I.  387,  388. — Some  of  the  annalists 
state  that  Constantine  .and  Anlaf  fell  in  the  engagement;  but  it  is 
obvious  from  the  best  authorities  that  they  both  escaped. 


SAXON  PERIOD i 


59 


would  seem,  returned  at  the  same  time ; and  so 
prompt  and  vigorous  were  the  exertions  of  the 
Northumbrians  under  their  new  princes,  that  instead 
of  waiting  till  Edmund  the  successor  ot  Athelstan 
should  attack  them,  they  marched  an  army  into  the 
heart  of  his  dominions,  and  after  gaining  two  victo- 
ries, compelled  him  to  conclude  a peace  with  them, 
on  terms  that  were  highly  honourable  to  Anlaf ; Ed- 
mund ceding  to  him  all  that  part  of  England  which 
lay  to  the  north  of  Watling  Street.*  But  as  soon  as 
Edmund  had  recovered  from  his  alarm,  and  collected 
a sufficient  force,  he  broke  the  treaty,  retook  a great 
part  of  the  country  which  he  had  ceded,  and  expelled 
from  Mercia  those  Danes  who  were  called  the  Five 
Burghers,  f who  were  ever  ready  to  join  their  coun- 
trymen in  all  their  incursions  and  insurrections. 
Another  accommodation  took  place  between  Edmund 
and  the  Northumbrian  princes ; and  to  confirm  the 
peace  they  both  adopted  a profession  of  Christianity, 
upon  which  occasion  they  had  Edmund  for  their 
sponsor.§  This  peace,  however,  was  not  of  much 
longer  standing  than  the  former;  for  in  two  years 
after  (A.  D.  944,)  Anlaf  and  Reginald,  who  had 
probably  been  weakened  by  mutual  quarrels,  both 
yielded  to  the  power  of  Edmund,  and  were  driven 

* Lei.  Coll.  I.  p.  375,  523.  Turner,  III.  p.  107,  108.— Watling 
Street  was  one  of  the  great  Roman  roads  -which  traversed  Britain : it 
extended  from  Richborough  on  the  east  coast  to  Holy  Head  on  the 
west.  Richard  of  Cirencester,  p.  111.  f So  called  from  their  pos- 
sessing the  five  cities  of  Leicester,  Lincoln,  Nottingham,  Stamford, 
and  Derby.  Chron.  Sax.  § Chron.  Sax. 

i 2 


60 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


from  Northumbria,  which  was  again  incorporated 
with  the  rest  of  England.* 

Upon  the  death  of  Edmund,  A.  D.  946,  North- 
umbria Was  again  in  commotion ; for  the  hope  of 
independence  excited  that  province  to  revolt  from 
Edred.  At  first  the  disturbances  were  quelled,  and 
marks  of  submission  were  extorted ; but  in  949  the 

* Ibidem. — Most  historians  consider  this  Reginald  as  a different 

fierson  from  Reginald  (or  Reingwald)  who  reigned  at  York  in  the 
atter  days  of  Edward  the  elder,  supposing  him  to  he  a son  of  Guth- 
fred  the  son  of  Sithric.  But  it  appears  from  Henry  of  Huntingdon 
and  other  authorities,  that  Reginald  the  son  of  Guthfred,  who  obtained 
the  kingdom  of  Deira,  at  the  time  when  Sithric  slew  his  brother  Nigel, 
in  the  reign  of  Edward,  and  who  is  mentioned  in  the  Saxon  Chronicle 
as  one  of  the  Northumbrian  princes  who  did  homage  to  Edward,  was 
the  same  Reginald  for  whom  king  Edmund  was  sponsor  at  his  baptism. 
Lei.  Coll.  I.  p.  194,  215. — Besides,  it  does  not  appear  that  Guthfred 
whom  Athelstan  expelled  from  the  throne  of  his  father  Sithric,  had 
either  wife  or  child ; and  if  he  could  be  supposed  old  enough  to  have 
a son  capable  of  reigning  within  13  years  after  his  expulsion,  it  is 
likely  that  upon  betaking  himself  to  the  life  of  a vikingr  (or  sea-king ) 
he  would  take  his  son  with  him. 

It  is  also  a mattdr  of  dispute,  whether  Anlaf  the  hero  of  Brunan- 
burg  was  the  same  with  Anlaf  the  son  of  Sithric,  who  was  expelled 
by  Athelstan  along  with  Guthfred;  and  whether  the  latter  was  the 
same  with  the  Anlaf  who  was  expelled  by  Edmund.  According  to 
the  Irish  Annals,  Anlaf  who  fought  at  Brunanburg  was  the  son  and 
successor  of  Guthfred,  king  of  the  Danes  in  Ireland.  Chalmers’s  Cal. 
I.  p.  388 — This  account  is  corroborated  by  one  of  our  Chronicles 
which  calls  that  Anlaf  the  son  of  king  Guthfred  (Lei.  Coll.  I.  p 330) ; 
yet  it  does  notseemreconcileable  with  other  authorities;  and  it  is  scarcely 
consistent  with  the  story  related  by  William  of  Malmesbury,  that 
before  the  battle  of  Brunanburg,  Anlaf  (like  Alfred)  visited  the  English 
camp  in  disguise,  and  was  recognised  by  a soldier  who  had  served 
Under  him;  for  it  is  not  likely  that  any  of  Athelstan’s  soldiers  had 
served  among  the  Danes  in  Ireland.  In  regard  to  the  opinion,  that 
Anlaf  who  made  the  advantageous  peace  with  Edmund  was  not  the 
same  with  Anlaf  whom  Edmund  afterwards  expelled,  (Turner  III. 
108,  109.)  I would  observe,  that  though  Hovedun  and  others  have 
recorded  the  death  of  an  Anlaf  in  941,  yet  many  other  authors  speak 
of  the  Anlaf  who  conquered  Edmund  as  the  same  prince  whom  Edmund 
afterwards  overcame,  and  the  Saxon  Chronicle  expressly  calls  the 
latter  the  son  of  Sithric. 


SAXOX  PERIOD, 


61 


revolt  assumed  a more  formidable  aspect,  the  exiled 
Anlaf  having  returned  to  resume  the  Northumbrian 
crown.  Anlaf  was  soon  in  a condition  to  withstand 
the  power  of  Edred ; but  having  become  unpopular 
with  his  own  subjects,  they  hurled  him  from  his  throne, 
and  advanced  one  Eric,  the  son  of  Harold,  to  the 
royal  dignity.  The  reign  of  Eric,  the  last  of  the 
Northumbrian  kings,  appears  to  have  been  as  short 
as  that  of  his  predecessor.  Edred  invaded  Northum- 
berland in  954  with  a large  force,  arid  having  laid 
waste  a great  part  of  the  country,  was  returning 
southward,  when  a party  of  the  Northumbrians  from 
York  attacked  and  cut  off  the  rear  of  his  army,  at 
Castleford.  Enraged  at  this  slaughter,  Edred  returned 
with  the  resolution  of  destroying  the  whole  province; 
but  the  inhabitants,  dreading  his  resentment,  put 
away  their  king  Eric,  slew  Amancus  the  son  of  Anlaf, 
another  pretender  to  the  Northumbrian  throne,  and 
made  the  most  humble  submissions  to  Edred.  It 
would  seem  that  Eric,  supported  by  a number  of  friends 
and  allies,  made  an  effort  to  recover  his  lost  dominion  ; 
but  he  perished  in  the  attempt,  and  Edred  having 
reduced  the  province  to  complete  subjection,  converted 
it  into  an  earldom,  and  appointed  one  Osulf,  an 
Englishman,  the  first  earl  of  Northumberland.* 

* Lei.  Col.  I.  p.  124,  216,  375,  376,  523.  IT.  185.  Turner 
III.  p 117,  118. — Mr.  Turner  states,  upon  the  authority  of  Snorre 
and  another  northern  historian,  that  Eric  was  a deposed  king  of  Nor- 
way, and  that  he  was  made  king  of  Northumberland  under  Athelstan 
in  the  latter  part  of  that  monarch’s  reign.  1 have  sometimes  observed 
in  that  author  a partiality  towards  foreign  authorities.  It  seems  strange 
that  all  our  annalists  should  have  omitted  so  important  a fact. 


62 


general  history. 


Thus  was  the  Northumbrian  kingdom  finally 
abolished,,  after  having-  subsisted  under  various  forms, 
and  with  partial  interruptions,  for  upwards  of  four 
hundred  years.  But  the  people  had  no  cause  to  re- 
gret the  change;  for  what  they  lost  in  consequence, 
they  gained  in  happiness.  So  long  as  their  country 
was  the  seat  of  regal  power,  it  presented  a scene 
of  disorder  and  calamity;  continually  attacking  or 
attacked,  convulsed  with  civil  broils,  or  scourged 
with  foreign  wars.  A sovereignty  so  small  is  easily 
agitated,  or  overturned ; and  a stroke  inflicted  on  any 
part  soon  vibrates  through  the  whole.  Two  or  three 
generations  behoved  to  elapse,  ere  the  spirit  of  tur- 
bulence, engendered  by  so  many  revolutions,  could 
be  expected  to  subside;  but  when  we  have  passed 
through  a few  more  changes  and  calamities,  we  shall 
at  length  reach  the  dawn  of  a brighter  era,  a period 
of  tranquillity  and  comfort. 

Nothing  memorable  is  recorded  of  Osulf,  the 
first  earl  of  Northumberland.  He  had  for  his  suc- 
cessor, and,  as  some  say,  for  his  colleague,  one 
Oslach,  with  whom  Eadulf  had  a share  in  the  earldom  ; 
the  province  being  divided  into  two  districts  * The 
title  of  earl  was  not  in  that  age  a mere  title  of  rank 
but  also  of  office.  The  earls  of  the  counties,  were 
the  governors,  or  lord  lieutenants.  This  district 
with  most  of  the  country  which  was  formerly  called 
Deira  constituted  the  earldom  of  Oslach.  This 
nobleman  was  banished  in  the  year  975,  about  the 
* Lei.  Coll.  I.  p.  125.  Turner  III.  p.  ITS.  Ridpath  p.  50. 


SAXON  PERIOD. 


63 


time  of  Edgar’s  death.  He  was  probably  a man  of 
worth,  for  the  Saxon  Chronicle  bewails  his  fate  in 
plaintive  language,  and  laments  the  troubles  which 
caused  his  exile. 

The  next  in  the  list  of  Northumbrian  earls  is 
Waltheof  the  elder : but  as  his  residence  was  at  Bam- 
burgh,  it  would  seem  that  his  government  was  limited 
to  the  northern  part  of  the  province.  His  son  Ucthred, 
however,  having  distinguished  himself  in  an  engage- 
ment with  the  Scots, over  whom  he  gained  an  important 
victory,  was  advanced  by  king  Ethelred  to  the  earldom 
of  all  Northumbria  ; and,  as  a further  reward  of  his 
prowess,  he  received  the  king’s  daughter  Elgiva  in' 
marriage.  It  was  in  the  time  of  this  earl  and  his 
father  Waltheof,  in  the  year  1002,  that  England  was 
disgraced  by  the  barbarous  massacre  of  the  Danes;  a 
crime  which  brought  signal  vengeance  on  its  perpe- 
trators, in  the  miseries  soon  after  indicted  by  the 
Danish  invaders,  who  obtained  for  a time  the 
sovereignty  of  England.  That  massacre  cannot  be 
supposed  to  have  extended  to  Northumbria,  East 
Anglia,  and  the  north  east  parts  of  Mercia,  where  the 
great  mass  of  the  inhabitants  were  of  Danish  extrac- 
tion; but  was  probably  limited  to  those  Danes  who 
had  recently  settled  in  the  southern  counties. 

In  the  year  1013,  the  Danes,  who  had  previously 
infested  the  Northumbrian  coasts  as  well  as  other 
parts  of  England,  arrived  in  the  Humber  in  great 
force  under  Svvein  their  king,  and  encamped  at 
Gainsborough  on  the  Trent.  Ucthred  and  his  people 


64 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


were  compelled  to  do  homage  to  this  warlike  prince, 
who  presently  got  possession  of  the  throne  of  England, 
through  the  weakness  or  treachery  of  its  defenders; 
Ethelred,  well  named  the  Unready,  making  his  escape 
into  Normandy.  After  the  death  of  Swein,  North- 
umbria was  involved  in  the  struggles  between  his  son 
Canute  and  Edmund  Ironside  the  son  of  Ethelred; 
and  on  one  occasion  Edmund,  when  he  was  sore 
pressed  by  his  adversary,  took  refuge  with  TJcthred 
his  brother-in-law,  and  employed  his  forces  against 
the  Danish  prince ; but  the  Danes  prevailing,  through 
the  perfidy  of  Edric  Streon  the  infamous  duke  of 
Mercia,  Edmund  retired  to  the  south,  and  Ucthred 
was  constrained  to  submit  to  the  invader;  and  when 
he  went  to  make  submission  to  Canute,  he  was  slain 
by  one  Thurebrand  a powerful  Dane,  by  the  orders, 
or  with  the  connivance,  of  Canute,  though  the  latter 
had  given  him  assurances  of  safety.* 

Canute  advanced  his  friend  Eric,  a Norwegian 
prince,  to  the  earldom  of  Northumberland ; but 
removing  him  soon  after,  he  conferred  the  dignity  on 
Eadulf-Cudel,  the  brother  of  Ucthred.  This  earl  was 
succeeded  by  Aldred,  the  son  of  Ucthred,  who  re- 
venged his  father’s  death  by  slaying  Thurebrand;  but 
the  deed  was  retaliated  by  Carl  the  son  of  Thurebrand 
Such  deadly  feuds  subsisting  between  the  families  of 
the  nobles,  and  producing  frequent  assassinations, 

* Hovedun  apud  Lei.  Coll.  I.  p.  125.  II.  p.  191.  Gul.  Malmes. 
apud  Lei.  I.  p.  1 43.  Ridpath  p.  52,  53. — Oue  of  the  bloody  battles 
between  Canute  and  Edmund  has  been  placed  by  some  writers  near 
the  Tees.  Turner  111.  p.  262.  Note. 


SAXON  PERIOD. 


65 


may  often  be  met  with  in  the  history  of  those  times  ; 
but  they  furnish  a dismal  picture  of  the  state  of  society, 
and  of  the  government  under  which  they  occurred.* 
Eadulf,  the  brother  of  Aldred  was  the  next  earl. 
He  made  an  expedition  into  Wales,  where  he  com- 
mitted cruel  devastations;  but  these  deeds  of  violence 
were  not  long  unpunished ; for  after  his  return, 
Hardicanute,  who  then  filled  the  throne,  commanded 
Siward  to  slay  him,  and  to  take  possession  of  his 
earldom.  Siward,  who  was  of  Danish  extraction, 
was  one  of  the  bravest  of  the  Northumbrian  earls. 
He  was  of  gigantic  stature,  and  great  military  talents, 
and  was  in  high  favour  with  king  Edward  the  Con- 
fessor; by  whose  orders  he  went  with  a powerful 
army  into  Scotland,  to  assist  Macduff  and  his  associates 
in  destroying  the  celebrated  tyrant  Macbeth,  and 
placing  Malcolm  on  the  Scottish  throne.  The  expedi- 
tion was  crowned  with  complete  success,  but  is  said 
to  have  cost  Siward  the  loss  of  his  eldest  son.  He 
died  at  York  in  the  year  following,  A.  D.  1055;  and 
it  is  noticed  as  a proof  of  his  martial  spirit,  that  when 
he  felt  himself  dying  of  disease,  he  desired  to  be 
clothed  in  his  armour,  that  he  might  die  like  a soldier. 
It  would  have  reflected  much  more  honour  on  his 
memory,  had  he  been  then  humbling  himself  at  the 
footstool  of  his  Creator,  before  whose  tribunal  he  was 
about  to  appear.f 

* Lei.  Coll.  Ubi  supra.  Turner  III.  p.  283.  f Lei.  Coll.  I. 
p.  125,  144,  196,  261,  379,^529.  Sim.  Dun.  c.  44. 

K 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


6® 


The  earldom  of  Northumberland  was  bestowed 
by  Edward  on  Tosti,  the  son  of  earl  Godwin,  and 
brother  of  Harold  who  became  king  of  England.  Tosti 
enjoyed  his  dignity  for  ten  years : but  his  dispositions 
were  so  cruel,  and  his  government  so  oppressive,  that 
a body  of  the  Northumbrians,  headed  by  Gamelbearn, 
Glomern,  and  other  chiefs,  whose  kindred  he  had 
murdered,  attacked  him  at  York,  and  slew  a number 
of  his  adherents;  and  he  himself  narrowly  escaped 
from  their  fury.  Harold  was  sent  with  an  army  to 
quell  the  revolt ; but  the  nobles  representing  to  him 
the  cruelties  of  his  brother,*  he  was  convinced  of  the 
justice  of  their  cause : Morcar,  the  son  of  Algar  duke 
of  Mercia,  whom  they  had  chosen  to  be  their  earl, 
was  therefore  confirmed  in  his  dignity ; and  the  bloody 
Tosti  retired  into  Flanders,  to  his  father-in-law  earl 
Baldwin,  f 

Upon  the  death  of  Edward,  in  the  beginning  of 
the  year  1066,  when  Harold  ascended  the  English 
throne,  his  brother  Tosti,  resolved  to  make  an  effort 
to  supplant  him,  or  at  least  to  recover  the  earldom  of 
Northumberland.  Having  collected  an  armament  in 
Flanders,  he  sailed  for  the  English  shores ; and  after 

* Harold  himself  was  well  aware  of  his  brother’s  savage  disposi- 
tions ; for  on  occasion  of  a quarrel  between  them  about  the  time  when 
Tosti  assisted  him  in  plundering  Wales,  he  repaired  to  his  brother’s 
house  at  Hereford,  where  the  domestics  were  preparing  an  entertain- 
ment for  the  king,  and  having  slain  them  all,  he  cut  them  in  pieces,  and 
put  their  mangled  limbs  into  the  vessels  of  liquor  provided  for  the 
entertainment.  Ridpath  p.  57.  Drake’s  Eboracum,  p.  82. — It  is 
difficult  to  believe  that  even  Tosti  could  be  capable  of  such  monstrous 
brutality,  f Hovedun.  apud  Lei.  Coll.  I.  p.  127,  128.  Gul.  MalmeS. 
Ibidem  p.  144,  145. — p.  529.  Ridpath  p.  56,  57. 


SAXON  period: 


67 

plundering  some  parts  of  the  coast,  attempted  to  get 
a footing  in  Lincolnshire,  to  collect  his  friends.  But 
earl  Morcar,  with  his  brother  Edwin,  earl  of  Mercia, 
hastened  to  oppose  him ; and  Tosti,  being  defeated, 
fled  into  Scotland.  Soon  after,  he  joined  Harald 
Harfagar,  (or  Hardrada)  king  of  Norway,  who  also 
aimed  at  the  crown  of  England ; and  their  combined 
forces  haying  assembled  in  the  Tyne,  sailed  to  Scar- 
borough which  they  plundered  and  burnt,  and  from, 
thence  proceeded  to  the  Humber.  In  the  first  engage- 
ment, Edwin  and  Morcar  were  defeated,  and  took 
refuge  in  York;  but  Harold  having  arrived  with  a 
large  army  four  days  after,  a second  and  more  dreadful 
conflict  took  place  at  Stamford  bridge,  near  York, 
where  Tosti  and  the  king  of  Norway  fell,  with  the 
greater  part  of  thei.r  troops.  This  signal  victory 
confirmed  Morcar  for  a time  in  the  earldom  of  North- 
umbria; but  it  was  of  small  value  to  Harold,  who 
perished  twenty  days  after,  Oct.  14,  1066,  in  the 
famous  battle  of  Hastings,  where  William  duke  of 
Normandy  gained  the  crown  of  England.* — This 
brings  us  to  the  third  and  last  period  of  our  General 
History. 

* Chron.  Sax.  Lei.  Coll.  I.  p.  128,  146,  530.  II.  p.  195. 
ftidpath  p.  57,  58.  Turner  III.  p.  356,  357,  366 — 372. 


68 


GENERAL  HISTORY, 


CHAP.  III. 


Anglo-Norman,  or  English  Period. 

WHEN  we  review  the  period  of  barbarism 
through  which  we  have  waded,  the  incessant  revolu- 
tions and  tumults  which  have  been  recorded,  and  the 
frightful  scenes  of  bloodshed  and  desolation  which 
have  been  described,  the  mind  must  feel  greatly 
relieved  in  anticipating  an  era  of  order  and  repose. 
Such  an  era  begins  to  approach,  but  it  is  not  yet 
arrived.  The  ill-fated  province  of  Northumbria,  and 
that  part  of  it  in  particular  which  is  the  more  imme- 
diate object  of  our  researches,  has  still  to  experience 
concussions  the  most  violent,  and  desolations  the  most 
deplorable,  before  it  can  enjoy  a settled  state  of 
tranquillity. 

Earl  Morcar  and  his  brother  Edwin  were  in 
London  soon  after  the  battle  of  Hastings,  and  endea- 
voured to  interest  the  Londoners  in  their  behalf,  to 
prevent  the  crown  from  falling  into  the  hands  of  duke 
William ; but,  finding  their  efforts  ineffectual,  they 
retired  to  their  provinces,  and  afterwards  submitted  to 
the  conqueror,  who  suffered  them  for  the  present  to 


9 


ENGLISH  PERIOD. 


69 


retain  their  honours.  William  was  aware  that  their 
submissions  were  but  feigned;  and  when  he  visited 
Normandy  in  the  following  year,,  he  took  them  and 
other  nobles  along  with  him,  to  secure  the  peace  of 
the  provinces  which  they  governed.  Soon  after  their 
return,,  Edwin  and  Mo  rear,  offended  at  the  insolence 
of  William  and  his  Norman  barons,  and  perceiving 
that  he  designed  to  crush  the  English  nobles,  and  to 
divide  their  honours  and  estates  among  his  retainers, 
determined  on  making  another  struggle  to  preserve 
the  liberties  of  their  country.  With  this  view,  they 
engaged  the  assistance  of  Blethin,  prince  of  North 
Wales,  Malcolm,  king  of  Scotland,  and  Sweyn,  king 
of  Denmark;  but  before  their  plans  were  matured, 
William  with  his  usual  promptitude  and  vigour, 
anticipated  their  hostility,  and  not  only  compelled 
them  to  renew  their  submissions,  but  confiscated  the 
lands  of  several  of  their  followers,  which  he  distributed 
among  his  foreign  adventurers.  About  this  time,  A.  D. 
1068,  Edwin  and  Morcar  seem  to  have  retired  into 
Scotland,  where  prince  Edgar  Atheling  with  his 
mother  and  sisters,  and  several  of  the  English  nobility, 
also  found  an  asylum  at  the  court  of  king  Malcolm, 
Who  married  Margaret,  the  eldest  sister  of  Edgar.* 
During  these  troubles,  Northumbria  seems  to 
have  had  several  earls  Besides  Edwinf  and  Morcar, 
we  read  of  Merther  and  Welthers,  who  are  called 

* Gul.  Malmes.  apud  Lei.  Coll.  I.  p.  145.  Matth.  Paris,  p.  4,  6. 
Jtidpatli,  p.  59,  60.  Hume’s  Hist.  I.  p.  245,  246.  f Edwin  was 
earl  of  Mercia,  but  he  afterwards  shared  in  his  brother’s  earldom ; ns 
appears  from  Domesday,  and  from  William  of  Malmesbury. 


70 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


earls  of  the  Northumbrians.*  Morcar,  too,  in  the 
beginning  of  his  government,  gave  the  earldom  of  the 
country  north  of  the  Tyne  to  Osulph,  the  son  of 
Eadulf  a former  earl.  William,  dissatisfied  with  this 
appointment,  removed  Osulph,  and  conferred  his 
earldom  on  Copsi  the  uncle  of  earl  Tosti.  This  Copsi 
had  considerable  property  in  Cleveland,  for  he  gave 
some  lands  in  Marsk,  Toccotes,  and  Guisborough  to 
the  church  of  St  Cuthbert  atDurham.f  But  his  honours 
were  of  short  duration ; for  when  he  had  held  the 
earldom  about  five  weeks,  he  was  slain  by  Osulph, 
whom  he  had  supplanted.  The  latter  perished  in  the 
same  year  by  the  lance  of  a robber;  when  the  earldom 
was  sold  by  the  king  to  Cospatric,  the  grandson  of 
earl  Ucthred. 

In  the  year  1069,  king  William  gave  the  earl- 
dom of  Morcar  to  Robert  Cumin,  a Norman  baron, 
who  took  up  his  residence  at  Durham  with  a force  of 
700  men  ;§  but  his  tyranny  and  cruelty  brought  upon 
him  the  vengeance  of  the  Northumbrians,  and  he  and 
his  followers  were  cut  off  to  a man.  In  the  mean 
time  the  indefatigable  brothers  Edwin  and  Morcar 
prepared  once  more  to  attempt  the  deliverance  of 
their  country.  Having  engaged  the  kings  of  Scotland 
and  Denmark  to  support  them,  they  arrived  in  the 
Humber  with  a large  force  in  300  ships,  and  imme- 
diately proceeded  for  York  ; having  with  them  Edgar 

* Matth.  Paris,  p.  4,  5.  f Hovedun.  apnd  Lei.  Coll.  I.  p.  125^ 
126.  Sim.  Dun.  c.  49.  § Some  accounts  say  900,  Matth.  Paris, 

P 


ENGLISH  PERIOD . 


71 


Atheling,  the  rightful  heir  to  the  crown  of  England. 
Mallet  who  commanded  the  Norman  garrison  in  the 
castle  of  York,  hearing  of  their  approach,  set  fire  to 
some  houses  adjacent  to  the  castle,  which  he  thought 
might  be  of  service  to  the  enemy  in  attacking  it;  but 
the  devouring  element  spreading  into  the  streets, 
reduced  the  whole  city  to  ashes:  and  the  invaders 
arriving'  presently  after,  the  enraged  inhabitants 
joined  them  in  storming  the  castle,  and  the  whole 
garrison  to  the  number  of  above  3000,*  except  tlie 
commander  and  one  or  two  more,  was  put  to  the 
sword.  Earl  Cospatric  with  the  Northumbrians  joined 
in  this  revolt,  which  soon  assumed  the  most  formidable 
aspect,  and  was  the  signal  for  insurrection  in  other 
parts  of  England.f 

Enraged  at  the  repeated  revolts  of  the  Northum- 
brians, William  swore  that  he  would  exterminate  them 
utterly ; and  marching  with  a potent  army  towards 
York,  began  to  put  his  barbarous  threats  into  execu- 
tion. By  means  of  bribes  and  promises,  he  succeeded 
in  detaching  from  the  revolters  their  Danish  allies, 
commanded  by  Osbern  the  brother  of  Sweyn,  and 
Harold  and  Canute,  the  sons  of  that  monarch,  who 
returning  to  their  ships,  left  the  Northumbrians  to 
the  mercy  of  the  conqueror.  Cospatric,  alarmed  at 
his  danger,  made  submission  to  William  ; and  was 
allowed  to  retain  his  earldom  for  a season.  Waltheof, 
son  to  the  celebrated  earl  Siward,  defended  the  castle 

* According  to  some  the  number  exceeded  4000.  Lei.  Coll.  I. 
p.  380.  f Ibidem  p.  530.  II.  p.  196.  Hume,  I.  p.  249,  250. 
fiidpath,  p.  61. 


72 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


of  York  against  the  king’s  forces  with  great  bravery, 
and  at  last  surrendered  upon  honourable  terms. 
Edgar  Atheling,  with  Siward,  Merleswain,  and  other 
nobles,  again  made  their  escape  into  Scotland.  But 
while  some  of  the  combatants  submitted  to  William’s 
clemency,  and  others  escaped  from  his  power,  the 
defenceless  inhabitants  of  the  province  became  the 
victims  of  his  fury.  York  was  razed  to  the  ground 
as  a nest  of  rebellion,  and  its  citizens  were  destroyed 
by  fire  and  sword  ; and  the  same  bloody  tragedy  was 
acted  throughout  the  whole  country,  from  York  to 
Durham,  from  the  Humber  to  the  Tees;  with  the 
exception  of  the  patrimony  of  St.  John  of  Beverley. 
The  district  around  Whitby  must  have  felt  with  pecu- 
liar severity  the  effects  of  this  work  of  carnage  and 
desolation  ; for  William  having  heard  a report  that 
the  Danes  were  returning  under  Canute  the  son  of 
Sweyn,  commanded  that  the  sea  coasts  should  espe- 
cially belaid  waste,  that  the  enemy  might  find  neither 
plunder  nor  subsistence.  These  dismal  ravages  are 
described  by  the  authors  of  that  age  in  affecting  terms: 
“ A fertile  province,  the  nursery  of  kings,  was  de- 
stroyed by  fire,  and  rapine,  and  slaughter;  the  ground 
to  the  extent  of  more  than  60  miles*  lay  wholly 
uncultivated;  nothing  but  the  bare  soil  appeared  for 
many  years.  When  the  stranger  now  views  the 
towns  that  were  once  famous,  the  towers  that  reared 
their  tops  to  heaven,  the  lands  that  smiled  with 
pastures  and  were  watered  with  streams,  he  heaves  a 

* Equal  to  90  of  the  present  English  miles. 


ENGLISH  PERIOD. 


73 


sigh : and  if  any  of  the  ancient  inhabitants  survives  to 
see  the  ruined  country,  he  cannot  recognize  it.  For 
nine  years,  a great  part  of  the  province  was  unin- 
habited; and  if  in  some  parts  any  inhabitants  were 
left,  they  suffered  such  a dreadful  famine,  that  they 
were  forced  to  subsist  on  the  flesh  of  horses,  dogs,  and 
cats,  nay,  to  feed  even  on  human  flesh.”* 

But  the  measure  of  vengeance  appointed  for  this 
devoted  province  was  not  yet  full.  Another  tremen- 
dous scourge  awaited  the  miserable  remnant  of  the 
Northumbrians.  Scarcely  had  some  parts  of  the 
country  begun  to  recover  the  shock,  when  Malcolm 
king  of  Scotland,  who  h:  d come,  when  it  was  too 
late,  to  make  a diversion  in  favour  of  his  brother-in- 
law  Edgar,  entered  the  province  from  Cumberland 
which  was  a part  of  his  dominions;  and  proceeding 
down  the  Tees,  ravaged  the  whole  country,  as  far  as 
Hartlepool  on  the  one  side,  and  the  extremity  of 
Cleveland  on  the  other.  Whatever  had  escaped  the 
fury  of  William  fell  a prey  to  the  rapacity  of  Malcolm. 
And  though  earl  Cospatric,  who  ruled  in  the  north, 
retaliated  by  plundering  a part  of  Cumberland,  and 
then  shut  himself  up  in  his  fortress  of  Bamburgh; 
this  only  inflamed  the  rage  of  Malcolm  who  laid 
waste  the  north  district,  as  he  had  done  the  south, 
and  carried  into  captivity  almost  all  the  inhabitants 
whom  he  did  not  destroy ; insomuch  that  for  some 

* Gul.  Malmes.  apud  Lei.  Coll.  I p.  146.  Ibidem,  p.  380, 
530.  II.  p.  196,  197.  Sun.  Dun.  c.  50.  Hume,  I.  p.  251,  252. 
Drake’s  Ebor.  p.  90,  91. 


74 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


years  after,  there  was  scarcely  a family  in  Scotland 
which  had  not  an  English  slave.* 

Such  dire  calamities,  repeatedly  inflicted  on  this 
ill-fated  province,  present  a melancholy  picture  of 
human  depravity.  The  heart  sickens  at  the  view  of 
these  scenes  of  wretchedness;  it  seems  strange  that 
man  can  be  so  barbarous  to  man.  Yet  it  is  some 
consolation  to  reflect,  that  this  is  the  last  disaster  of 
the  kind  which  we  are  called  to  record  The  history 
of  the  district  will  still  occasionally  exhibit  commotions, 
troubles,  and  partial  devastations,  but  we  shall  no 
more  find  it  depopulated  and  ruined. 

In  the  following  year  (1071),  the  celebrated 
Edwin  and  Morcar,  with  several  Saxon  nobles,  made 
a last  effort  for  the  recovery  of  their  power;  but  this 
enterprize  only  accelerated  their  final  ruin.  Upon 
the  failure  of  their  attempt,  Edwin  was  slain  through 
the  treachery  of  his  own  followers,  while  he  was  fleeing 
into  Scotland ; and  Morcar,  having  taken  shelter  for  a 
time  in  the  marshes  of  Ely,  with  several  of  his  confe- 
derates, was  at  last  compelled  to  surrender  to  William, 
who  kept  him  in  prison  during  a great  part  of  his 
reign,  f 

Among  th^  associates  of  Edwin  and  Morcar 
was  one  earl  Siward,  surnamed  Barn,§  who  had 

* Lei.  Coll.  I.  p.  381,  382.  II.  p.  198,  355,  531.  Ridpath, 
p.  62.  f Hovedun.  apud  Lei.  Coll.  I.  p.  128.  II.  p.  198.  Ridpath, 
p.  63.  § Barn,  beam,  or  bairn  signifies  the  child.  This  Siward 

was  so  called  to  distinguish  him  from  the  celebrated  Siward,  who  was 
surnamed  Digera,  the  great,  or  the  giant.  Some  writers  make 
Barn  the  name  of  another  chief,  and  not  the  surname  of  Siward;  but 
he  is  expressly  called  by  Hovedun  “ Siwardus  cognomine  Barn.” 


ENGLISH  PERIOD 


75 


accompanied  Edgar  Atheling  in  his  flight  into  Scotland,, 
and  now  siiared  the  fortunes  of  Morcar,  Hereward, 
and  other  nobles  in  the  marshes  of  Ely.  This  Siward, 
who  was  perhaps  a relation  of  the  great  Siward,  had 
the  title  of  earl , probably  on  account  of  his  possessing 
a large  portion  of  the  earldom  of  Northumbria.*  We 
find  from  Domesday,  that  he  was  proprietor  of  Whitby, 
Sneton,  and  their  dependencies,  including  Fyling, 
Ugglebarnby,  Stakesby,  and  Newholm ; and  also 
possessed  the  manor  of  Lofthouse,  with  that  of  Acklam 
and  Ingleby,  and  their  several  dependencies  ; among 
which  were  lands  at  Hinderwell,  Boulby,  Easington, 
Liverton,  Marsk,  Upleatham,  Lazenby,  Lakenby, 
Guisborough,  and  other  places  in  Cleveland ; besides 
his  large  estates  in  various  other  parts  of  Yorkshire. f 
It  is  generally  supposed  that  Siward  Barn,  with 
Morcar,  Roger,  and  several  other  noblemen,  conti- 
nued state  prisoners  till  the  close  of  the  conqueror’s 
reign,  when  the  dying  monarch  commanded  them  to 
be  liberated  :§  but  it  is  more  probable  that  the  greater 
part  of  them  were  set  at  liberty  several  years  before, 
for  these  three  earls  are  among  the  witnesses  to  a 
charter  of  William  bishop  of  Durham,  dated  at 

Let.  Coll.  11.  p.  198. — The  same  surname  is  annexed  to  other  names: 
for  instance  it  is  added  to  Gamel  in  Gamel-bearn.  Perhaps  the  word 
fj earn,  when  so  used,  should  be  rendered  the  younger,  or  the  son. 

* Lei.  Coll.  I.  p.  416,  417.  II.  p.  198.  Matth.  Paris,  p.  6. 
t Bawdwen’s  Translation  of  Domesday,  p.  64,  65. — The  learned 
editor,  in  a note,  confounds  this  earl  Siward  with  the  great  Siward ; 
but  the  possessions  of  the  latter  would  no  doubt  descend  to  his  son 
Vv  altheof,  and  must  be  the  lands  described  in  this  invaluable  record  as 
having  belonged  to  Waltheof.  § Rapin  I.  p 180.  Hume  I.  p.  280. 

L 2 


76 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


London  in  the  year  1082;  and  Sivvard  Barn  also 
witnessed  a deed  of  king  William,  executed  in  the 
] 8th  year  of  his  reign.*  What  became  of  earl  Siward 
afterwards  I have  not  learned ; but  his  family  obtained 
an  asylum  in  Scotland,  where  his  posterity  flourished 
for  several  generations. f The  same  remark  will 
apply  to  the  family  of  Merleswain,  formerly  named, 
who  also  possessed  some  lands  in  or  near  this  district,  at 
Nunnington,  Wykeham,  and  other  parts;  but  had 
more  extensive  possessions  in  the  East  and  West 
Ridings. § 

After  the  fall  of  Edwin  and  Morcar,  earl  Cos- 
patric  did  not  long  retain  his  dignity;  for  in  1072, 
when  William  returned  from  his  expedition  into 
Scotland,  he  deprived  that  nobleman  of  his  earldom; 
alleging  that  he  had  been  accessary  to  the  slaughter 
of  Robert  Cumin  at  Durham,  and  of  the  Normans  at 
York.  William  took  from  him  at  the  same  time  a 
part  of  his  large  estates;  particularly  the  lands  which 

* rr  Testibus — Morkaro,  et  Rogerio,  et  Siwardo  cogrfomento 
Barn.” — “ Signum  Siwardi  Barn.”  Dugd.  Monast.  1.  p.44.  f Edward, 
the  son  of  Siward,  witnessed  a charter  of  kjng  David  to  the  monks  of 
Dunfermlin,  soon  after  his  accession  in  1123.  His  descendant  Richard 
Siward,  who  lived  in  the  reign  of  Alexander  II,  was  one  of  the 
guarantees  of  the  peace  with  England  in  T244.  Richard  Siward,  the 
grandson  of  the  former,  was  one  of  the  Magnates  Scotice,  who  en- 
gaged to  recognize  the  princess  Margaret,  on  the  demise  of  Alexander 
111.  As  one  of  the  Scotish  barons,  he  sat  in  the  Parliament  at 
Brioham  in  1290.  Richard  Siward,  and  his  family,  were  involved  in 
the 'disasters  of  the  succession  war:  and,  on  the  settlement  ot  the 
government  of  Scotland  by  Edward  I,  in  1305,  he  was  appointed 
sheriff  of  Dumfries.  The  family  of  Siward  ended  in  a female  heir, 
Helen  Siward,  who  married  Isaac  Maxwell.  She  lived  under  David 
II,  when  she  resigned  the  barony  of  Kelhe  in  Fife.  Chalmers’s  C al. 
I.  p.  500,  501.  § Bawdwen’s  Domesday,  p.  187,  1SS,  189, 

Chalmers’s  Caled.  I.  p.  500. 


ENGLISH  PERIOD. 


77 


he  had  in  this  district,  at  Cayton,  Allerston,  Thornton, 
Ellerburn,  Dalby,  Kettlethorp,  Lockton,  Aislaby 
(near  Pickering,)  Wrelton,  Cawthorn,  and  Cropton  ; 
with  his  lands  at  Myton,  Brafferton,  and  several  other 
places:  but  he  suffered  him  to  retain  a considerable 
part  of  his  extensive  possessions  in  the  West  Riding-. 
Yet  Cospatric  did  not  reside  on  these  possessions,  but 
retired  into  Scotland;  where  Malcolm  gave  him  some 
lands  at  Dunbar,  and  in  other  parts  of  Lothian  and 
the  Merse,  and  where  his  posterity  held  a distin- 
guished rank.* 

The  earldom  of  Northumberland  was  bestowed 
^y  William  on  Waltheof,  son  of  the  famous  earl 
Siward ; but  his  dignity  was  of  short  duration.  In 
1074,  he  unfortunately  joined  with  some  Norman 
barons  in  a conspiracy  against  William ; and  though 
he  tried  to  atone  for  his  offence  by  revealing  the  plot, 
he  was  condemned  to  death,  chiefly  on  the  evidence 
of  Judith  his  wife,  niece  to  king  William  ; and,  next 
year,  after  several  months  imprisonment,  he  was 
beheaded  at  Winchester.-}* 

Waltheof  was  the  last  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  earls. 
It  was  the  policy  of  William  gradually  to  remove  all 

* Lei.  Coll.  I.  p.  126,  376,  382.  Sim.  Dun.  c.  51.  Chalmers’s 
Cal.  I.  p.499.  Domesclay,  p.  21,  22,  25,  26,  215— 219 — Charlton 
in  his  History,  p.  50,  states  that  Whitby  and  Whitby  Strand  belonged 
at  the  conquest  to  Gospatrie  (or  Cospatric);  hut  it  is  obvious  from 
Domesday,  that  Siward  was  lord  of  Whitby  and  the  neighbourhood, 
and  that  Gospatrie  had  no  lands  in  Whitby  Strand,  nor  within  twelve 
miles  of  Whitby.  Indeed  Whitby  Strand  was  not  then  a separate 
jurisdiction ; the  north  part  of  it  belonged  to  Langbargh  Wapentake, 
and  the  south  to  the  Wapentake  of  Die.  Domesday,  p.  259,  262. 
t Lei.  Coll,  ubi  supra.  Mat.  Paris,  p.  8.  Ridpath,  p.  64. 


78 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


the  ancient  nobility  from  places  of  power  and  trust, 
and  to  confer  their  dignities  on  his  Norman  lords. 
Upon  this  plan  he  began  to  act  at  an  early  period  of 
li is  reign,  a measure  which  gave  rise  to  frequent  plots 
and  insurrections  on  the  part  of  the  degraded  English  ; 
and  these  attempts  proving  unsuccessful,  gave  occasion 
to  numerous  confiscations,  and  thus  accelerated  the 
evil  which  they  aimed  to  prevent.  Hence,  in  less  than 
ten  years,  almost  all  the  property  and  influence  in  the 
kingdom  were  transferred  to  the  Normans. 

Upon  the  fall  of  Wallheof,  the  earldom  of 
Northumberland  underwent  a singular  change,  being 
purchased  from  the  king  by  Walcher,  bishop  of 
Durham,  one  of  his  foreign  favourites.  This  ecclesi- 
astical earl  is  said  to  have  been  a w7ell  disposed  man 
himself,  but  he  has  been  compared  to  Eli,  the  Jewish 
high-priest;  for,  by  conniving  at  the  excesses  of  his 
relations  and  dependents,  he  brought  himself  and 
them  to  a tragical  end.  Some  of  his  officers  carried 
on  a system  of  oppression,  extortion,  and  rapine, 
which  excited  universal  discontent  throughout  the 
province;  and  when  these  deeds  of  iniquity  and  vio- 
lence were  crowned  with  foul  murders,  the  spirit  of 
dissatisfaction  was  inflamed  into  fury  and  revenge. 
Liwulf,  or  Ligulf,  a Saxon  nobleman  of  great  re- 
putation, who  had  lands  at  Ugthorpe,  Normanby, 
and  Kildale,  and  great  possessions  in  other  parts  of 
Yorkshire,*  retired  to  Durham  to  avoid  the  insults  of 
ilie  Normans,  and  lived  therein  the  best  terms  with 
* Domesday,  p.  17,  225,  74,  76,  82,  &c. 


ENGLISH  PERIOD. 


79 


the  bishop:  but  Leofwin  and  Gilbert,  the  chaplain 
and  nephew  of  Watcher,  envying'  the  worth  and 
influence  of  this  distinguished  nobleman,  basely  con- 
spired against  him  and  slew  him.  This  barbarous 
murder  roused  the  indignation  of  the  Northumbrians, 
and  being  headed  by  one  Waltheof,  a kinsman  of  the 
deceased,  they  attacked  and  slew  the  bishop  and  the 
murderers,  with  about  a hundred  of  their  friends  ami 
retainers,  at  Gateshead  on  the  banks  of  the  Tyne. 
Odo  the  king’s  brother,  who  was  chief  justiciary,  was 
sent  with  a force  to  punish  the  insurgents ; but  instead 
of  seeking  the  ends  of  justice,  he  sought  rather  to 
gratify  his  avarice  and  cruelty,  by  plundering  and 
destroying  indiscriminately  the  innocent  and  the 
guilty.* 

After  these  troubles,  which  occurred  in  1080, 
William  appointed  one  Alberic,  or  Albrius,  a foreigner, 
to  succeed  Walcher  in  the  government  of  Northum- 
bria ; but  finding  himself  unequal  to  the  arduous  task, 
he  resigned  his  office  and  retired  into  his  own  country. 
The  earldom  was  then  given  to  Robert  de  Mulbray, 
or  Mowbray,  a powerful  Norman  baron.  This  earl 
is  celebrated  for  cutting  ofi.  Malcolm  Ceanmore,  with 
his  son  Edward  and  a great  part  of  his  forces,  in 
1093,  when  that  king  was  ravaging  Northumberland 
the  fifth  time.  Malcolm  was  slain  near  Alnwick,  by 

* Lei.  Coll.  I.  p.  126,  128,  129,  332,  383,  384.  II.  p.  199. 
Sim.  Dnu.  c.  58,  59.  Matth.  Paris,  p.  9. — This  last  author  charges 
Walcher  himself,  as  well  as  his  servants,  with  shameful  avarice  ami 
cruel  extortion;  and  we  may  easily  believe  that  he  who  bought  the 
earldom  with  money  would  study  to  make  money  by  it. 


80 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


the  hand  of  Morell,  a kinsman  of  earl  Robert;  but 
whether  he  fell  through  treachery  or  open  force,  is„a 
subject  of  dispute.  About  two  years  after,  Mowbray 
entered  into  a conspiracy  against  William  Rufus,  in 
favour  of  Stephen,  that  king’s  cousin  : but,  the  plot 
having  miscarried,  the  earl,  after  much  resistance 
was  taken  atTinmouth;  and  being  stripped  of  his 
power  and  possessions,  was  cast  into  prison,  where 
he  languished  for  thirty  years.* 

This  nobleman  appears  to  have  been  the  last  earl 
of  Northumberland  who  had  any  authority  over  this 
district.  After  his  imprisonment,  the  earldom  remained 
for  a time  in  the  hands  of  the  king;  and  the  subse- 
quent earls  do  not  seem  to  have  had  any  jurisdiction 
in  Yorkshire.  Indeed,  it  may  be  doubted  whether 
Mowbray  and  one  or  two  of  his  predecessors,  had  any 
dominion  south  of  the  Tees,  except  in  their  own 
personal  estates ; for  about  this  time  we  find  a viscount 
of  York,  an  earl  of  Holderness,  an  earl  of  Moreton,  &c. 
having  governments  in  Yorkshire;  and  they  seem  to 
have  held  their  authority  immediately  from  the  king, 
it  would  therefore  be  foreign  to  our  purpose,  to  trace 
the  succession  of  Northumbrian  earls  any  further,  or 
to  give  an  extended  view  of  the  affairs  of  a province, 
now  divided,  by  a wise  policy,  into  so  many  separate 
jurisdictions.  Let  us  rather  in  the  sequel  of  our 
General  History,  confine  our  attention  to  that  district 
which  is  the  more  immediate  object  of  research. 

* Lei.  Coll.  I.  p.  126,  158,  159,  305,  332,  376,  385,  531. 
II.  p.  200,  229,  318.  Sim.  Dun.  c.  63.  Matth,  Paris,  p.  16,  17. 
liidpath,  p.  69 — 72. 


ENGLISH  PERIOD. 


81 


The  celebrated  record  entitled  Domesday  throws 
much  liffht  on  the  state  of  this  district  at  the  time  of 
the  conquest,  and  for  twenty  years  after.  It  is  a 
survey  of  all  the  lands  in  England,  drawn  up  by  orders 
of  William  the  Conqueror,  with  a view  to  ascertain 
the  state  of  his  dominions,  and  to  impose  a tax  on 
every  hyde,  or  plough,  of  land  then  in  tillage.  The 
survey  was  begun  about  the  year  1081,  and  finished 
in  1086.*  Here  are  registered  the  names  of  all  the 
wapentakes,  manors,  berewicks,  &c.  in  each  county, 
with  the  quantity  of  land  belonging  to  each  manor, 
berewick,  or  lesser  division;  the  names  of  the  propri- 
etors in  the  days  of  king  Edward  the  confessor, 
immediately  before  the  conquest,  with  those  of  the 
proprietors  at  the  time  of  the  survey;  the  value  of  the 
lands  at  the  one  period  and  at  the  other;  the  number 
of  churches  and  mills,  with  a variety  of  other  inter- 
esting particulars.  For  the  satisfaction  of  the  curious, 
the  greater  part  of  what  relates  to  this  district  will  be 
given  in  the  Appendix. f But,  it  may  be  proper,  in 
this  place,  to  present  the  reader  with  a few  observa- 
tions, calculated  to  elucidate  the  history  of  the  district 
at  this  memorable  era. 

The  arrangement  of  the  lands  in  Domesday  is  by 
no  means  the  most  perspicuous;  for  they  are  not 
placed  according  to  their  local  situation,  but  according 
to  the  rank  of  the  proprietors  in  each  county;  the 
lands  of  the  king  being  placed  first,  then  the  lands  of 

* Lei.  Coll.  I.  p.  262.  II.  p.  199.  Mat.  Paris,  p.  10.  Hume, 
I.  p.  275,  276. — The  tax  is  said  to  have  been  six  shillings  for  every 
hyde,  f See  Appendix  No.  I. 

M 


S2 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


the  archbishops,  bishops,  and  abbots;  and  afterwards 
those  of  the  earls,  barons,  knights,  and  thanes:  and 
hence,  as  some  of  the  proprietors  had  manors  in  various 
parts  of  the  county,  the  same  ground  is  gone  over 
again  and  again,  before  they  are  all  enumerated 
The  inferior  landowners,  however,  who  held  their 
estates  under  the  great  proprietors,  have  not  separate 
sections  assigned  them,  but  are  classed  under  the 
lords  of  the  manors  of  whom  they  held.  This  intricate 
arrangement  occasions  some  difficulty  in  discovering 
what  places  are  named  in  Domesday,  and  what  are 
not  to  be  found;  and  may  be  viewed  as  the  principal 
cause  of  the  numerous  mistakes  on  this  head  which 
have  occurred  * 

It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  the  names  of  almost 
all  the  original  proprietors  in  this  district,  and  in  the 
greater  part  of  Yorkshire,  appear  to  be  Danish; 
which  is  only  what  might  be  expected,  when  it  is 
considered  that,  in  the  time  of  Alfred,  the  whole  of 
this  part  of  England  was  colonized  by  the  Danes,  by 
whose  cruel  ravages  the  former  inhabitants  had  been 
extirpated.  1 have  already  mentioned  among  the 
proprietors  in  this  district,  at  the  time  of  the  conquest, 
Siward,  Cospatric,  Merleswain,  and  Ligulf.  Of  the 
remaining  proprietors  the  following  may  be  particu- 
larly noticed.  Suuen  possessed  the  manors  of  Lyth, 
Mulgrave,  Hutton-Mulgrave,  Egton,  Goldsborough, 

* Charlton  states  that  no  mention  is  made  in  Domesday  of 
Whitby  or  Presteby,  and  Graves  makes  the  same  remark  respecting 
Lythe  and  Barneby.  It  will  be  seen  from  the  extracts  given  in  the 
Appendix,  that  all  these  places  are  noticed  in  it. 


ENGLISH  PERIOD. 


83 


Mickleby,  and  Borrowby,  with  several  other  places 
in  the  neighbourhood ; his  estates  nearly  coinciding 
with  those  of  the  present  earl  Mulgrave.  Uctred  was 
lord  of  Seaton,  both  Moresomes,  Kilton,  Brotton, 
Skelton,  Toccotes,  and  Kirkleatham,  with  some  other 
places  in  Cleveland.  Uchil  had  lands  at  Guisborough, 
Ayton,  and  the  neighbourhood.  Leising  had  consi- 
derable possessions  in  the  same  quarter;  where  also 
Ulchil,  Haward,  Norman,  and  several  others  held 
manors.  The  chief  proprietors  about  Kirkby-Moor- 
side,  Lestingham,  and  that  vicinity,  were  Gamel,  Orm, 
and  Torbrand.  The  lands  of  Orm  extended  into  the 
vale  of  the  Esk,  for  he  was  possessor  of  Danby, 
Lealholm,  and  other  places  in  that  quarter.  The 
respectable  manor  of  Walsgrave,  with  its  numerous 
dependencies,  belonged  to  earl  Tosti ; and  the  still 
more  extensive  and  valuable  manor  of  Pickering,  was 
the  property  of  earl  Morcar. 

Among  the  names  of  these  original  proprietors 
we  find  several  that  are  composed  of  two  names,  or 
of  one  simple  name  and  a syllable  or  epithet  annexed 
to  it : a remark  which  is  applicable  to  the  Danish  or 
Saxon  names  in  other  counties  as  well  as  in  Yorkshire. 
Thus  Ulf,  Tor,  Brand,  Chil,  Suuen,  Asi,  &c.  are 
simple  names,  which  we  find  compounded  in  a great 
variety  of  forms,  the  last  letter  in  Ulf,  Asi,  and  some 
others,  suffering  an  ellipsis  when  they  are  placed  first. 
Thus  Ulf  and  Chil  form  Ulchil,  Asi  and  Chil  make 
Aschil,  Tor  and  Chil=TorchiI,  Tor  and  Ulf=Torulf, 
Tor  and  Brand=Torbrand,  Chil  with  the  epithet 


84 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


Bert=Chilbert,  Merle  and  Suuen=Merlesuuen ; to 
which  numbers  of  instances  might  be  added.  Where 
two  names  are  thus  united,  the  one  would  seem  to  be 
the  name  of  the  father,  and  the  other  that  of  the  son  ; 
but  I cannot  pretend  to  say  which  is  placed  first. 
For  instance,  Torulf  may  either  mean  Tor  the  son 
of  Ulf,  or  Ulf  the  son  of  Tor.* 

It  is  no  less  observable  that  a great  proportion  of 
the  names  of  places  in  this  quarter  seem  to  be  derived 
from  those  of  their  proprietors,  who  either  held  them 
at  the  conquest,  or  at  a more  distant  period.  Thus 
Ormesbi  is  the  village  or  dwelling  of  Orm;  Normanebi, 
the  dwelling  of  Norman;  Chilton,  the  town  of  Chil; 
Ughethorp,  the  village  of  Ughe ; Ugleberdebi,  the 
dwelling  of  Uglebert.f  The  word  most  frequently 
used  in  these  names  to  denote  village  or  habitation  is 
bi  or  by,  which  at  this  day  retains  the  same  significa- 
tion in  the  Scandinavian  languages.  It  is  easy  to 
assign  a reason  why  so  many  places  in  this  district 
have  been  called  after  the  names  of  men.  When 
Halfdene  and  the  other  chiefs  parcelled  out  the  lands 
among  their  followers,  the  greater  part  of  the  original 
names  being  lost  with  the  inhabitants,  new  names 
behoved  to  be  imposed  on  the  lands  or  townships; 
and  nothing  could  be  more  natural  than  to  distinguish 
them  by  the  names  of  their  occupiers.  Thus  in  North 

* The  names  of  the  Border  warriors  were  distinguished  in  a 
similar  way  many  ages  after,  the  name  of  the  father  being  prefixed 
to  that  of  the  son;  as  in  “Adam’s  Johnny,”  “Willie’s  Rob,”  &c. 
f On  the  etymology  of  the  names  of  places  in  the  district  several 
additional  observations  will  be  offered  in  a future  part  of  the  work. 


ENGLISH  PERIOD. 


85 


America,  where  lands  have  been  portioned  out  as  jthe 
rewards  of  military  service ; they  generally  bear  the 
names  of  those  to  whom  they  were  allotted. 

Besides  the  places  which  are  designated  by  the 
appellation  bi,  dwelling,  tun , town,  thorp,  village, 
borg,  burgh,  or  ham,  home  or  residence,  there  are 
others  in  this  district  and  its  vicinity  which  are  distin- 
guished by  the  term  grif.  Various  meanings  have 
been  assigned  to  this  term,  which  in  the  modern 
names  is  written  grave  ; but  that  which  is  given  by 
Mr.  Marshall  appears  to  be  the  true  one.  He  defines 
griff  to  be  “ A dingle ; or  a narrow  valley,  with  a 
rocky  fissure-like  chasm  at  the  bottom  ”*  A town  or 
village  situated  near  a dingle  of  this  description,  was 
therefore  so  named.  Mulgrif,f  which  in  Domesday 
is  simply  called  Grif,  is  an  instance  in  our  immediate 
neighbourhood.  Another  Grif,  near  Rivaux  abbey, 
still  retains  its  name;  and  Stanegrif,  now  Stonegrave, 
is  in  the  same  quarter.  Besides  these,  there  was 
Walesgrif,  now  called  Walsgrave,  or  more  frequently 
Falsgrave ; and  Hildegrif,  so  named  from  lady  Hilda, 
not  far  from  Hackness. 

It  is  a remarkable  fact,  that  there  are  few  places 
of  any  note  in  this  district  which  are  not  mentioned 
in  Domesday,  and  on  the  other  hand  there  are  few  of 
the  names  of  the  places  noticed  in  that  survey  which 
are  altogether  lost ; so  that  by  far  the  greater  part  of 

* Rural  Economy  of  Yorkshire,  Vol.  II.  p 323.  f The  childish 
story  in  Camden  about  Moult  Grave,  will  be  afterwards  noticed.  It 
is  obvious  that  Mulgrif,  or  Mulegrif,  must  have  derived  its  name 
from  one  Mul  or  Mule,  a name  which  occurs  frequently  in  Domesday. 


8G 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


the,  names  of  the  towns,  villages,  and  hamlets  in  the 
district,  are  more  than  750  years  old.  The  principal, 
and  indeed  almost  the  only  exceptions,  are  the  towns 
along  the  shore,  Scarborough,  Robin  Hood’s  Bay, 
Runswick,  Stailhs,  and  Redcar.  The  omission  of 
Scarborough  seems  unaccountable,  as  historians  inform 
us  that  Tosti  in  one  of  his  expeditions  landed  at  Scar- 
borough, and  plundered  and  burnt  it.*  I have  not 
access  to  the  authorities  which  Turner  quotes  in 
support  of  this  fact;  but  I strongly  suspect  that 
Scarborough  properly  so  called  did  not  then  exist; 
and  that  the  historians,  living  after  Scarborough  was 
built,  applied  the  name  by  way  of  anticipation  to 
Walesgrif,  which,  it  will  be  remembered,  was  Tosti’s 
own  manor. 

In  examining  Domesday,  nothing  can  strike  us 
more  forcibly  than  the  complete  revolution  of  property 
which  had  taken  place  throughout  the  whole  of  this 
part  of  Yorkshire,  between  the  close  of  Edward’s 
reign  and  the  time  of  the  survey.  Through  the  effect 
of  attainders,  and  other  means,  the  old  proprietors 
had  all  been  dispossessed,  and  their  lands  transferred 
into  the  hands  of  the  Normans.  Upwards  of  50 
manors  in  this  district  were  retained  by  the  king  in 
his  own  possession,  including  the  extensive  manors 
of  Pickering  and  Walesgrif,  with  all  or  most  of  the 
estates  of  Cospatric,  Ligulf,  Lesing,  and  several 
others.  The  lands  of  earl  Siward,  including  the 
valuable  manor  of  Whitby.,  with  its  dependencies* 


* Turner’s  Hist,  III.  p.  3G6. 


ENGLISH  PERIOD. 


87 


and  the  manors  of  Hinderwell  and  Loftus,  were  con- 
ferred on  Hugh  de  Abrincis,  sur named  Lupus,  earl 
of  Chester,  the  conqueror’s  nephew;  under  whom 
William  de  Percy  held  Whitby  and  the  lands  belong- 
ing to  it.  The  estates  of  Suuen,  Lctred,  and  others, 
were  given  to  Robert  earl  of  Morton  ; under  whom 
one  Nigel  held  most  of  the  lands  of  Suuen,  and  one 
Richard  Surdeval  most  of  the  lands  of  Let  red.  The 
lands  of  Gamel  and  Torbrand  were  chiefly  g anted 
to  Be  enger  de  Todeni.  William  de  Percy  received 
estates  in  Fyling,  Hinderwell,  Marsk,  Kirkleatham, 
(then  called  Westleatham),  Cloughton,  Hackness, 
Ayton,  Seamer,  &c.  which  had  belonged  to  Norman, 
Carle,  and  others;  but  he  had  far  more  ex  ensive 
possessions  in  other  parts  of  Yorkshire.  Hugh  the 
son  of  Baldric  obtained  the  lands  of  Orm.  Several 
of  the  smaller  estates  in  Cleveland  were  given  to  the 
king’s  thanes,  among  whom  however  the  names  of 
Orme,  TJctred,  and  one  or  two  more  of  the  old  pro- 
prietors are  found ; from  which  it  would  seem,  that 
while  they  were  stripped  of  their  large  estates  to 
enrich  the  Norman  adventurers,  a few  of  them  had  a 
small  pittance  allowed  them  for  subsistence.  Yet 
none  of  them  were  suffered  to  retain  any  part  of  their 
own  estates,  except  Uctred  who  held  two  carucates 
of  his  lands  at  Rousby  under  the  earl  of  Morton, 
Orme  who  retained  a part  of  Ormesby,  and  Archil 
who  continued  to  hold  Marton  in  Cleveland;  in 
addition  to  which  it  must-be  observed,  that  the  other 
Marton  near  Kirkby-Moorside  is  almost  the  only 


8S 


GENERAL  HISTORV. 


other  place  in  the  district  that  did  not  change  masters 
during  this  great  revolution,  being  part  of  the  patri- 
mony of  the  archbishop  of  York;  who  also  obtained 
from  Ulf*'  and  Gamel,  about  the  time  of  the  conquest, 
some  lands  at  Barf,  Nawton  and  other  places  on  the 
confines  of  this  district.  As  the  bishop  of  Durham  is 
not  found  among  the  proprietors  in  Cleveland,  it 
appears  that  the  lands  which  earl  Copsi  gave  to  the 
church  of  Durham  at  Marsk,  Toccotes,  and  Guisbo- 
rough,f  had  either  been  exchanged,  or  alienated  in 
some  other  way  from  the  patrimony  of  St.  Cuthbert. 

The  lands  of  Robert  de  Bruis,  (or  Bruce),  in- 
cluding some  possessions  at  Guisborough,  Ormesby, 
and  other  parts  of  Cleveland,  where  he  afterwards 
became  so  rich  and  powerful,  are  added  in  an  irre- 
gular and  abbreviated  form  by  way  of  appendix  to  the 
general  survey;  the  return  from  his  estates  not  having 
been  given  in  to  the  commissioners  in  sufficient  time 
to  have  it  entered  in  the  regular  form. 

It  may  be  remarked,  that  the  richest  manor  in 
this  quarter  in  the  time  of  Edward  the  confessor,  wras 
that  of  Whitby,  which  with  its  dependencies  was  valued 
at  £112.  The  next  in  value  was  Pickering,  which 
was  estimated  at  £88.  Walsgrave  was  valued  at 
£56;  and  Loftus  at  £48.  Most  of  the  other  manors 
are  entered  at  a very  low  rate.  Lyth,  Mulgrave, 
Hutton  Mulgrave,  Egton,  Mickleby,  and  Brotton 

* The  valuable  donations  of  Ulf  to  the  church  of  York  are  well 
known.  The  horn  which  he  presented  at  the  altar,  in  token  of  his 
resigning  his  lands,  is  still  preserved  among  the  curiosities  in  York 
Minster.  f See  page  70. 


English  period . 


89 


were  valued  at  only  ten  shillings  each ! It  must  be 
observed  however,  that  the  value  assigned  them  is  not 
what  they  might  be  supposed  to  sell  at,  but  what  they 
produced  to  the  revenue. 

But  however  low  the  valuation  of  the  lands  in 
the  days  of  king  Edward  may  appear,  their  value  was 
vastly  reduced  at  the  time  of  the  survey.  Domesday 
is  a lasting  monument  of  the  sad  effects  of  William’s 
desolating  fury.  Fifteen  years  had  elapsed  since  he 
laid  waste  the  whole  coast  with  fire  and  sword;  yet 
even  at  that  distance  of  time  the  greater  part  of  the 
country  was  little  better  than  a desert.  Multitudes 
of  manors  are  given  in  as  waste  and  of  no  value;  and 
the  reduction  in  the  value  of  the  rest  is  almost  incre- 
dible. Whitby  is  estimated  at  only  60  shillings, 
Walesgrif  at  30  shillings,  Pickering  at  20  sh.  4d : 
but  the  depreciation  of  Loftus  was  still  greater,  for  it 
was  valued  at  nothing ! All  the  lands  of  the  earl  of 
Morton  are  given  in  as  waste,  except  Lyth  which  is 
valued  at  5 sh,  6d,  Seaton,  which  is  rated  at  its  old 
valuation,  viz.  10  sh. ; and  Brotton,  Skelton,  Guis- 
borough,  and  other  places  in  the  plain  of  Cleveland, 
which,  though  of  some  worth,  were  all  greatly  depre- 
ciated. The  quantity  of  waste  land  in  the  district 
was  enormous,  and  the  reduction  in  the  number  of 
sokemen,  villanes,  and  others  employed  in  the  culti- 
vation of  the  lands  was  proportionably  great. 

Indeed  the  population  of  the  country  must  have 
been  but  scanty,  even  in  the  reign  of  the  Confessor; 
as  may  be  inferred  from  the  vast  extent  of  the  forests 


00 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


with  which  it  Was  then  covered.  The  woodlands  in 
Whitby  manor  were  7 miles  long  by  3 broad;  those 
in  Hutton-Mulgrave  3 miles  by  one;  in  Ugthorp  2 
miles  by  one;  in  Borrowby  and  Rousby  the  same 
extents  in  Egton  3 miles  by  2 ; in  Danby  and  its 
vicinity  3 miles  by  3 miles : but  the  most  extensive 
forest  was  that  of  Pickering,  which  was  no  less  than 
16  miles  in  length,  and  4 in  breadth. 

The  very  small  number  of  churches  and  mills 
returned  in  the  survey,  furnishes  another  token  of  the 
reduced  state  of  the  population.  In  the  whole  district 
we  find  no  more  than  eight  mills : viz.  one  in  Whitby 
manor,  probably  that  at  Ruswarp;  one  at  Guisbo- 
rough ; another  at  Stokesley ; one  at  Ayton,  near 
Hackness;  another  at  Brompton;  one  at  Dalby,  near 
Lockton  ; and  two  at  Kirkby  Moorside,  viz.  one  in 
the  manor  of  Torbrand,  and  another  in  that  of  Orm. 
It  is  probable  however,  that  hand  mills  were  then  in 
frequent  use. 

The  number  of  churches  ill  the  district  was  just 
double  that  of  the  mills.  On  the  Cleveland  side  of 
Whitby,  there  was  a church  at  Seaton,  near  Hinder- 
well ; another  at  Easington,  but  without  a priest; 
and  one  at  Kirkleatham,  at  Guisborough,  at  Kildale, 
at  Ayton,  at  Stokesley,  and  at  Ormesby,  besides  one 
in  the  manor  of  Acklam  and  Ingleby,  on  the  confines 
of  the  district.  On  the  other  side  of  Whitby,  there 
was  a church  at  Seamer  beyond  Walsgrave ; another 
at  Brompton ; two  at  Kirkby  Moorside,  one  of  which 
was  in  the  manor  of  Torbrand,  and  the  other  in  that 


ENGLISH  PERIOD. 


91 


of  Orm,  which  last  was  in  all  probability  the  church 
of  Kirkdale;  and  there  were  no  less  than  three  in  the 
manor  of  Hackness,  where,  however,  there  was  but 
one  priest.  It  is  singular  that  Hackness  and  its 
vicinity  should  have  three  churches,  while  no  notice 
is  taken  of  any  church  at  Whitby  or  at  Lestingham: 
and  it  is  no  less  remarkable,  that  six  carucates  of  land 
at  Hackness  are  described  as  the  land  of  St.  Hilda, 
while  no  possessions  are  allotted  her  at  Whitby.  The 
lands  of  Presteby  and  Soureby  in  Whitby  manor, 
which  are  no  doubt  the  same  which  William  de  Percy 
gave  to  Reinfrid  and  his  fraternity,  are  stated  as  held 
of  William  by  the  abbot  of  York,  who  also  held 
under  Berenger  de  Todeni  some  lands  at  Lestingham, 
Spaunton,  and  Kirkby-Moorside,  together  with  the 
church  at  Kirkby.  This  abbot  of  York  is  the  same 
person  who  is  called  Stephen  of  Whitby,  who  super- 
seded Reinfrid  in  the  government  of  the  convent  at 
Whitby,  and  having  differed  with  William  de  Percy 
removed  the  convent  to  Lestingham,  from  whence  he 
and  his  charge  afterwards  migrated  to  York,  where 
they  founded  the  abbey  of  St.  Mary’s  under  the 
patronage  of  earl  Alan.  It  seems  that  even  after  he 
became  abbot  of  St.  Mary’s,  Stephen  was  still  consi- 
dered as  the  holder  of  the  lands  at  Whitby  and 
Lestingham,  which  had  been  given  to  him  and  his 
pommunity  before  his  removal  to  York  As  the  lands 
of  St.  Hilda  were  then  situated  in  Hack  ness,  it  is 
highly  probable  that  during  the  removals  of  Stephen 
with  a part  of  the  convent  of  Whitby,  Reinfrid  with 


92 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


the  remaining  part  settled  at  Hackness;  and,  this 
being  their  head  quarters,  it  is  not  impossible  that  in 
the  returns  from  this  manor  they  might  give  in  the 
vacant  churches  of  Whitby  and  Lestingham  as  be- 
longing to  their  community,  and  that  these  may  be 
the  two  churches  without  priests  mentioned  in  the 
survey.  To  this  subject  it  will  be  necessary  to  recur 
in  the  history  of  the  monastery  of  Whitby.  At  pre- 
sent I would  only  add,  that  as  the  survey  of  this 
district  was  not  made  till  after  the  removal  of  Stephen 
to  York,  and  his  settlement  there  as  abbot  of  St.  Mary’s, 
which  took  place  near  the  close  of  the  Conqueror’s 
reign,  it  is  obvious  that  this  part  of  England  must 
have  been  among  the  last  that  were  entered  in  Domes- 
day; indeed  the  circumstance  already  noticed  con- 
cerning the  entry  of  Robert  de  Bruce’s  lands,  may 
warrant  a belief  that  this  was  the  very  last  portion  of 
the  country  surveyed  by  William’s  commissioners. 

Having  thus,  by  the  help  of  this  invaluable 
record,  taken  a view  of  the  state  of  this  district  at  the 
time  of  the  conquest,  and  for  twenty  years  after,  it 
might  be  interesting  to  proceed  to  inquire,  by  means 
of  charters  and  other  documents,  into  the  various 
changes  and  revolutions  of  property  which  have  since 
occurred;  but  such  an  inquiry  would  not  only  be 
attended  with  considerable  difficulty,  but  would  lead 
us  beyond  the  limits  which  must  be  assigned  to  this 
part  of  the  work.  Some  of  the  more  remarkable 
changes  will  be  afterwards  noticed  in  a topographical 
sketch  of  the  district,  and  others  may  be  seen  from 


ENGLISH  PERIOD. 


93 


the  papers  which  will  be  given  in  the  Appendix,  it 
may  be  necessary , however,  in  this  place,  shortly  to 
advert  to  one  grand  revolution  of  property  which  took 
place  not  long  after  the  conquest,  and  which  was 
productive  of  the  most  important  consequences; — the 
conversion  of  a large  proportion  of  the  lands  in  this 
district  into  church  property. 

At  the  time  when  Domesday  was  drawn  up,  there 
were  no  lands  in  this  district  belonging  to  the  church, 
except  six  carucates  at  Hackness  which  were  the 
lands  of  St.  Hilda,  three  carucates  at  Marton  in  the 
vale  of  Pickering,  belonging  to  St.  Peter  of  York, 
together  with  six  carucates  at  Presteby  and  Soureby 
in  the  manor  of  Whitby,  and  a few  possessions  at,  or 
near,  Lestingham  ; which  last,  viz.  the  lands  at  Whitby 
and  Lestingham,  were  scarcely  considered  as  church 
property,  being  held  by  the  abbot  Stephen  as  a vassal 
or  tenant,  under  the  lords  of  these  manors.  But 
before  a century  had  elapsed,  the  whole  of  Whitby 
Strand,  and  a great  part  of  the  lands  in  Cleveland, 
in  the  vale  of  Pickering,  and  in  other  parts  of  the 
district,  were  devoted  to  the  support  of  monasteries 
and  churches;  and  this  sacred  propel ty  at  last  accu- 
mulated to  such  an  extent,  as  to  leave  but  few  secular 
possessions  in  this  part  of  Yorkshire. 

This  extensive  spiritualization  of  property,  was 
in  some  respects  highly  detrimental  to  the  interests  of 
the  community,  as  it  threw  a much  heavier  load  of 
public  burdens  and  services  on  the  remaining  temporal 
estates,  and  greatly  diminished  the  strength  of  t}i<? 


94 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


kingdom  ; yet  in  other  points  of  view  it  was  very  bene- 
ficial. The  monks,  though  generally  termed  idle , were 
industrious  in  the  cultivation  of  their  lands.  It  is 
observable  that,  at  the  general  survey,  the  only  lands 
in  Whitby  manor  that  were  not  waste,  were  those 
which  the  abbot  Stephen  held;  and  his  possessions 
about  Kirkby-Moorside,  already  mentioned,  had  in- 
creased in  value,  while  other  lands  were  so  much 
depreciated.  The  respect  that  was  shewn  to  church 
property,  afforded  ecclesiastics  great  advantages  for 
the  improvement  of  their  estates; — advantages,  of 
which  they  in  general  knew  well  how  to  avail  them- 
selves. Hence,  extensive  tracts  of  land,  which  had 
lain  desolate  amidst  the  conflicts  of  kings  and  the 
feuds  of  barons,  were  brought  into  cultivation  ; and 
places  which  had  often  felt  the  horrors  of  famine,  now 
smiled  with  plenty.  An  increase  of  the  means  of 
subsistence  would  naturally  produce  a corresponding 
increase  in  the  population  ; especially  as  the  ecclesi- 
astical territory  was  in  a great  measure  secured  from 
the  ravages  of  war.  We  are  therefore  come  to  a 
period  which,  in  respect  of  outward  comfort,  is  far 
superior  to  any  that  preceded  it  in  the  annals  of  this 
district;  and,  as  a natural  consequence,  we  shall  find 
few  events  occurring  in  this  quarter,  tl)at  require  tq 
be  recorded:  for  those  ages  which  are  the  happiest 
for  mankind,  supply  the  least  matter  for  the  pen  of 
the  historian. 

The  barons  in  this  district  acquired  much  renown 
in  the  celebrated  battle  of  the  Standard  fought  in 


ENGLISH  PERIOD. 


95 


1138  near  Northallerton  ; where  David  king  of  Scots, 
who  had  espoused  the  cause  of  the  emp  ess  Maud  in 
opposition  to  Stephen,  and  was  committing  dreadful 
ravages*  in  the  north  of  England,  sustained  a signal 
defeat.  The  Yorkshire  forces  were  headed  in  that 
memorable  engagement  by  William  le  Gros,  earl  of 
Albemarle  and  Holderness,the  founder  of  Scarborough 
castle;  and  all  the  barons,  among  whom  were  Walter 
I/Espec,  Robert  de  Brus,  Roger  de  Moubray,  YY  il- 
liam  de  Percy,f  and  Robert  de  Stuteville,  behaved 
with  great  bravery. § 

In  the  long  and  bloody  wars  begun  by  Edward  I, 
and  continued  by  Edward  II,  to  accomplish  the  sub- 
jugation of  Scotland,  several  of  the  barons  of  this 
district  took  an  active  part.  Henry  de  Percy,  the 
ninth  in  descent  from  the  first  William  de  Percy,  was 
appointed  keeper  of  the  country  of  Galloway  ai  d 
sheriffdom  of  Air;  while  his  uncle  John  de  Warrene, 
earl  of  Surrey,  was  the  guardi  n of  Scotland  under 
Edward  I.  ||  Indeed,  the  famous  Robert  de  Brus,  who 
secured  the  independence  of  Scotland  by  the  decisive 
victory  which  he  gained  over  Edward  II  at  Bannock- 
burn in  1314,  was  a lineal  descendant  of  the  first 
Robert  de  Brus  of  Skelton,  by  Robert  his  second  son  ; 

* The  cruelties  attributed  by  Matthew  of  Westminster  to  this 
royal  saint  are  scarcely  credible:  "In  ultionem  enim  imperatricis, 
cui  idem  rex  fidelitatem  juraverat,  mulieres  gravidas  findebant,  foetus 
anticipates  extrahebanpparvulos  super  lancearum  acumina  projiciebant, 
presbyteros  super  altaria  trucidabant.” — Mat.  Westm.  Lib.  II.  p.  36. 
t Grandson  to  the  founder  of  Whitby  abbey.  § Mat.  Paris,  p.  73. 
Rapin  I.  p.  203.  Ridpath,  p.  82,  83. — Some  accounts  assign  the 
command  to  Walter  L'Espec.  ||  Ridpath,  p.  201,  202. 


96 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


from  whom,  through  the  line  of  the  Stuarts,  the 
present  royal  family  of  Great  Britain  are  sprung  ; 
but  before  that  time,  the  elder  (or  Cleveland)  branch 
of  the  family  had  ended  in  female  heirs.*  Christopher 
Seton,  who  was  lord  of  the  manor  of  Seton  in  this 
district,  married  Christina  the  sister  of  king  Robert, 
whose  cause  he  warmly  espoused ; but  he  and  his 
brother  John,  having  fallen  into  the  hands  of  Edward 
I,  were  both  executed.  The  manor  of  Seton  was 
conferred  by  Edward  on  Edmund  de  Mauley,  son  of 
the  third  Peter  de  Mauley  of  Mulgrave,  who  had 
distinguished  himself  in  the  Scottish  wars:  yet  Ed- 
mund did  not  long  enjoy  his  possession,  for  he  fell  in 
the  battle  of  Bannockburn. f 

The  barbarous  ravages  which  the  Scots  about 
this  period  committed  in  England,  in  revenge  for  the 
cruelties  which  they  had  suffered  from  Edward  in  his 
infamous  attempts  to  enslave  them,  were  little  felt  in 
this  retired  quarter.  Twice  the  invaders  spread 
desolation  as  far  as  Hartlepool;  at  another  time  they 
set  fire  to  Scarborough  ; and  in  a subsequent  expedi- 
tion, king  Edward  narrowly  escaped  from  them  at 
Byland  abbey,  where  they  took  a part  of  his  retinue, 
with  all  his  plate  and  money  .§  They  do  not,  how  ever, 
appear  to  have  penetrated  into  the  interior  of  this 
district ; not  that  they  had  any  respect  for  the  terri- 
tory of  St  Hilda,  any  more  than  the  English  had  for 
the  patrimony  of  St.  Andrew,  or  other  saints  in  the 

* Dugdale’s  Baronage,  I.  p.  449,  &e.  + Ibidem,  artiele 

Mauley.  Mat.  Westmin.  II  p.  461.  Ridpath,  p.  229,  246.  § Lei. 

Coll.  I.  p.  250,  466,  474,  550.  Ridpath,  p.  240,  249,  259,  271,  272. 


ENGLISH  PERIOD. 


97 


north ; but  because  this  country  was  less  inviting  than 
the  more  fertile  parts  of  Yorkshire,  to  which  there- 
fore they  directed  their  plundering  course.  Indeed 
the  remote  situation,  and  mountainous  nature  of  this 
district,  gave  it  so  much  security  that,  during  these 
troubles,  the  inhabitants  of  some  parts  that  were 
more  exposed,  were  directed  to  d.ive  their  cattle  into 
Cleveland  as  a place  of  safety.*  Cleveland,  however, 
was  not  wholly  exempted  from  depredations  at  that 
period ; for  besides  the  visits  which  some  parts  of  it 
received  from  the  Scots,  it  was  much  injured  by  a 
gang  of  banditti,  who,  under  the  command  of  Gil- 
bert de  Midleton,  then  infested  the  north  of  England. 
These  robbers,  taking  advantage  of  the  confusion  of 
the  times,  were  so  daring  as  to  attack  and  plunder  the 
bishop  of  Durham,  his  brother,  and  two  cardinals, 
when  on  their  way  to  Durham  with  a considerable 
retinue;  they  even  took  possession  of  a number  of 
castles  in  Northumberland,  and  held  a great  part  of 
the  country  in  subjection:  but  they  were  at  last 
dispersed,  and  Midleton  their  leader  was  apprehended 
and  executed. f 

A little  before  the  incursions  of  the  Scots,  the 
peace  of  this  district  was  disturbed  by  the  struggles 
of  those  contending  factions,  which  so  frequently 
agitated  England  in  the  reign  of  Edward  II.  That 
weak  prince  had  brought  his  favourite  Peter  de 
Gaveston,  earl  of  Cornwall,  to  Scarborough  Castle, 
to  save  him  from  the  indignation  of  those  powerful 
* Ridpath,  p.  270.  + Lei.  Coll.  I.  p.  272, 548.  Ridpath,  p.  255. 

o 


I 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


m 

noblemen  whom  bis  insolence  had  disgusted.  Here, 
after  the  king’s  departure,  Gaveston  was  besieged  by 
the  earl  of  Pembroke,  Henry  de  Percy,  and  others, 
who  forced  him  to  capitulate ; and  he  was  afterwards 
beheaded  by  the  earl  of  Warwick  at  Blaeklow  near 
Warwick,  in  direct  opposition  to  the  king’s  authority, 
and  to  the  terms  of  capitulation.  Thomas  earl  of 
Lancaster,  who  was  at  the  head  of  this  confederacy, 
had  Pickering  Lyth  among  his  extensive  possessions. * 

The  cruel  wars  between  the  houses  of  York  and 
Lancaster,  could  not  fail  to  affect  this  district  in  com- 
mon with  the  rest  of  England ; but  it  was  not  the 
scene  of  any  of  the  tragical  events  of  that  frightful 
period  ; it  only  felt  the  shock  at  a distance. 

This  corner  of  England  was  more  nearly  con- 
cerned in  the  insurrections  occasioned  by  the  suppres- 
sion of  the  monasteries,  in  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII. 
A measure  which  affected  the  interests  of  so  many 
thousands  in  the  district,  could  not  fail  to  produce  the 
most  lively  sensations.  Its  effects  were  chiefly  felt 
about  Pickering  and  Scarborough  ; especially  at  the 
latter,  where  a party  of  the  insurgents  laid  siege  to 
the  castle  in  1536,  but  were  bravely  repulsed  by  the 
governor.  Sir  Ralph  Eure.  Next  year,  their  attempts 
were  renewed,  but  in  a short  time  the  insurrection 
was  quelled  without  much  bloodshed,  and  several  of 
the  ringleaders  were  brought  to  justice. f 

* Lei.  Col.  I.  p.  461,  546.  Ridpath,  p.  240.  Rapin,  I.  p.  391. 
Baker’s  Chron.  p.  106,  107.  f Baker’s  Chronicle,  p.  285.  Hiu- 
ilerwell’s  History  of  Scarborough  (4to)  p.  49 — 52. — Lord  Darcy, 
Sir  Francis  Bigott,  Sir  Thomas  Percy  brother  to  the  earl  of  North- 
umberland, Robert  Aske,  Sir  John  Bulmer,  with  several  abbots,  &c. 
were  at  the  head  of  this  insurrection,  called,  Tne  Pilgrimage  of  Grace. 


ENGLISH  PERIOD. 


99 


The  convulsions  which  shook  England,  during 
the  bitter  contest  between  Charles  I and  his  Parliament, 
were  severely  felt  in  some  parts  of  this  district ; but 
chiefly  at  Scarborough,  where  the  castle  was  more 
than  once  taken  and  re-taken,  and,  under  the  brave 
Sir  Hugh  Cholmley,  sustained  a long  and  arduous 
siege.  As  a memoir  of  this  enterprizing  knight  will 
be  given  in  the  biographical  department  of  the  work, 
it  will  not  he  necessary  to  enlarge  on  these  transactions 
here;  especially  as  they  are  minutely  detailed  in  Mr. 
Hinderwell’s  valuable  History  of  Scarborough. 

Since  that  period,  the  peace  of  this  district  has 
suffered  no  material  interruption.  The  rebellions  in 
1715  and  1745,  which  troubled  the  north  and  west  of 
England,  excited  no  commotion  here.  On  both 
occasions  the  loyalty  of  the  inhabitants  was  conspi- 
cuous; especially  in  1745,  when  liberal  subscriptions 
were  made  for  raising  the  means  of  defence.  The 
only  disturbances  that  arose  were  such  as  proceeded 
from  what  may  be  called  an  excess  of  loyalty ; being 
expressions  of  the  public  feeling  against  such  as  were 
suspected  of  favouring  the  pretender.  The  following 
extract  of  a letter  from  Stokesley,  dated  Dec.  27,  1745, 
and  inserted  in  the  Gentleman’s  Magazine  for  January 
1746,  may  serve  to  illustrate  the  spirit  which  then 
prevailed : 

“ Last  Tuesday  a number  of  Stoksley  boys  pulled 
some  tiles  off  Mr.  Pearson’s  Mass-house,  the  damage 
of  which  might  amount  to  11s.  The  papists  could 
not  see  their  place  of  worship  thus  insulted,  without 

© 2 


100 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


resenting  it;  therefore  got  a warrant  from  Mr. 
Skottowe  against  one  of  the  boys  (a  sailor)  who  had 
been  the  most  active  in  the  affair.  The  constables 
apprehended  the  boy  the  next  day;  upon  which  his 
associates  were  called  together  to  the  number  of  about 
200,  and  beingjoined  by  some  young  fellows,  marched 
in  order  (with  drum  beating  and  colours  flying)  to 
Mr.  Skottowe’s,  and  declared  to  him  that  they  all 
acknowledged  themselves  equally  guilty  with  the  boy 
charged  with  the  fact.  Mr.  Skottowe  could  not 
forbear  laughing  at  them  ; however,  after  giving  them 
a gentle  reprimand,  he  dismissed  them,  recommending 
it  to  the  papists  to  put  up  with  the  damage.  Upon 
this  the  boys  wrent  to  Ayton,  beating  up  for  volunteers 
for  his  Majesty’s  service,  and  enlisted  about  30  or  40 
boys;  then  marched  to  Stoksley  cross,  fixed  their 
colours  upon  it,  and  made  large  coal  fires  about  it, 
the  spectators  all  wondering  what  were  their  intentions 
to  act  next.  VYThen  they  had  completed  the  fires  they 
marched  in  a full  body  to  the  Mass-house,  got  upon 
it,  stripped  off  all  the  tiles,  and  beat  down  the  cieling; 
from  thence  they  let  themselves  down  into  the  chapel, 
pulled  it  all  to  pieces,  and  tossed  the  things  out  of  the 
windows  into  the  yard,  where  they  had  placed  a guard 
to  secure  them:  when  they  had  got  every  thing  out, 
not  even  sparing  the  doors  and  wainscot,  they 
marched  with  their  booty  to  the  Market-cross,  and  set 
the  things  around  the  fires;  then  one  of  them  put  on 
a fine  vestment  and  cap,  with  a mitre  in  his  hand, 
and  mounted  the  cross,  called  them  all  around  him. 


ENGLISH  PERIOD. 


101 


and  made  them  a speech.,  in  the  conclusion  of  which 
he  told  them,  that  in  consideration  of  the  great  ser- 
vice they  had  done  to  their  king  and  country,  in 
destroying  the  Mass-house  that  day,  he  presumed,  from 
the  great  authority  he  was  then  invested  with,  to 
absolve  them  from  all  their  past  sins,  but  exhorted 
them  for  the  future  to  lead  a peaceable  and  godly 
life;  upon  which  they  gave  a great  huzza,  God  save 
king  George , and  down  with  the  Mass  ; then  he  put 
off  his  robes,  and  threw  them  into  the  fire;  at  the 
same  time  each  hand  was  employed  in  burning  the 
rest  of  the  things,  laid  ready  for  the  flames;  after 
which  they  dispersed,  and  went  to  their  respective 
homes.” 

Similar  riots,  but  in  a more  serious  form,  took 
place  about  the  same  time  at  Sunderland  and  other 
parts.* 

After  the  suppression  of  the  rebellion,  a few  of 
the  rebels  fled  into  this  quarter  for  concealment ; and 
it  was  at  one  time  believed,  as  some  old  people  relate, 
that  the  young  pretender  himself  was  concealed  here. 
Sir  David  Murray  was  apprehended  at  Whitby,  as  he 
was  endeavouring  to  make  his  escape  in  disguise,  and 
was  tried  and  condemned  at  York;  and  two  others 
were  afterwards  apprehended  at  Scarborough. f The 
immense  number  of  executions  which  then  took  place 
did  no  honour  to  the  government  of  that  time,  any 
more  than  the  carnage  and  devastation  which  followed 
the  battle  of  Culloden.  Some  public  examples  were 

* See  Gentleman’s  Mag.  Vol.  XVI.  (for  1746,)  p.  40,  42. 
t Ibidem,  p.  523.  and  Vol.  XVII.  p.  589. 


102 


GENERAL  HISTORY. 


necessary ; but,  as  the  rebellion  had  been  completely 
suppressed,  justice  might  have  been  satiated  without 
so  much  blood  When  the  poor  wretches  were 
slaughtered  by  scores,  in  that  butchering  form  ap- 
pointed by  the  law  of  treason,  the  feelings  of  indig- 
nation at  their  crimes  would  be  almost  extinguished 
amidst  the  stronger  feelings  of  compassion  for  their 
sufferings.  Several  of  the  victims  of  justice  might,  if 
spared,  have  become  loyal  and  useful  subjects.* 

Upon  the  whole,  this  portion  of  England  has 
now  for  a long  season  been  blessed  with  a state  of 
tranquillity  and  happiness,  far  superior  to  what  it  has 
experienced  a‘  any  former  era.  The  calm  that  was 
enjoyed  during  the  reign  of  monachism,  was  the  dead 
stillness  of  slavery  and  ignorance;  and  though  that 
period  was  vastly  preferable  to  the  ages  of  blood  and 
horror  which  it  succeeded,  it  can  bear  no  comparison 
with  the  present  age  of  freedom,  light,  and  comfort. 
May  the  happiness  of  the  district,  and  of  Britain  at 
large,  continue  and  improve  under  our  excellent  con- 
stitution and  mild  government;  and  descend  with 
increase  to  future  generations  ! 

* In  proof  of  this  it  may  be  stated,  that  when  John  Balantine 
who  was  tried  at  York,  was  acquitted,  the  poor  fellow,  in  a transport 
of  joy,  threw  up  his  bonnet  to  the  very  roof  of  the  court,  and  cried  out, 
“My  lords  and  gentlemen,  I thank  you!  Not  guilty!  Not  guilty! 
Not  guilty!  1 pray  God  bless  king  George  for  ever;  I’ll  serve  him 
all  the  days  of  my  life and  immediately  running  out  into  the  castle- 
yard,  with  his  irons  on,  took  up  a handful  of  channel  water,  and 
drank  his  Majesty’s  health. — Gentleman’s  Mag.  for  1746,  p.  524. 


BOOK  II. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY  OF  STREONESHALH,  OR  WHITBY;  WITH  A 
SKETCH  OF  THE  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY 
OF  THE  DISTRICT. 


CHAP.  I. 

Introduction  of  Christianity,  and  of  Monastic 
Institutions. 

IT  is  not  easy  to  ascertain,  at  what  era  the 
inhabitants  of  this  country  first  exchanged  the  rites  of 
paganism  for  the  ordinances  of  Christ,  or  by  whose 
ministry  the  blessings  of  Christianity  were  introduced. 
The  antiquities  of  the  church  are  involved  in  as  much 
obscurity  as  those  of  the  state;  and  the  historian,  in 
investigating  them,  discovers  numerous  fables  but  few 
facts.  To  inquire  into  the  authenticity  of  the  tradi- 
tionary tales  respecting  the  visits  paid  to  Britain  by 
Paul  or  Peter,  by  Simon  Zelotes  or  Joseph  of  Ari- 
mathea,  would  be  to  insult  the  understanding  of  the 
reader.  Even  the  story  of  the  conversion  of  Lucius, 
a British  king,  about  the  middle  or  end  of  the  second 


104 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


century,  though  related  by  Bede,  Nennius,  and  other 
reputable  authors,  is  extremely  suspicious ; or  rather 
it  bears  positive  marks  of  forgery.* 

When  we  recollect  with  what  rapidity  the  religion 
of  Jesus  spread  through  the  world,  and  consider  the 
active  zeal  of  the  primitive  disciples;  we  can  have 
little  doubt,  that  among  the  soldiers,  or  other  subjects 
of  the  Roman  empire,  who  settled  in  Britain  in  the 
second  century,  or  even  in  the  close  of  the  first,  there 
must  have  been  several  Christians,  and  that  some  at- 
tempts might  be  made  in  that  early  age  to  convert  the 
natives.  We  have  authentic  accounts  of  the  existence 
of  Christianity  in  Britain  in  the  third  and  fourth  cen- 
turies, among  the  British  as  well  as  the  Roman 
inhabitants  ;f  but  by  whom  it  was  propagated,  to  what 
extent  it  spread,  and  whether  it  reached  unto  this 
district  or  not,  are  inquiries  which  it  is  impossible  to 
answer.  Of  one  thing  we  are  certain,  that  whatever 
progress  the  Christian  religion  may  have  made  in  this 
district  during  the  Roman  period,  every  vestige  of  it 
was  swept  away  by  the  irruptions  of  the  Piets,  and  of 
the  Saxons,  and  idolatry  resumed  its  gloomy  sway. 
Hence  Gildas,  in  painting  the  miseries  of  his  country, 
laments  the  destruction  of  the  priests,  the  churches, 
and  the  altars,  by  the  ravages  of  the  sacrilegious 
Saxons.§ 

While  the  gospel  was  banished  from  the  eastern 
shores  of  England  by  the  invading  Saxons,  it  was  still 

* See  Henry’s  Hist.  I.  p.  135 — 139  f Ibid.  p.  140 — 149. 
| See  also  Bed.  Hist.  Eccl.  L.  I.  c.  15.  Mat.  Westm.  I.  p.  160. 


INTRODUCTION  OF  CHRISTIANITY. 


105 


preserved  among*  the  remains  of  the  Britons  in  the 
west;  as  well  as  in  some  parts  of  Ireland.,  and  also 
of  Scotland.  But  the  churches  which  remained  in  the 
British  isles  seem  to  have  made  no  attempt,  for  a long 
season,  to  introduce  the  religion  of  Jesus  among  (he 
savage  invaders.  It  was  by  missionaries  from  the 
church  of  Rome  that  the  Saxons  were  first  brought  to 
embrace  Christianity.  The  marriage  of  Ethelbert  king 
of  Kent  with  Bertha,  the  daughter  of  the  French 
king  Cherebert,  opened  a way  for  the  propagation  of 
the  gospel  among  the  Saxons ; that  lady  having  stipu- 
lated for  the  free  exercise  of  her  religion,  and  brought 
a chaplain  with  her  from  France.  Some  years  after,  « 
Gregory  who  was  then  bishop  of  Rome,  and  who  had 
felt  a lively  concern  for  the  unenlightened  Saxons 
before  his  elevation  to  that  dignity,  sent  Augustine 
with  a number  of  other  monks  into  England,  to 
labour  for  the  conversion  of  the  pagan  inhabitants. 
These  missionaries  arrived  in  Kent,  A.  D.  596,  and 
being  favourably  received  by  Ethelbert  and  his  queen, 
had  great  success  in  their  labours.* 

It  was  not  till  about  thirty  years  after,  that  the 
gospel  found  its  way  into  Northumbria,  and  the  occa- 
sion ot  its  introduction  into  that  kingdom  was  similar 
to  that  which  first  brought  it  into  Kent.  Edwin,  the 
Northumbrian  king,  married  Ethelburga  the  daughter 
of  king  Ethelbert;  and,  previous  to  the  marriage,  he 
pledged  himself  not  to  molest  that  lady  and  her 

* Bed.  L.  I.  c.  23—26,  L.  II.  c.  1.  Mat.  Westm.  I.  p.  202, 
203.  Wilk.  Concil.  I.  p.  9,  10,  &c. 

P 


106 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


attendants  in  the  observance  of  their  religion,  and 
even  held  out  a hope  that  he  would  embrace  it  himself. 
Accordingly,  when  Ethelburga  arrived  at  the  court 
of  Edwin,  in  625,  she  was  accompanied  by  Paulinus, 
a minister  who  had  laboured  twenty  four  years  in 
Kent,  and  who  came  with  the  queen  in  the  character 
of  a bishop.  For  almost  two  years,  however,  he  seems 
to  have  been  merely  her  private  chaplain  ; at  least  his 
labours  for  the  conversion  of  the  Northumbrians  had 
little  or  no  effect.  It  was  long  before  Edwin  could 
be  prevailed  on  to  relinquish  the  gods  of  his  fathers. 
He  indeed  consented  to  the  baptism  of  his  infant 
daughter  Eanfled,  who  was  baptized  on  Whitsunday 
in  626,  with  eleven  others  of  his  family,  and  was  the 
first  in  Northumberland  who  received  that  sacred  rite; 
and  some  time  after  he  desisted  from  the  worship  of 
idols;  but  it  was  not  till  Easter  in  the  following  year 
that  he  openly  embraced  the  religion  of  Jesus. 

In  addition  to  the  labours  of  Paulinus,  and  the 
influence  of  the  queen,  various  circumstances  are  said 
to  have  concurred  in  leading  to  the  conversion  of 
Edwin; — his  narrow  escape  from  assassination,  when 
he  was  saved  by  the  generosity  of  Lilia;  his  success 
against  his  adversary,  Cwichelm  king  of  Wessex; 
but  above  all,  a remarkable  vision  which  he  is  stated 
to  have  had  when  he  was  an  exile  at  the  court  of 
Redwald,  the  consequences  of  which  were  his  pre- 
servation from  imminent  danger,  and  his  subsequent 
elevation  to  the  Northumbrian  throne.  But  the  visions, 
revelations,  and  miracles,  recorded  by  Bede,  and  other 


INTRODUCTION  OF  CHRISTIANITY.  10? 

monkish  writers,  I shall  in  general  pass  over.  Like 
the  machinery  in  an  epic  poem,  they  may  serve  to 
embellish  the  narrative;  but  they  are  of  little  use  to 
the  inquirer  after  truth.  That  the  Almighty  might 
employ  signs  and  wonders  for  the  establishment  of  his 
gospel  in  England,  as  well  as  for  its  propagation  in 
Judea  and  the  east,  cannot  be  denied;  but  such  pre- 
ternatural phenomena  would  require  to  be  attested  by 
better  authority  than  that  of  the  writers  of  these  dark 
ages.  The  miracles  which  they  relate  occur  in  such 
prodigious  numbers,  many  of  them  are  so  ridiculous, 
or  obviously  fabulous,  and  others  of  them  introduced 
for  ends  so  unworthy  of  the  Deity,  that,  without 
incurring  the  charge  of  scepticism,  we  may  well  be 
allowed  to  view  the  whole  with  a suspicious  eye. 

The  numerous  epistles  of  popes  and  prelates 
which  are  inserted  in  these  early  histories  of  the 
English  church,  constitute  another  embellishment  of  a 
similar  kind ; and  may  be  compared  to  the  speeches 
which  Livy  and  Tacitus  have  put  into  the  mouths  of 
their  generals  and  public  characters.  Some  of  these 
documents  are  manifest  forgeries,  though  a part  of 
them  may  have  been  manufactured  so  early  as  the 
times  of  Bede.  In  this  number  may  be  included  the 
letters  of  Boniface  to  Edwin  and  Ethelburga,  intended 
to  accelerate  the  king’s  conversion.  From  these 
letters,  particularly  that  addressed  to  the  queen,  we 
must  suppose  that  the  pontiff  had  not  only  got  intelli- 
gence of  the  marriage,  but  had  learned  that  Ethelburga 
had  been  for  a considerable  time  exerting  herself 

p % 


108 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


without  effect  for  the  conversion  of  her  husband.  But 
when  I consider  the  length  of  time  that  must  then 
have  been  required  for  a journey  to  Rome,  and 
observe  that  the  marriage  was  celebrated  about  the 
beginning  of  August,  and  that  Boniface  died  on  the 
22d  of  October  following,  and  was  probably  disquali- 
fied for  epistolary  correspondence  some  time  before, 
I feel  myself  warranted  to  question  the  authenticity  of 
these  letters.*  Still  more  suspicious  is  the  epistle  of 
pope  Gregory  to  Augustine  about  the  ordination  of 
twelve  bishops  under  the  see  of  London  (or  Canter- 
bury,) the  appointment  of  a metropolitan  bishop  for 
York  with  twelve  bishops  under  him,  and  the  regu- 
lations to  be  observed  in  regard  to  their  rank.  Can 
it  be  supposed  that  Gregory,  in  601,  would  speak  of 
Augustine  as  bishop  of  London,  while  the  gospel  had 
not  reached  to  London,  and  while  Canterbury  was 
the  metropolis  of  Ethelbert’s  kingdom  ? Could  he 
foresee  that  Northumbria  would  be  the  Uext  kingdom 
to  receive  Christianity, f though  it  was  at  a greater 
distance  from  Kent  than  any  other  kingdom  of  the 
heptarchy  ? Or  what  could  induce  him  to  fix  on  York 
as  a metropolitan  see,  at  a time  when  that  place  was 

* See  Smith’s  Bede,  p.  89.  Note  — The  epistles  are  found  in 
Bede  under  the  year  626,  the  year  after  Boniface  died:  Smith 
merely  transfers  them  to  the  former  year;  but  had  he  weighed  the 
circumstances  above  noticed,  he  might  have  seen  cause  to  explode  them 
altogether.  Tina  date  of  Edwin’s  marriage  may  be  inferred  from  that 
of  Paulinus’s  ordination,  which  is  dated  12  Kalcnd.  Aug.  i.  e.  the 
21st  of  July;  and  a week  or  two  must  have  intervened  between  that 
transaction  and  the  royal  nuptials.  Bed.  L.  II.  c.  9,  10,  11. 
t Essex  where  the  gospel  was  preached  by  Augustine  and  his  asso- 
ciates was  then  viewed  as  a part  of  Ethelbert’s  dominions,  Bed.  L.  II. 


INTRODUCTION  OF  CHRISTIANITY.  109 


almost  too  obscure  to  be  known  at  Rome?  I strongly 
suspect  that  the  epistle  was  fabricated  after  London 
and  York  had  risen  to  greater  eminence,,  and  after 
the  squabbles  about  precedency  had  begun  to  make 
their  appearance  among  the  English  prelates.* 

Whatever  were  the  causes  which  produced  a 
change  in  the  sentiments  of  Edwin,  he  was  at  last 
convinced  of  the  excellence  of  Christianity,  and,  after 
much  deliberation,  determined  to  adopt  it.  Yet, 
before  embracing  it  publicly,  he  held  an  assembly  of 
his  nobles  and  counsellors,  in  the  hope  that  he  would 
prevail  with  them  to  concur  in  his  resolution.  Their 
concurrence  was  easily  obtained.  As  soon  as  the 
assembly  had  convened,  and  the  subject  had  been 
proposed  by  the  king  for  discussion,  Coifi,  his  high- 
priest,  who  was  no  doubt  acquainted  with  the  senti- 
ments of  his  royal  master,  rose  and  addressed  him  to 
the  following  effect;  “It  becomes  you,  O king,  to 
inquire  into  the  nature  of  that  religion  which  is  now 
proposed  to  us.  In  regard  to  that  which  we  have 
hitherto  held,  I solemnly  declare,  that  I have  found  it 
altogether  Avorthless  and  unprofitable  : none  of  your 
people  has  been  more  devoted  to  the  service  of  our 
gods  than  I;  yet  many  receive  from  you  more  ample 

* Bed.  L.  I.  c.  29.  My  suspicions  are  confirmed  by  the  curious 
fact  that  this  epistle  is  not  found  in  the  M.S.S.  copies  of  Gregory’s 
writings.  See  VVilk.  Cone.  I.  p.  15.  Note  — The  use  of  the  pallium, 
or  episcopal  robe  received  from  the  pope,  is  another  subject  of  this 
strange  letter.  We  find  in  Bede  a letter  from  pope  Honorius  to  Edwin 
where  the  same  subject  is  introduced;  and  it  is  observable  that  that 
letter  must  have  been  written  eight  months  after  Edwin’s  death!  See 
Smith’s  Bede,  p.  98,  99,  100.  It  is  also  worthy  of  remark,  that  all 
these  letters,  and  a great  many  more,  are  omitted  in  Alfred’s  Bede. 


110 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


favours,  and  greater  honours,  and  prosper  more  in 
all  their  undertakings.  If  the  gods  had  any  influence, 
they  would  surely  give  the  greatest  share  of  their 
favours  to  their  most  zea!ous  servant.  Wherefore,  if 
the  new  doctrines,  which  are  preached  to  us,  appear 
to  you  upon  examination  to  be  better  and  more  cer- 
tain, let  us  hasten  to  embrace  them  without  delay.” 
To  this  speech  of  the  high-priest,  another  of 
Edwin’s  grandees  presently  assented  in  these  remark- 
able words;  “ So  short,  O king,  is  the  present  life  of 
man  on  earth,  compared  with  that  extent  of  time 
which  is  h d from  our  view,  that  it  seems  to  me  like 
the  sudden  flight  of  a sparrow  through  your  house, 
when  you  are  at  supper  with  your  generals  and 
ministers  in  a winter  evening,  and  the  hall  is  heated 
by  a fire  in  the  midst,  while  furious  storms  of  rain  or 
snow  are  raging  without.  It  comes  in  at  one  door, 
but  presently  goes  out  at  another;  and  though  it  feels 
not  the  wintry  tempest  when  within,  yet  it  enjoys 
only  a momentary  calm  while  it  passes  from  winter  on 
the  one  side  to  winter  on  the  other,  and  then  disap- 
pears from  your  eyes.  Such  is  the  life  of  man;  it 
appears  for  a little  space,  but  what  follows  it,  or  what 
has  preceded  it,  we  cannot  tell.  If,  therefore,  this 
new  doctrine  presents  us  with  something  more  certain, 
it  ought  by  all  means  to  be  adopted.” 

While  others  expressed  their  concurrence  with 
these  sentiments,  and  none  appeared  to  oppose  them, 
Coifi  requested  that  Paulinus  should  now  discourse  to 
them  more  fully  about  the  God  whom  he  preached 


INTRODUCTION  OF  CHRISTIANITY. 


Ill 


and,  when  the  bishop  had  finished  his  discourse,  the 
high-priest  exclaimed ; “ Long  have  I been  convinced 
that  our  worship  is  vanity,  since  the  more  [sought 
for  the  truth  in  it,  the  less  I found  it:  but  now 
I openly  profess,  that  by  this  prea  hing,  v\e  clearly 
discover  that  truth  which  can  give  us  life,  salvation, 
and  eternal  felicity.  I therefore  propo  e to  your 
majesty,  that  we  hasten  to  profane  those  temples  and 
altars  which  we  have  foolishly  venerated.” 

Upon  this  the  king  openly  renounced  idolatry, 
and  professed  his  adherence  to  the  faith  of  Christ. 
Then  turning  to  Coili,  he  asked  him,  who  ought 
first  to  profane  the  altars  and  temples  of  the  idols. 
“I,”  replies  the  high  priest,  “ for  who  is  more  proper 
than  myself  to  set  the  example  to  others,  in  destroying 
through  the  wisdom  granted  me  by  the  true  God,  the 
things  which  I have  worshipped  in  my  folly  ?”  And 
immediately  renouncing  idolatry,  he  begged  the  king 
to  give  him  arms  and  a horse,  both  of  which  it  was; 
unlawful  for  him  to  use,  according  to  the  rules  of 
their  superstition  ; and,  Edwin  having  complied  with 
his  request,  he  mounted  the  horse,  and  with  a sword 
by  his  side,  and  a lance  in  his  hand,  he  rode  to  the 
idol  temple  at  Godmundham,  not  far  from  the  king’s 
palace  on  the  Derwent,  where  this  assembly  appears 
to  have  been  held.  Upon  reaching  the  scene  of  his 
former  idolatries,  he  threw  his  lance  into  the  building, 
in  order  to  profane  it,  and  in  token  of  defiance  to 
the  idols  whop;  it  contained.  This  was  the  signal  for 
its  destruction ; for  those  who  accompanied  him. 


112 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


following  his  example  and  his  orders,  presently  burned 
it  to  the  ground.* 

Edwin  and  his  nobles,  having  thus  forsaken  the 
idols  of  their  fathers,  and  received  the  Christian  faith, 
were  soon  after  baptized  by  Paulinus.  It  was  on 
Easter  day,  A.  D.  62 7,  that  the  king  was  baptized  at 
York,  in  a small  wooden  oratory  or  chapel,  which 
had  been  constructed  during  the  time  that  was  spent 
in  catechizing  and  instructing  him,  previous  to  his 
baptism.f  In  the  same  place  a square  church  of  stone, 
of  larger  dimensions,  inclosing  the  oratory  within  it, 
afterwards  began  to  be  erected  ; but  Paulinus  never 
enjoyed  it,  for  it  was  not  finished  till  the  reign  of 
Oswald.  That  magnificent  fabric  called  York  Minster, 
which  was  erected  many  ages  after  this  period,  is 
supposed  to  stand  on  the  spot  where  this  square 
church  was  built. 

The  example  of  Edwin,  as  might  naturally  be 
expected,  had  a powerful  influence  on  his  family  and 
subjects.  His  sons  by  Quenburga,  his  former  wife  ; 
his  niece,  the  celebrated  Lady  Hilda,  whose  life 
demands  a conspicuous  place  in  the  history  of  Streones- 
halh;  and  great  numbers  of  his  people,  of  all  ranks, 
were  received  into  the  church  by  baptism.  When  the 
court  removed  for  a time  into  Bernicia,  Paulinus  ac- 
companied it,  and  was  there  employed  at  the  river  Glen 
for  thirty  six  days  together,  in  instructing  and 

* Bed.  L.  II.  c.  12,  13.  f Rapin  tells  us  that  Edwin  was 
baptized  the  same  day  on  which  the  assembly  m^;  (Yol  I.  p.  70) 
but  his  narrative  of  these  transactions  abounds  with  inaccuracies,  some 
of  which  have  been  copied  by  Charlton  and  others. 


INTRODUCTION  OF  CHRISTIANITY. 


113 


baptizing1  the  crowds  who  resorted  to  him.  In  the 
province  of  Deira,  where  the  royal  family  more  fre- 
quently resided,  he  was  engaged  in  the  same  work  on 
the  banks  of  the  river  Swale.  Here  multitudes  flocked 
to  him  for  instruction  and  baptism  ; and  some  authors 
tell  us  that  he  baptized  no  less  than  ten  thousand  in 
one  day.  We  would  hope,  for  the  credit  of  this 
apostle  of  Northumbria,  that  this  story  is  false; 
especially  as  Bede  repeatedly  intimates,  that  he  in- 
structed and  catechized  the  people  before  he  baptized 
them  : yet  there  is  reason  to  fear  that,  like  Augus- 
tine the  apostle  of  Kent,  he  was  sometimes  more 
concerned  about  the  number  than  the  quality  of  his 
converts  ; a circumstance  which  accounts  for  the 
facility  with  which  they  relapsed  into  idolatry.* 

The  zeal  of  Edwin  was  not  satisfied  with  the 
propagation  of  the  gospel  among  his  own  subjects, 
it  prompted  him  to  aim  at  the  conversion  of  his 
neighbours.  He  persuaded  Eorpwald,  king  of  the 
East  Angles,  to  embrace  Christianity.  He  even  took 
a journey  into  Lincolnshire,  with  his  bishop  Paulinus, 
for  the  purpose  of  propagating  the  gospel;  and  these 
missionary  exertions  were  not  unsuccessful.  The 

* Bed.  L.  II.  c.  14.  Hen.  Hunting.  L.  III.  par.  3.  I am 
surprised  to  find  Charlton  (p.  7.)  ascribing  the  story  of  the  baptism 
of  10,000  in  one  day  to  Bede.  There  is  no  such  thing  mentioned 
either  by  Bede,  William  of  Malmesbury,  Henry  of  Huntingdon,  or 
Matthew  of  Westminster;  though  the  charge  of  indiscriminate  baptism 
may  be  inferred  from  what  the  latter  says  of  the  success  of  Paulinus’s 
labours,  “ That  in  a short  time  there  was  not  an  heathen  to  be  found 
in  all  the  kingdom.” — Mat.  West.  I.  p.  2 17.  The  baptism  of  10,000 
at  one  time  in  the  river  Swale  is  attributed  by  some  to  Augustine.— 
Smith’s  Bede,  p.  95.  Note. 


114 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY, 


governor  of  Lincoln,  and  several  of  the  inhabitants, 
were  converted  by  the  preaching  of  Paulinus;  and  a 
handsome  church  of  stone  is  said  to  have  been  built 
in  that  city  : where,  we  are  told,  Paulinus  ordained 
Honorius  to  the  episcopal  charge  of  Canterbury,  then 
vacant  by  the  death  of  Justus.* 

But  the  arduous  labours  of  this  apostle  of  the 
north  were  soon  interrupted,  and  his  fair  prospects 
blasted,  by  the  lamented  death  of  his  patron.  When 
Edwin  fell  in  633  by  the  sword  of  Pen  da,  and  the 
Mercians  and  Britons  broke  into  Northumbria  with 
worse  than  pagan  fury;  Paulinus,  with  the  queen 
and  the  surviving  members  of  the  royal  family,  fled 
by  sea  into  Kent,  where  he  became  bishop  of  Roches- 
ter; and  the  good  work  which  he  had  begun  in  the 
north  was  almost  entirely  obliterated.  Many  of  the 
converts  to  Christianity  were  slain  by  the  barbarous 
invaders,  and  the  greater  part  of  the  rest  relapsed 
into  those  idolatries  from  which  they  had  been  but 
imperfectly  reclaimed. f 

In  estimating  the  nature  and  extent  of  Paulinus’s 
labours,  we  must  not  allow  ourselves  to  be  deceived 
by  names.  He  is  termed  bishop , and  even  archbishop; 
but  we  read  of  no  clergy  whom  he  had  under  him,  no 
assistant  of  any  kind,  except  James  a deacon.  He 
brought  no  fellow  labourers  with  him  from  Kent, 
received  no  assistance  afterwards  either  from  thence 

* Bed.  L.  II.  c.  15,  16,  IS.  Hen.  Hunt.  L.  III.  par.  3,  4. 
Mat.  Westm.  I.  p.  217.  -f-  Bed.  L.  II.  c.  20.  III.  c 1.  Hen. 

Hunt.  L.  III.  4.  Mat.  West.  I.  p.  220. 


INTRODUCTION  OF  CHRISTIANITY. 


11-5 


or  from  the  continent,  as  far  as  I can  discover ; and, 
when  his  departure  is  announced,  no  mention  is  made 
of  any  ministers  whom  he  took  with  him,  or  of  any 
whom  he  left  behind  him  ; except  the  said  James,  who 
laboured  for  a considerable  time,  partly  at  York,  but 
chiefly  at  Catterick,  where  a faithful  remnant  of 
Christians  was  preserved  through  his  ministry.  The 
number  of  churches  in  his  diocese  was  in  proportion 
to  the  number  wf  preachers.  There  was  neither 
church  nor  chapel  in  the  whole  of  Bernicia;  for  Bede 
assures  us  that  till  Oswald  set  up  the  cross  at  Heaven- 
field,  there  was  no  church,  no  altar,  no  token  of  the 
Christian  religion,  erected  in  that  province.*  In 
Deira  too  we  read  of  no  church  then  in  existence, 
except  the  oratory  at  York,  and  another  wooden 
church  near  the  king’s  residence  at  Campodunum.f 
Paulinus  indeed  preached  in  many  other  places;  but, 
like  the  primitive  apostles,  he  was  a field-preacher, 
ministering  frequently  by  the  banks  of  rivers.  His 
most  constant  employment  seems  to  have  been  that  of 
chaplain,  or  preacher,  to  the  royal  family;  for  to 
whatever  place  the  court  removed,  he  removed  along 
with  it;  and  we  scarcely  read  of  his  making  any 
excursion,  without  the  company  of  Edwin. 

Whether  Paulinus  ever  visited  our  district  or  not, 
it  is  difficult  to  say : we  have  no  account  of  his  ex- 
tending his  labours  in  this  direction.  It  is  indeed  a 
common  opinion  that  a church  was  built  at  Streones- 
balh  in  the  days  of  Edwin,  about  the  year  630 ; but 
* L III.  c.  2.  t L.  II.  c.  14. 


116 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY- 


to  this  opinion  I cannot  subscribe.  The  only  foun- 
dation upon  which  it  rests  is  a passage  in  Bede, 
where  in  enumerating  the  relatives  of  Eanfleda, 
interred  in  the  monastery  of  Streoneshalh,  he  places 
Edwin  her  mother’s  father  among  the  number;*'  and 
jf  Edwin  was  buried  there,  it  may  be  presumed  that 
a church  existed  in  that  place  previous  to  his  death. 
I have  no  hesitation,  however,  in  asserting,  that  in 
this  passage  either  Bede,  or  some  of  his  transcribers, 
must  have  made  a mistake.  Bede  himself  informs  us, 
that  when  Edwin  was  killed  in  the  battle  of  Hethfield, 
his  whole  army  was  either  slain  or  routed  ;f  that  the 
province  was  presently  filled  with  carnage  and  desola- 
tion by  the  barbarous  conquerors;  and  that,  in  regard 
to  Edwin,  his  head  was  brought  to  York,  where  it 
was  afterwards  taken  into  the  church  of  the  blessed 
apostle  Peter,  which  he  himself  had  begun,  but 
which  Oswald  finished,  and  was  deposited  in  the  porch 
of  St.  Gregory .§  Is  it  not  clear  from  this  narrative, 
that  the  body  of  Edwin  was  left  on  the  field  of  battle, 

* In  quo  monasterio  et  ipsa,  et  pater  ejus  Osuiu,  et  mater  ejua 
Aeanfled,  et  pater  matris  ejus  Aeduini,  et  multi  alii  nobiles  in  ecclesia 
sancti  apostoli  Petri  sepulti  sunt.  L.  III.  c.  24 — The  same  thing  is 
indeed  stated  by  Henry  of  Huntingdon  and  Matthew  of  Westminster; 
but  they  evidently  copy  from  Bede,  f Ejusque  totus  vel  interemptus 
vel  dispersus  est  exercitus.  L.  II.  c.  20. — Henry  of  Huntingdon, 
and  Matthew  of  Westminster  give  us  the  same  account  of  the  slaughter 
that  attended  and  followed  the  death  of  Edwin,  and  of  the  interment  of 
his  head  at  York;  for  indeed  they  have  copied  in  this,  as  in  many 
other  passages,  the  narrative  of  Bede.  § Pope  Gregory  on  account 
of  his  piety  and  miracles  was  venerated  as  a saint.  Among  his  famous 
exploits,  we  are  told  that,  by  his  prayers  and  tears,  he  delivered  the 
soul  of  Trajan  from  the  pains  of  hell,  where  it  had  been  above  500 
years!  Mat.  Wes^in.  1.  p.  207,  208. 


INTRODUCTION  OF  CHRISTIANITY. 


117 


his  surviving  soldiers  having  no  opportunity  of  carry- 
ing away  any  more  of  his  remains  than  his  head  ? If 
his  body  was  afterwards  found  and  carried  off  by  his 
friends,  which  at  such  a period  of  disaster  and  alarm 
was  very  unlikely,  can  we  suppose  that  they  would 
convey  it  to  the  eastern  extremity  of  the  kingdom,  to 
a spot  which  Edwin  is  never  said  to  have  visited, 
instead  of  interring  it  at  York  along  with  his  head  ? 
Besides,  it  may  be  inferred  from  the  remarks  of  Bede 
in  the  passage  where  he  mentions  the  church  of 
Campodunum,*  that,  except  that  church  and  the 
church  at  York,  there  was  no  other  erected  in  Deira 
in  the  time  of  Edwin.  Indeed,  when  we  consider 
that  there  was  not  one  church  built  in  all  Bernicia, 
it  is  utterly  incredible  that  one  should  be  erected  in 
this  solitary  spot,  which  at  that  period  was  scarcely 
inhabited.  It  may  also  be  observed,  that  in  the 
accounts  of  the  erection  of  the  monastery  at  Streones- 
halh,  no  notice  is  taken  of  any  church  having  existed 
there  before ; nay,  the  contrary  may  be  inferred  from 
the  narrative ; and  Edwin  is  not  said  to  have  been 
buried  in  a church  that  was  previously  constructed, 
but  in  that  which  was  built  by  Lady  Hilda  herself,  f 
If  therefore  any  part  of  Edwin’s  remains  was  interred 
at  this  place,  we  must  suppose  that,  after  the  monas- 
tery was  erected,  his  head  was,  at  the  desire  of 

* L.  II.  c.  14.  f L.  Ill-  c.  24.  IV.  c.  23. — Drake  buries 
the  body  of  Edwin  in  the  monastery  of  Whitby  ; forgetting;  that  the 
monastery  had  no  existence  till  several  years  after  his  death. 
jEboracum,  p.  72. 


118 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


iElfleda,  or  some  other  relative,  removed  from  the 
church  of  York.,  to  be  deposited  in  that  of  Streones- 
halh. 

Osric  and  Eanfrid,  the  immediate  successors  of 
Edwin,  both  apostatized  from  Christianity,  with  most 
of  their  subjects.  But  Oswald,  the  conqueror  of 
Cadwallon,  restored  the  blessings  of  the  gospel  to 
Northumbria.  We  are  told,  that  immediately  before 
his  engagement  with  the  British  king,  he  erected  a 
wooden  cross  at  Ileavenfield,  near  the  Deniseburn, 
as  a token  of  his  reliance  on  Christ;  and  that  he  and 
his  followers,  several  of  whom  were  Christians  who 
had  come  with  him  from  Scotland,  kneeled  down 
beside  it,  and  prayed  to  the  Almighty  to  give  them 
the  victory  over  their  proud  and  cruel  foe.* 

When  Oswald  was  established  in  the  throne,  it 
was  one  of  his  first  cares  to  have  his  people  instructed 
in  the  true  religion;  and,  having  been  educated  and 
baptized  among  the  Scots,  who  had  then  a flourishing 
monastery  in  the  island  of  Iona,  founded  by  the 
celebrated  Columba,f  he  sent  thither  for  a supply  of 
preachers.  His  request  was  readily  complied  with; 
but,  it  seem  , the  first  mi  sionary§  who  arrived  was  a 
man  of  an  austere  disposition,  who  finding  his  ministry 

* Oswald  held  up  the  cross  with  his  own  hands,  while  his  sol- 
diers fastened  the  foot  of  it  in  the  hole  that  had  been  dug  to  receive  it. 
A miraculous  virtue  was  ascribed  to  the  chips  that  were  cut  from  this 
cross,  and  even  to  the  spot  where  it  stood.  Bed.  I,.  III.  c.  2.  f Bede 
takes  notice  of  a singularity  in  the  government  of  the  church  in  that 
part  ot  Britain,  that  the  whole  province,  and  even  the  bishops,  sub- 
mitted to  the  abbot  of  Hii  (or  Iona,)  who,  in  imitation  of  Columba, 
was  only  called  a presbyter,  L.  III.  c.  4.  § Hector  Boethius  calls 

him  Corman. 


INTRODUCTION  OF  CHRISTIANITY. 


119 


unsuccessful,  returned  to  his  fraternity  in  disgust,  and 
told  them  that  the  Northumbrians  Were  too  untract- 
able  and  barbarous  to  be  taught.  When  the  brethren 
at  Iona  held  a council  to  receive  his  report,  and  to 
consider  what  was  to  be  done,  one  of  their  number 
named  Aidan  thus  addressed  the  disappointed  mission- 
ary ; ft  It  seems  to  me,  brother,  that  }rou  have  been 
too  severe  on  your  unlearned  hearers ; and  have  not 
studied,  according  to  the  apostle’s  plan,  to  feed  them 
with  milk,  before  giving  them  strong  meat.”  By  this 
remark,  Aidan  attracted  the  attention  of  all  the 
assembly,  and  they  unanimously  fixed  on  him,  as  the 
most  suitable  person  to  undertake  the  mission.  The 
expectations  that  were  formed  of  him  were  not  disap- 
pointed. In  the  character  of  bishop  of  Northumbria, 
he  laboured  with  great  diligence  and  success,  under 
the  patronage  of  Oswald;  and  this  prince  was  so 
zealous  for  the  propagation  of  the  gospel,  that,  until 
Aidan  had  learned  the  language  of  the  country,  he 
often  acted  as  his  interpreter ; a task  for  which  he  was 
well  qualified  by  his  long  exile  among  the  Scots. 

Encouraged  by  the  prospects  of  success,  Aidan 
invited  a number  of  his  brethren  and  countrymen,* 
to  assist  him  in  the  work;  that  the  progress  of  the 
gospel  might  be  accelera  ed,  and  that  the  natives 
might  not,  in  case  of  any  accident  happening  to 

* Exin  ccepere  plures  per  dies  de  Scottorum  regione  venire 
Britlanniam,  &c  Bed.  L.  III.  c.  3. — It  would  seem  that  some  of 
them  came  from  Ireland,  which  was  then  the  proper  region  of  the 
Scots ; and  was  at  that  time  an  enlightened  country,  much  resorted 
to  by  the  lovers  of  learning.  Ibid.  e.  7,  19,  27.  Vita  S.  Cudbercti. 
c*  22. 


120 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


himself,  be  left,  as  at  the  removal  of  Paulinus,  like 
sheep  without  a shepherd.  In  imitation  of  his  friends 
at  Iona,  he  chose  a small  island  for  his  head-quarters, 

the  island  of  Lindisfarne,  now  Holy  Island,  not  far 

/• 

from  Bebbanburgh  (or  Bamburgh,)  the  capital  of 
Bernicia.  From  thence  this  apostle,  and  his  feilow- 
labourers,  made  excursions  into  various  parts  of  the 
dominions  of  Oswald,  preaching  the  word  of  truth 
with  great  fervour,  and  administering  baptism  to  such 
as  believed.  Churches  were  built  in  several  places, 
the  people  came  in  crowds  to  hear  the  word,  and  both 
old  and  young  were  instructed  in  the  doctrines  of 
religion.* 

Aidan  is  represented  by  Bede  as  a man  of  extra- 
ordinary piety  and  goodness,  whose  worth  far  exceeded 
any  thing  that  could  be  found  in  the  historian’s  own 
times.  With  the  greatest  meekness,  piety,  and  pru- 
dence, he  displayed  unremitting  zeal,  and  indefatigable 
diligence.  Eager  in  the  exalted  pursuits  of  his  office, 
he  disregarded  the  things  of  the  world : what  he 
received  from  the  rich,  he  gave  to  the  poor.  The 
amiable  king  Oswin  made  him  a present  of  one  of  his 
best  horses,  richly  harnessed;  but,  meeting  with  a 
poor  man  asking  alms  not  long  after,  he  dismounted, 
and  gave  him  his  horse;  and  when  Oswin  blamed  him 
for  this  seemingly  indiscreet  generosity,  he  replied, 
“ What  ? my  king!  Is  the  offspring  of  a mare  dearer 

* Bed.  L.  III.  c.  3.  From  this  passage  it  appears,  that  the 
account  which  Matthew  of  Westminster  gives  us  of  Pauliuus’s  success, 
quoted  in  a former  note,  is  greatly  exaggerated. 


INTRODUCTION  OF  CHRISTIANITY.  121 


to  you  than  that  son  of  God?”  An  answer  with 
which  that  worthy  young  prince  was  much  affected.* 
Aidan  was  indeed  the  friend  of  the  poor,  the  father  of 
the  wretched : several  slaves  were  redeemed  by  him, 
some  of  whom  he  received  as  disciples,  and  educated 
for  the  ministry.  While  he  was  condescending  to  the 
poor,  he  was  bold  in  reproving  the  vices  of  the  great. 
Greatness  and  luxury  had  no  charms  for  him : even 
when  he  was  at  the  royal  table,  he  took  but  a moderate 
refreshment,  and  then  hastened  away  to  his  studies, 
or  his  prayers : and  though  he  was  deemed  a fit  com- 
panion for  princes,  he  was  so  far  from  affecting 
external  pomp,  that  almost  all  his  numerous  and 
fatiguing  journeys  were  performed  on  foot. 

The  associates  and  successors  of  Aidan,  according 
to  our  historian,  possessed  the  same  spirit.  Their 
dress  and  their  food,  their  churches  and  their  houses, 
bespoke  the  humility  and  simplicity  of  their  minds. 
They  neither  aspired  at  power,  nor  collected  wealth; 
and  the  possessions  which  they  received  were,  in  a 
manner,  forced  on  them.  Their  whole  care  was  to 
serve  God,  not  the  world ; to  provide  for  the  improve- 
ment of  the  heart,  not  the  gratification  of  the  appetite. 
At  home  their  time  was  chiefly  spent  in  study  and 
devotion ; abroad  ’they  were  engaged  in  preaching, 
baptizing,  visiting  the  sick,  and  in  short,  doing  every 
thing  in  their  power  to  save  the  souls  of  men;  for 

* In  the  General,  History,  (p  27,)  I have  inadvertently  called 
the  place  where  Oswin  was  murdered  Yedingham.  The  name  in  Bedfc 
is  Ingetlingum,  which  is  thought  to  be  Gilling  near  Richmond;  and 
aot  Yedingham  on  the  Derwent.  See  Smith’s  Bede,  p.  117.  Note, 

B 


122 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


which  purpose  they  often  itinerated  among-  the  villages. 
And  though  they  had  neither  mitre,  nor  crosier,  nor 
pallium,  nor  any  other  trappings  of  clerical  pomp, 
their  superior  worth  commanded  that  real  respect 
which  grandeur  without  piety  solicits  in  vain.  Every 
Lord’s  day,  multitudes  flocked  to  the  churches,  to 
hear  the  word  of  God  from  their  mouth.  Wherever 
any  of  their  number  went,  he  was  joyfully  received  as 
a servant  of  God;  if  he  was  travelling  on  the  road, 
such  as  met  him  or  observed  him,  hastened  to  beg  bis 
blessing  and  his  instructions;  and  if  he  came  to  a 
village,  the  inhabitants  presently  assembled,  and 
desired  to  hear  the  word  of  life.* 

Such  were  the  men  by  whom  Christianity  was 
now  again  established  in  Northumbria,  on  a much 
broader  and  firmer  basis  than  before ; and  by  whose 
ministry  it  appears  to  have  been  first  introduced  into 
this  district.  It  may  be  proper  to  add  to  this  account 
of  their  character,  that,  like  the  first  missionaries  in 
Kent,  they  were  almost  all  monks.  Long  before  this 
period,  monastic  institutions,  which  took  their  rise  in 
the  deserts  of  Egypt  about  the  commencement  of  the 
fourth  century,  had  become  popular  in  the  west  of 
Europe;  and  having  found  their  way  into  Britain  and 
Ireland,  before  the  Romans  abandoned  our  island, 
they  continued  to  exist  in  the  British  churches,  after 
their  communication  with  the  continent  was  almost 
entirely  broken  off.  Such  institutions,  however,  were 
aaot  as  yet  distinguished  by  that  punctilious  regularity 
* Bed.  L.  III.  c.  3,  4,  5,  14,  17,  26. 


INTRODUCTION  OF  CHRISTIANITY.  123 


which  they  afterwards  assumed ; and  had  not  branched 
out  into  thost  endless  ramifications  of  orders  and 
fraternities  in  which  they  afterwards  appeared.  Re- 
tirement and  abstinence,  devotion  and  study , were 
indeed  the  characteristics  of  the  monastic  life ; but  the 
inhabitants  of  the  cloister  were  not  banished  from  the 
useful  walks  of  life,  nor  constrained  to  measure  out 
their  devotions  by  the  hour,  nd  conduct  all  their 
movements  and  operations  by  precise  rules.  There 
was  then  little  or  no  distinction  between  monks  and 
clergy.  The  church  of  Lindisfarne  was  both  a cathed- 
ral and  a monastery,  and,  like  the  monastery  of 
Iona,  it  might  rather  be  called  a seminary  of  learning, 
than  a habitation  of  mere  recluses  and  devotees. 
Aidan  was  at  once  a bishop,  an  abbot,  and  a professor 
of  divinity ; his  monks  w7ere  ministers  or  students, 
who,  by  a course  of  private  studies  and  devotions, 
were  prepared  for  public  usefulness.  From  this 
seminary  preachers  were  sent  out  in  every  direction ; 
and  by  their  means  the  gospel  was  not  only  propa- 
gated in  Northumbria,  but  conveyed  into  some  of  the 
neighbouring  kingdoms.* 

It  is  highly  probable  that  some  of  these  zealous 
missionaries  visited  our  district  in  the  days  of  Aidan ; 
but  we  have  no  authentic  account  of  any  church  being 
built  in  this  quarter  before  the  time  of  his  successor 
Finan,  when  the  monastery,  or  church,  of  Lestingham 
was  founded  by  Cedd,  then  bishop  of  the  East-Saxons. 
Cedd  was  the  eldest,  or  at  least  the  most  eminent,  of 

* Bed.  L.  III.  c.  3,  4,  5,  21,  22. 

£ 2 


164 


HISTORY  OR  THE  ABBEY. 


four  brothers,  who  were  all  educated  for  the  ministry, 
under  the  tuition  of  Aidan,  and  his  successor  Finan. 
When  Peada,  prince  of  the  Middle-Angles,  and  son 
of  Penda,  king  of  Mercia,  was  baptized  by  Finan 
at  the  royal  residence  near  the  Roman  wall,  about 
the  time  of  his  marriage  with  Alchfleda,  daughter  of 
Oswy,  he  desired  to  take  some  ministers  along  with 
him,  to  instruct  his  subjects  in  the  true  religion  ; and 
Cedd  was  one  of  the  four  appointed  for  that  service. 
Diuma,  another  of  their  number,  was  afterwards 
ordained  by  Finan,  to  be  the  first  bishop  of  the 
Mercians  and  Middle-Angles. 

Cedd  had  not  laboured  long  among  the  M r- 
when  he  was  called  to  officiate  in  a more  c 
station.  The  East-Saxons,  who  had  I : 
enlightened  by  some  of  the  disciples  cr  Augustine, 
bad  relapsed  into  idolatry;  but  Sigbert  their  . 
when  on  a visit  to  Oswy  king  of  Northumbria,  was 
persuaded  to  receive  the  gospel,  and  was  baptized  by 
the  hands  of  Finan.  This  prince  having  also  solicited 
a supply  of  preachers  for  the  instruction  of  his  people, 
Cedd  was  recalled  out  of  Mercia,  and  sent,  with 
another  presbyter,  to  plant  the  gospel  in  Essex. 
There  he  ministered  with  much  zeal  and  success, 
itinerating  throughout  every  part  of  the  province; 
and  some  time  alter,  having  occasion  to  visit  Lindis- 
farne,  in  order  to  consult  with  Finan,  the  latter 
ordained  him  bishop  of  the  East-Saxons.*  Returning 

* Bed.  L.  III.  c.  21,  22.  Cedd  is  usually  called  bishop  of 
London;  but  Aidan  might  with  as  much  propriety  be  called  bishop 
tf  York.  It  was  not  at  London,  but  at  Ithanccster,  (supposed  to  be 


INTRODUCTION  OF  CHRISTIANITY.  133: 


to  his  province  in  this  new  character,  Cedd  displayed 
increasing  dilig’ence  in  the  work  of  the  ministry ; 
establishing  churches  throughout  his  diocese,  and 
ordaining  presbyters  and  deacons  to  supply  them. 

But  Cedd  retained  a strong  attachment  to  the 
province  of  Northumbria,  where  his  career  of  useful- 
ness had  commenced;  and  while  he  officiated  as  bishop 
of  Essex,  he  often  visited  the  scene  of  his  early  labours  ; 
not  for  amusement,  or  personal  gratification,  but  to 
assist  in  advancing  the  interests  of  religion.  One 
object  of  these  visits  was  to  encourage  and  assist  his 
brother  Caelin,  who  then  ministered  at  the  court  of 
Ethelwaid,  king  of  Deira.*  That  prince  having 
become  acquainted  with  Cedd,  and  knowing  him  to 

St.  Peter’s  on  the  Wall,)  that  Cedd  fixed  his  head-quarters.  The 
bishops  of  that  age  took  their  designation  from  the  people  among 
whom  they  ministered,  rather  than  the  towns  where  they  chiefly  lived. 
Cedd  was  bishop  of  the  East-Saxons  ; Diuma,  bishop  of  the  Mercians; 
Paulinas,  Aidan,  Finan,  and  Colrnan,  bishops  of  the  Northumbrians. 

* If  York  was  Ethelwald’s  metropolis,  Caelin  must  have  been 
minister  of  York.  It  is  usual  to  call  Paulinus  the  first  archbishop  of 
York;  Ceadcla,  the  brother  of  Cedd,  the  second;  Wilfrid,  the  third, 
&c. ; and  York  is  considered  as  vacant  between  the  removal  of  Pauli- 
nus and  the  ordination  of  Ceadda.  But  perhaps  York  was  as  well 
supplied  with  pastors  in  the  time  of  Aidan  and  Finan,  as  in  the  time  of 
Paulinus,  Ceadda,  or  Wilfrid.  There  is  no  propriety  in  giving  the 
title  archbishop  to  any  of  these  three  clergymen ; and  least  of  all  to 
the  first.  Paulinus  might  as  well  be  stiled  archbishop  of  Campodunum, 
as  archbishop  of  York.  He  was  bishop  of  the  Northumbrians;  and, 
in  this  character,  he  was  succeeded  by  Aidan.  The  division  of  Eng- 
land into  two  archbishoprics,  with  bishoprics  under  them,  was  the 
work  of  a later  era.  I am  not  without  suspicion  that  in  those  passages 
of  Bede  where  the  term  a-c/tbishop  is  applied  to  Augustine  and  Pau- 
linus and  their  immediate  successors,  the  first  syllable  may  be  an 
interpolation;  though  we  may  suppose  the  title  to  be  given  to  these 
prelates  by  way  of  anticipation-  It  does  not  appear  that  either  Cedd 
or  Diuma  paid  any  subjection  to  the  bishop  of  Canterbury;  if  they 
acknowledged  any  archbishop,  it  must  have  been  Finan,  by  whom 
they  were  ordained.  Theodorus,  a foreigner,  sent  by  the  pope  to  fid 


126 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


be  a man  of  piety  and  worth,  desired  him  to  accept  of 
some  land  for  erecting  a monastery;  where  the  king 
might  frequently  attend  for  prayer  and  hearing  the 
word,  and  where,  at  his  death,  he  might  be  interred. 
Cedd  agreed  to  the  proposal,  and  chose  for  the  place 
of  the  monastery  a retired  spot  among  the  hills;  more 
suitable  for  the  caves  of  robbers,  and  the  dens  of  wild 
beasts,  than  the  habitations  of  men  : that,  accordino’ 
to  the  prophecy  of  Isaiah,  “In  the  beds  where  dragons 
once  lodged,  the  verdure  of  reeds  and  rushes  might 
spring;”  that  is,  fThat  the  fruits  of  good  works 
might  grow,  where  beasts  formerly  dwelt,  or  men 
were  wont  to  live  like  beasts.'* 

Having  fixed  on  this  spot  for  the  site  of  his 
monastery,  the  man  of  God  resolved,  first  of  all,  to 

the  see  of  Canterbury,  about  the  close  of  Oswy’s  reign,  seems  to  have 
been  the  first  who  claimed  and  obtained  the  archiepiscopal  power  in 
England.  Bed.  L IV.  c.  2,  6.  Gul.  Malmes.  de  Gestis  Pont.  L.  I — 
Egbert,  the  brother  of  Eadbert  kiug  of  Northumbria,  appears  to  have 
been  the  first  archbishop  of  York.  Mat.  Westm.  I.  p.  271.  Gul. 
Malmes.  de  Gest.  Pont.  L.  III.  Sim.  Dun.  c.  18.  Hoveden  Aunal. 
Par.  I. — These  authors  indeed  speak  of  Pauliuus  as  the  first  arch- 
bishop of  York,  and  Egbert  as  the  second  ; but  what  they  say  of  the 
former  is  extracted  from  Bede;  and  the  documents  in  his  History  re- 
lating to  Paulinus’s  dignity,  whether  forged  or  genuine,  must  be 
allowed  to  be  older  than  their  time.  It  seems  a glaring  impropriety 
to  call  him  archbishop,  when  he  had  neither  bishop  nor  clergy  under 
him.  His  ordaining  Honorius  to  the  see  of  Canterbury  is  no  proof 
that  he  was  superior  to  a bishop  : Deusdedit,  the  successor  of  Hono- 
rius, was  ordained  by  Ithamar  bishop  of  Rochester.  Bed.  L.  Ill  c.  20. 
Hen.  Hunt.  L.  III.  par.  5.— Besides,  as  I have  already  hinted,  the 
see  of  Canterbury,  before  the  time  of  Theodorus,  does  not  appear  to 
have  had  any  authority  over  the  other  bishoprics  in  England,  except 
what  the  mother  church  naturally  has  over  the  churches  that  spring 
from  it. 

* This  passage  is  literally  translated  from  Bede.  The  text 
quoted  is  in  Isaiah  XXXV.  v.  7.  The  reader  will  observe  that  our 
translation  of  the  Bible  differs  from  that  which  Bede  used. 


INTRODUCTION  OF  CHRISTIANITY . 


127 


purify  and  consecrate  it  by  prayer  and  fasting,  after 
the  custom  of  the  disciples  of  Aidan.  He  therefore 
begged  the  king*  to  allow  him  to  remain  there  for 
that  purpose,  the  whole  time  of  Lent,  which  was  then 
at  hand.  Accordingly,  he  commenced  this  process  of 
consecration,  fasting  every  day,  (the  Lord’s  day 
excepted,) 1 \ntil  the  evening,  when  he  took  only  a 
small  piece  of  bread,  a ben’s  egg,  and  a little  milk 
and  water.  When  ten  days  of  Lent  yet  remained, 
he  was  summoned  to  attend  the  king;  upon  which  he 
requested  his  brother  Cynibill,  who  was  then  with  him 
as  his  presbyter,  to  complete  his  pious  undertaking. 
With  this  request  Cynibill  chearfully  complied ; and 
having  finished  the  course  of  fasting  and  prayer,  he 
erected  the  monastery,  which  was  named  Lestingham ; 
beginning  this  religious  institution  after  the  model  of 
the  church  of  Lindisfarne.f 

I have  been  thus  particular  in  relating  the  erec- 
tion of  this  church,  because  it  was  the  first  church 
built  in  this  district ; as  far  as  can  be  learned  from  any 
authentic  records  ; and  because  the  narrative  of  our 

* It  is  not  clear  whether  our  historian  means  king  Ethelwald, 
or  the  king  of  Essex,  the  province  of  which  Cedd  was  bishop,  f Bed. 
L.  III.  c.  23. — John  of  Tinemouth  gives  a similar  account  of  the 
founding  of  Lestingham  by  Cedd;  and  adds,  that  his  brother  Thimbel 
{so  he  names  Cynibill)  governed  the  place  after  him,  and  that  he  died 
of  the  pestilence,  and  was  buried  there.  See  Dugd.  Monast.  I.  p.  63. 
— The  name  Lestingham  denotes  Lasting  habitation.  The  Saxon 
name  Lgeyringa  ea  has  nearly  the  same  meaning;  for  as  the  word  ea 
signifies  an  island,  or  an  insulated  spot,  the  name  may  denote 
A lasting  retreat.  If  however  we  take  ea  to  mean  water,  as  it  often 
does,  the  name  might  be  rendered  A perpetual  spring : and  may  be 
supposed  to  have  taken  its  rise  from  an  allusion  to  another  part  of  the 
passage  in  Isaiah  referred  to  above:  ''  In  the  wilderness  shall  waters 
break  out,  and  streams  in  the  desert.”  &c.  Isaiah  XXXV.  6,  7. 


128 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


venerable  historian  on  the  subject  furnishes  some 
curious  and  interesting  particulars. 

It  appears  that  at  this  period,  a considerable 
portion  of  our  district  was  a frightful  desert,  the  haunt 
of  wild  beasts  and  the  retreat  of  robbers.  And  it  may 
be  observed  in  general,  that  the  places  that  were  then 
chosen  for  the  erection  of  monasteries,  particularly  by 
the  brethren  of  Lindisfarne,  were  not  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  populous  towns  or  villages  ; but  in  the 
most  wild  and  unfrequented  parts,  adapted  to  a life 
of  retirement  from  the  world. 

To  this  we  may  add,  that  the  church  of  Lesting- 
ham,  like  all  the  other  churches  built  by  Aidan’s 
disciples,  was  constructed  of  wood.  A stone  church 
was  erected  on  the  same  spot  a number  of  years  after, 
and  the  remains  of  Cedd,  who  died  of  the  pestilence 
when  he  was  on  a visit  to  this  favourite  monastery  in 
the  year  664,  were  taken  up  and  interred  in  this  stone 
church  on  the  right  side  of  the  altar. 

It  is  not  easy  to  ascertain  the  precise  time  when 
the  monastery  of  Leslingham  was  founded.  John  of 
Tinemouth  dates  its  erection  in  648  ; but  it  could  not 
be  earlier  than  654;  for  it  was  in  653  that  Cedd  was 
sent  into  Mercia  ; and  he  had  not  only  been  removed 
into  Essex,  but  ordained  a bishop,  previous  to  the 
erection  of  this  monastery.  I am  inclined  to  place  it  in 
655 ; for  in  the  end  of  that  year  Oswy  gained  the 
battle  of  Winwidfield ; and,  as  I have  noticed  in  the 
General  History,  f Ethelwald  does  not  appear  to  havq 
reigned  in  Deira  after  that  engagement. 

* Bed.  L.  III.  c.  23.  t See  page  29. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


J29 


CHAP.  II. 


Monastery  of  Streonshalh  founded  by  Lady  Hilda . 

THE  next  church,  or  monastery,  erected  in  our 
district,  was  that  of  Streoneshalh ; and,  as  this  monas- 
tery, in  its  various  stages,  is  the  principal  subject  of 
the  present  Book,  it  will  be  necessary  to  detail  the 
circumstances  of  its  erection,  and  to  give  some  account 
of  the  venerable  lady  by  whom  it  was  founded.  In 
several  particulars  relating  to  these  topics,  I find  it 
necessary  to  differ  most  materially,  not  only  from 
Charlton,  whose  fancy  has  strangely  misled  him  in 
regard  to  lady  Hilda  and  her  monastery,  but  from 
many  others  who  have  written  on  the  same  subjects. 

Hilda,  the  noble  foundress  of  Streoneshalh  abbey, 
was  born  in  the  year  614 ; and  was  baptized  at  York  by 
Paulinus,  along  with  her  kinsman  Edwin,  in  627;  being 
then  about  13  years  old.  Her  Saxon  name,*  which 
signifies  battle,  is  supposed  to  have  been  the  name  of 
a goddess  of  battle,*  adored  by  her  progenitors,  like 

* Jjiltoe.  t Turner’s  Hist,  Ang.  Sax.  IY.  p.  22,  397,  413. 

S 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


ibo 

the  Roman  goddess  Beilona:  and  it  was  not  uncom- 
mon among  the  pagan  Saxons,  and  other  northern 
nations,  to  bestow  on  their  children  the  names  of  their 
favourite  idols.*  The  mother  of  the  celebrated  Rollo, 
the  first  duke  of  Normandy,  bore  the  same  name;f 
and  like  the  name  of  the  Saxon  deity  Thor,  we  often 
find  it  in  compound  names;  as  in  Krmenhilda,  Mat- 
hiida,  Gxxnhilda,  Ethel hilda,  IlildeYid,  Hildeg ard, 
Hilde brand,  and  Hilde bert. 

The  parents  of  lady  Hilda  were  Hereric  and 
Brcguswith.  We  have  no  account  of  the  family -of 
her  mother;  but  her  father  Hereric  was  a prince  of 
the  royal  family  of  Northumberland,  and  nearly 
related  to  Edwin.  He  is  usually  called  the  grandson 
of  that  king,  by  his  son  Eadfrid;  and  consequently 
Hilda  is  considered  as  Edwin’s  great-grand. -daugh ter. § 
But  this  genealogy  is  palpably  erroneous.  By 

* The  same  custom  prevailed  among  the  ancient  heathens;  as 
we  see  both  from  Scripture,  and  from  profane  history.  In  a similar 
way  the  names  of  the  true  God,  often  enter  into  the  composition  of 
Hebrew  names;  and  the  practise  has  not  been  wholly  laid  aside  since 
the  establishment  of  Christianity ; as  may  be  instanced  in  the  names 
Theodore,  Christopher,  &c  f Turner’s  Hist.  III.  p.  93.  Note. 
§ Edwin  rex  Northumbrorum,  ex  Quadriburga  filia  Cridae,  regis 
Merc:  genuit  Eadfridum  et  Osfridum.  Eadfride  genuit  Herericum, 
l-en-em  Deirorum.  Herericus  ex  Beorswida  genuit  Hildam  Abbatissani. 
—Anna  ex  Hereswitha  genuit  Sexburgam,  &c. — Ex  primo  libro 
Henrici  Bradshaw,  monachi  Cestrensis,  de  vita  S.  Werburgae;  apud 
Lei.  Coll.  Tom.  II.  p.  38,  59. 

Huic  (scil.  Edwino)  exnli  de  Queriburga,  filia  Creode,  regis 
Merciorum,  nati  sunt  duo  filii,  Osfrith  et  Eanfrith,  cujus  filius  exstitit 
Herericus,  qui  de  Bertswith  genuit  S.  Hildam  abbatissam,  construc- 
tricein  monaster ii  quod  vocatur  Streoneshalh,  ac  S.  Hereswitham, 
EstanMorum  reginam. — ' Ex  bistoriola  de  regibus  Sax.  apud  Lei.  Coll. 
Tom.  II.  p.  306.— See  .the  same  genealogy  in  Samraes’s  Britannia. 
Aaitiqua,,  p.  538;  and  in  Smith’s  Bede,  p.  169. 


HILDA  THE  FOUNDRESS. 


13ft 

comparing  the  ages  of  the  parlies,  it  is  easy  to  discover 
that  Edwin  could  not  be  her  grandfather,  much  less 
her  great-grand-father.  Edwin  died  in  633,  when  he 
was  48  years  old;*  and  must  therefore  have  been 
born  in  585  : Hilda  died  in  680,  at  the  age  of  66  ;f  and 
of  course,  the  year  of  her  birth  must  have  been  614. 
Consequently,  her  father  Hereric  could  scarcely  have 
been  born  later  than  595 ; especially  as  Hilda  appears 
to  have  been  his  second  daughter;  and,  as  Edwin  was 
but  10  years  old  in  595,  it  follows  that  the  above 
genealogy  is  altogether  inadmissible.§  The  error 
seems  to  have  arisen  from  a mistake  of  the  meaning 
of  the  word  nepos,  employed  by  Bede  to  express  the 
relation  of  Hereric  to  Edwin.  ||  That  word,  in  the 
classic  authors,  signifies  grandson;  but  it  is  used  by 
Bede,  and  other  monkish  writers,  to  denote  nephew 
which  is  no  doubt  its  meaning  in  the  passage  referred 
to.  Hereric  was  Edwin’s  nephew,  and  consequently 
Hilda  was  his  grand-niece.  As  Edwin  was  only  two 
or  three  years  old  at  his  father’s  death,**  we  may 

* Bed.  L.  II.  c.  20.  Gul.  Malmes.  de  Gestis  Reg.  Ang.  L.  I. 
In  tlie  Saxon  version  Edwin’s  age  is  only  47  years:  fsep&e  lie 
peopon  -j  peopepyig  pmtpa.  I observe  that  in  the  General  History 
(p.  22,)  I have  given  this  king’s  age  according  to  the  Saxon  version. 
•('  Bed.  L.  iy.  c.  23.  Chron.  Sax.  § Eadf'rid,  the  second  son  of 
Edwin,  who  was  put  to  death  by  Penda,  does  not  appear  to  have  been 
married  at  all ; his  eldest  son  Osfrid  left  an  only  child  called  Yffi; 
who,  after  his  father  and  grandfather  fell  in  the  battle  of  Hethfield,  was 
carried  to  France,  where  he  died  in  infancy.  Bed.  L.  II.  c.  20. 
j|  He  tells  us  that  Hilda  was  “ filia  ncpotis  Aeduini  regis,  vocabulo 
Hererici.”  L.  IV.  c.  23.  J Thus  Saberct  king  of  the  East  Saxons 
is  called  " nepos  Aedilbercti  ex  sorore  Ricula:  ’ and  in  like  manner 
it  is  said  of  OsWald ; “ Erat  autem  nepos  Aeduini  regis  ex  sorore  Acha  ” 
Bed.  L.  II.  c 3.  L.  III.  c.  6.  Both  these  passages  are  copied  by 
Matthew  ef  Westminster.  I.  p.  206,  225,  226.  **  See  p.  2!. 

s 2 


132 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


presume  that  he  was  the  youngest  of  the  family  ; and, 
as  he  was  heir  to  the  throne  of  Deira,  we  may  also 
infer  that  he  was  Ella’s  only  son,  at  least  his  only  son 
who  grew  up  to  manhood  * Hereric  must  therefore 
have  been  Edwin’s  nephew,  not  by  a brother,  but  by 
a sister;  and  this  sister  must  have  been  several  years 
older  than  himself.  His  sister  Acca  was  the  wife  of 
his  persecutor  Ethelfrid,  and  bore  him  three  sons, 
Eanfrid,  Oswald,  and  Oswy.  But,  since  it  is  clear 
that  Hereric  was  not  their  brother,  he  must  have  been 
the  son  of  another  sister  of  Edwin,  whose  name  has 
not  been  handed  down  to  us.  This  princess  was 
most  probably  the  eldest  daughter  of  Ella ; for  her 
son  Hereric,  as  has  been  observed,  must  have  been 
born  about  the  year  595,  if  not  before;  and  Oswald, 
the  second  son  of  her  sister  Acca  was  not  born  till  the 
year  604,  having  lived  but  38  years  when  he  was 
slain  by  Penda  in  642.f  On  this  supposition,  Hereric 
had  a better  title  to  the  crown  of  Deira,  than  the 
sons  of  Ethelfrid ; and,  setting  aside  Edwin,  was  the 
nearest  heir.§  Hence,  it  might  be  expected,  that  the 

* Charlton,  in  direct  contradiction  to  Bede,  calls  Hereric  a 
younger  brother  of  Edwin.  History  of  Whitby,  p.  2. — He  informs 
us  also,  that  lie  lived  at  Streoneshalh,  and  possessed  much  laud  there; 
and  afterwards  states  (p.  22,)  that  lady  Hilda  was  born  at  Aislaby. 
But  these  statements  are  entirely  the  work  of  fancy,  unsupported  bv 
any  authority  whatever.  The  last  of  these  notions  lie  probably 
adopted  merely  from  there  being  a spring  near  Aislaby  called  Hilda’s 
well. — Drake,  who  is  as  careless,  though  less  fanciful,  makes  Hilda 
herself  the  sister  of  Edwin  ! Eboracum,  p.  405.  Note.  f Bed. 
L.  III.  c.  9.  Hen.  Hunt.  L.  III.  par.  5.  § An  ancient  chronicle, 
quoted  in  a former  note,  expressly  calls  him  “ Herericum,  regem 
Deirorum, 


HILDA  THE  FOUNDRESS. 


133 


jealous  usurper  would  attempt  the  destruction  of  this 
young  prince,  as  well  as  of  his  uncle  Edwin.  Ac- 
cordingly, we  find  that,  while  the  latter  was  compelled 
to  seek  an  asylum  in  distant  courts,  Hereric  was  also 
forced  to  consult  bis  safety  by  escaping’  from  North- 
umbria; and  became  an  exile  at  the  court  of  Cerdic- 
one  of  the  British  kings. 

It  was  probably  during  his  exile  that  Hereric 
married  Breguswith.  This  lady  bore  him  a daughter, 
who  was  named  Hereswith,  and  who  tvas  afterwards 
married  to  a prince  of  East-Anglia.  About  the  time 
when  she  bore  his  other  daughter  Hilda,  Breguswith 
according  to  Bede,  had  a remarkable  dream,  intended  to 
prognosticate  the  illustrious  character  of  her  offspring; 
as  well  as  the  sudden  death  of  Hereric,  She  dreamed 
that  her  husband  w^as  suddenly  taken  from  her;  and 
that,  while  she  was  seeking  him  with  great  earnestness, 
but  to  no  purpose,  she  found  under  her  robe  a most 
precious  jewel ; and  w hile  she  examined  it  attentively, 
it  seemed  to  shine  with  such  a lustre  as  to  fill  all  parts 
of  Britain  with  its  brightness.  This  dream,  our  his- 
torian tells  us,  was  completely  fulfilled,  both  in  the 
shining  character  of  Hilda,  and  in  the  death  of 
Hereric,  who  was  cut  off  by  poison ; probably  through 
the  machinations  of  the  tyrant  Ethelfrid.*  This 
story  clearly  implies  that  Hilda  was  the  youngest 
daughter  of  Hereric,  and  it  also  intimates  somewhat 
obscurely  that  she  was  a posthumous  child. f The 

* Bed.  L.  IV.  c.  23.  f Yet  Bede  states  that  her  mother  had 
this  dream  in  “in  infantia  ejus;”  which  one  would  suppose  to  mean 


134 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


tradition  is  that  she  was  born  on  the  25th  day  of 
August;  at  least  that  is  the  day  which  from  time 
immemorial  has  been  observed  at  Whitby  in  honour 
of  lady  Hilda. 

After  the  death  of  her  husband,  and  the  birth  of 
her  daughter  Hilda,  Breguswith  probably  became  a 
refugee  at  the  court  of  Redwald,  along  with  her 
kinsman  Edwin.  When  the  latter  was  placed  on  the 
throne  of  his  fathers  in  616,  she  would  naturally 
prefer  to  remain  some  time  longer  with  her  young 
family  in  East-Anglia,  Hilda  being  then  bat  two 
years  old;  and  we  may  suppose  that  during  her  stay 
that  intimacy  was  begun,  which  issued  in  the  marriage 
of  her  eldest  daughter  to  one  of  the  East-AngTian 
princes.  At  what  time  she  came  into  Northumbria 
with  her  daughters,  or  whether  the  whole  family  came 
into  that  province  or  not,  we  are  not  informed  ; but 
we  find  Hilda  attending  the  court  of  Edwin  her 
grand-uncle,  at  the  age  of  thirteen,  when  she  was 
baptized  with  her  royal  relative  at  York.  Whether 
her  young  mind  discerned  the  excellence  of  the  gospel, 
and  felt  its  influence,  or  whether  in  receiving  baptism 
she  merely  followed  the  example  of  the  court,  it  is 
impossible  to  determine.  We  may  hope,  however, 
that  her  conversion  was  sincere,  as  she  persevered  in 
her  Christian  profession,  and  was  not  among  those 
who  apostatized  after  the  fall  of  Edwin.  At  that 

" during  Hilda’s  infancy but,  as  the  monkish  writers  are  far  from 
being  correct  in,  their  language,  we  may  allow  him  to  mean,  as  the 
(Ream  seems  to  imply,  that  Breguswith  had  this  diviue  communication 
daring  her  pregnancy. 


HILDA  THE  FOUNDRESS. 


135 


disastrous  period,  she  does  not  appear  to  have  ac- 
companied Eanfleda  and  Paulinus  in  their  flight  into 
Kent:  perhaps  she  retired  into  the  neighbouring 
Kingdom  of  East-Anglia;  for  it  must  have  been  about 
this  time,  or  soon  after,  that  her  sister  was  married  to 
a prince  of  that  country:  or  it.  is  possible  that  she 
might  venture  to  remain  in  Northumbria,  under  the 
care  of  James  the  deacon,  or  some  other  trusty  friend. 
At  any  rate,  she  resided  in  Northumbria  several  years 
during  the  ministry  of  Aidan ; with  whom,  it  would 
appear,  she  became  intimately  acquainted,  and  under 
whom  she  at  last  assumed  the  vail. 

In  addition  to  the  instructions  and  example  of 
the  pious  Aidan,  and  his  associates,  various  causes 
might  operate  in  inducing  lady  Hilda  to  adopt  the 
monastic  life.  She  was  now  thirty-three  years  of  age, 
and  her  prospects  of  connubial  joys  would  naturally 
be  less  flattering  than  at  an  earlier. stage  of  life ; the 
calamities  which  had  befallen  the  royal  families  of 
Northumbria  and  East-Anglia,  to  both  of  .which  she 
was  nearly  related,  set  before  her  a melancholy  pic- 
ture of  the  instability  of  earthly  grandeur ; and  the 
example  of  her  sister,  who,  after  the  death  of  her 
husband,  had  retired  into  the  monastery  of  Cale  (or 
Chelles)  in  France,  presented  a powerful  stimulus. 
It  was  her  first  design,  on  assuming  the  religious 
habit,  to  spend  the  remainder  of  her  days  in  the  same 
monastery  with  her  widowed  sister.  With  this  view 
she  went  into  East-Anglia,  hoping  that  the  king  of 
that  province,  to  whom  she  was  related,  would  find 
an  opportunity  of  forwarding  her  into  France 


136 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


Our  venerable  historian  does  not  name  the 
relation  of  Hilda  who  then  reigned  in  East- An  glia  ; 
neither  does  he  inform  us  to  what  prince  her  sister 
Hereswith  was  married;  but  simply  calls  her  the 
mother  of  Aldulf,  king  of  the  East- Angles,  without 
mentioning  Aidulf’s  father.  Aldulf,  however,  was 
not  the  king  of  East-Anglia  at  the  time  of  Hilda’s 
retirement,  fGr  he  did  not  begin  to  reign  till  the  year 
663.*  Previous  to  his  reign,  three  brothers,  Anna, 
Ethelhere,  and  Ethelwald,  successively  occupied  the 
East-Anglian  throne.  The  monkish  annalists  are 
divided  as  to  the  disposal  of  Hereswith,  some  giving 
her  to  the  first  of  these  brothers,  while  others  bestow 
her  upon  the  second.  Of  the  latter  class  are  William 
of  Malmesbury,  and  Matthew  of  Westminster,  who 
both  consider  Ethelhere  as  the  father  of  Aldulf,  and 
consequently  the  husband  of  Hereswith  f A much 
greater  number  of  writers  have  made  this  lady  the 
queen  of  Anna,  who,  like  two  of  his  predecessors, 
was  slain  by  Penda  king  of  Mercia.  But  when  it  is 
considered  that  the  same  writers  make  Hilda  the  great- 
grand-danghter  of  Edwin, § and  that  all  of  them  lived 
several  hundred  years  after  Bede,  their  authority  in 
this  point,  unless  supported  by  some  better  evidence, 
can  have  little  weight.  They  have  assigned  Hereswith 
to  Anna,  apparently  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  a 
greater  cluster  of  saints  into  one  family,  the  daughters 

* The  year  680  was  the  17th  year  of  his  reign.  Bed.  L.  IV.  c.  1 7. 
f Gul.  Malm,  de  Gestis.  Reg.  Ang.  L.  I.  c.  5.  Mat.  Westm.  I. 
p.  231. — Some  authors  give  Ethelhere  the  name  of  F.thelric.  § See 
the  notes  on  page  130.  See  also  Lei.  Coll.  I.  p.  589,  590.  II.  p.  225. 


HILDA  THE  FOUNDRESS. 


137 


of  Anna  being  celebrated  for  their  piety.  A little  at- 
tention to  dates,  as  well  as  to  some  other  circumstances 
noticed  by  Bede,  may  convince  us  that  Hereswith 
could  neither  be  the  wife  of  Anna  nor  of  Ethelhere. 
It  appears  obvious  from  all  accounts,  that  Hereswith 
was  a widow  before  she  retired  into  a monastery  : 
neither  Bede,  nor  any  of  his  successors,  has  claimed 
for  her  the  praise  of  forsaking  her  husband  and  her 
crown  for  the  charms  of  a monastic  life ; and  we  may 
be  sure  that  if  she  had  been  entitled  to  this  praise, 
they  would  not  have  withheld  it ; as  they  are  so  lavish 
in  their  encomiums  on  Etheldrith  and  other  ladies 
Avho  made  that  sacrifice.  Some  of  them,  indeed,  ex- 
pressly tell  us  that  Hereswith  retired  into  France 
after  the  death  of  her  husband.*  Now,  although 
historians  differ  as  to  the  date  of  Anna’s  accession,f 
they  appear  to  agree  that  he  was  cut  off  by  Penda  in 
654;  and  it  is  well  known  that  his  brother  Ethelhere 
was  slain  with  Penda  by  Oswy,  in  the  year  following. 
But,  if  we  recollect  that  Hilda  assumed  the  veil  when 
she  was  33  years  old,  that  is  about  the  close  of  the 
year  647 ; and  that  her  sister  was  then  living  in  the 
monastery  of  Cale,  to  which  she  had  previously  with- 
drawn, we  can  have  no  doubt  that  neither  of  these 

* Lei.  Coll.  I.  p.  590.  f Some  place  it  in  635,  some  in  643 
®r  644,  and  Matthew  of  Westminster  brings  it  down  to  652;  thus 
leaving  but  two  years  for  Anna’s  reign.  Mat.  West.  I.  p.  228.— This 
last  date  is  evidently  erroneous;  for  Cenwalh  king  of  Wessex  was  a 
refugee  at  the  court  of  Anna  no  less  than  three  years;  and  it  is  clear 
that  Anna  reigned  for  a considerable  time  both  before  and  after  that 
period.  Bed.  L.  III.  c.  7.  Smith’s  Bede,  p.  96,  122.  Notes. 


T 


138 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


princes  could  be  the  husband  of  Hereswith.  Ac^ 
cording  to  the  best  authorities,  Anna  was  at  that  very 
time  reigning  in  East-Anglia,  and  continued  to  fill 
the  throne  for  about  seven  years  after.  Upon  the 
whole,  I am  inclined  to  think,  that  the  prince  who 
espoused  Hereswith,  and  who  seems  to  have  died  at 
an  early  stage  of  life,  never  swayed  the  East-Anglian 
sceptre  himself;  though,  in  consequence  of  the  dis- 
asters which  befel  the  leading  branches  of  the  family, 
the  honours  of  royalty  devolved  on  his  son. 

The  court  of  East- Anglia  had  little  correspon- 
dence with  Hereswith,  after  her  retirement  into 
France;  for  Hilda  remained  a whole  year  in  that 
province  without  meeting  with  any  opportunity  of 
going  over  to  her  sister.  At  the  expiration  of  that 
period,  Aidan,  having  heard  of  her  detention,  invited 
her  to  settle  in  her  own  country;  and,  having 
complied  with  this  invitation,  she  obtained  a small 
possession*  for  establishing  a nunnery,  on  the  north 
bank  of  the  river  Wear.  This  was  the  second 
institution  of  the  kind  in  Northumbria;  and  here  lady 
Hilda  continued  for  a year,  with  a few  female  com- 
panions who  had  also  adopted  the  monastic  life. 

From  the  banks  of  the  Wear,  Hilda  removed 
towards  the  mouth  of  the  Tees.  On  the  spot  where 
Hartlepool  now  stands,  and  which  was  then  called 

* Locum  unius  familise=A  place,  or  possession,  of  one  family. 
The  expression  usually  denotes  a hyde  of  laud. — The  site  of  this  first 
nunnery  of  lady  Hilda  is  not  ascertained:  perhaps  it  was  about  the 
same  spot  where  the  monastery  of  Wearmouth  was  afterwards  erected 
by  Benedict  Biscop.  Some  think  that  it  was  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
South  Shields,  where  there  is  a church  dedicated  to  S.  Hilda. 


HILDA  THE  FOUNDRESS.- 


139 


Heruteu  or  Heorta,*  the  first  nunnery  in  Northumbria 
was  erected;  or  at  least  the  foundress  of  that  nunnery, 
whose  name  was  Hegu,  or  Heiu,f  is  stated  to  have 
been  the  first  female  who  assumed  the  religious  habit 
in  that  province.  It  was  under  the  inspection,  and 
by  the  consecration  of  Aidan,  that  this  lady  com- 
menced the  monastic  life;  and,  in  imitation  of  her 
patron,  she  chose  for  her  abode  the  insulated  spot 
above-mentioned,  which  was  nearly  surrounded  by 
the  ocean.  But  Hegu  had  not  been  long  in  this 
monastery,  when  she  removed  from  thence  to  Tad- 
caster,  then  named  Calcaria,  where  she  erected 
another  nunnery;  and  Hilda  was  called  to  succeed 

* Jleojvc  ea — insula  cervi,  i.  e.  Hart-island.  Had  not  Bede 
given  us  this  explanation  of  tiie  term,  it  might  have  been  translated 
Hart-pool,  agreeably  to  the  modern  name;  for  the  Saxon  word  ea 
seems  to  denote  icater  more  frequently  than  island.  Sir  Cuthbert 
Sharp,  to  whose  kindness  I am  indebted  for  many  valuable  communi- 
cations, is  about  to  favour  the  pubtic  with  a History  of  Hartlepool; 
which  will  contain  much  interesting  information  respecting  this  ancient 
residence  of  lady  Hilda,  f Some  have  supposed  that  the  name  of 
this  lady  is  not  pegu,  but  Begu  or  Beja;  and  have  given  her  the 
title  of  saint  Bege.  When  Leland  visited  Whitby,  in  his  tour  through 
the  monasteries,  he  found  there  a Life  of  saint  Bega:  and  from  his 
extracts  we  learn,  that  this  Bega  was  born  in  Ireland;  that  she  first 
built  a little  monastery  at  Copeland  (now  St.  Bee’s)  in  Cumberland; 
that  she  next  erected  a monastery  on  the  north  bank  of*  the  Wear ; 
that  Hartlepool  was  her  third  station,  Tadcaster  her  fourth,  and 
Hackness,  (where  she  died,)  her  last  settlement.  Lei.  Coll.  III. 
p.  39.  Dugd.  Monast.  I.  p.  395. — This  narrative  appears  to  be  a 
strange  medley,  composed  of  portions  of  the  lives  of  three  or  four 
saints  jumbled  together.  The  first  part  may  relate  to  some  Irish  lady 
called  Bega,  but  it  has  nothing  to  do  with  Hegu,  who  was  a North- 
umbrian lady:  the  second  part  obviously  belongs  to  lady  Hilda;  unless 
we  suppose,  which  is  not  very  probable,  that  Hegu  was  her  predeces- 
sor on  the  banks  of  the  Wear,  as  well  as  at  Hartlepool : the  last  part 
relates  to  an  old  nun  named  Bega,  who  was  living  at  Hackness  wliea 
lady  Hilda  died. 


140 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


her  at  Hartlepool.  By  this  removal  the  charge  of  lady 
Hilda  would  be  considerably  increased ; for,  besides 
the  nuns  whom  Hegu  had  left  behind,  the  whole 
sisterhood  who  had  lived  with  her  on  the  banks  of  the 
Wear  appear  to  have  continued  under  her  inspection 
at  Hartlepool,  their  former  habitation  being  entirely 
abandoned. 

It  must  have  been  about  the  year  650  that  Hilda 
became  the  abbess  of  Heruteu.  Here  she  remained 
for  upwards  of  seven  years,  intent  on  the  duties  of 
her  office,  and  maintaining  a high  character  for  piety 
and  wisdom.  Aidan  and  his  brethren  assisted  her 
much  by  their  counsels  and  instructions  ; for  they  all 
respected  and  loved  her,  and  paid  frequent  visits  to 
her  monastery.* 

At  last  an  unexpected  occurrence  was  the  means 
of  conducting  her  to  another  sphere  of  usefulness. 
Oswy,  before  encountering  the  formidable  Penda, 
tried  to  appease  him  with  presents;  but  finding  all 
his  attempts  to  procure  accommodation  ineffectual, 
he  had  recourse  to  the  divine  assistance,  and  resolved 
to  present  his  gifts  at  that  court  where  they  w ould  not 
be  rejected.  He  therefore  made  a vow,  that  if  he 
should  come  off  victorious,  he  wrnuld  devote  his 
daughter  to  the  Lord  to  be  a holy  virgin;  and  would 
give  with  her  twelve  manors,  or  possessions  of  land, 
for  founding  monasteries.  After  his  brilliant  victory 
over  Penda  on  the  banks  of  the  Air,  Oswy  remem- 
bered his  vow,  and  committed  his  infant  daughter 
* Bed.  L.  IV.  23. 


HILDA  THE  FOUNDRESS. 


141 


JElfleda,  who  was  scarcely  a year  old,  to  the  care  of 
Hilda,  abbess  of  Heruteu  ; setting  apart  at  the  same 
time  twelve  possessions,  each  consisting  of  ten  hydes 
of  land,  for  the  support  of  persons  engaged  in  the 
monastic  life.  Of  these  possessions,  or  manors,  six 
were  in  Deira,  and  six  in  Bernicia;  and  a considerable 
part  of  them  was  no  doubt  granted  to  the  monastery 
where  the  royal  infant  was  to  reside.*  This  new 
charge  added  greatly  to  the  respectability  of  our 
abbess ; while  an  increase  of  wealth  enabled  her  to 
enlarge  her  institution,  and  put  it  in  her  power  to 
commence  new  undertakings. 

Two  years  after  this  event,  lady  Hilda  purchasedf 
a possession  of  ten  hydes  of  land  in  a place  called 

* Charlton  very  properly  corrects  the  mistake  of  Rapin,  who 
represents  Osvvy  as  vowing  to  erect  twelve  monasteries : yet  he  falls 
into  as  great  a mistake  himself,  in  appropriating  all  the  twelve  manors 
to  Streoneshaih,  and  especially  in  placing  them  in  Whitby  Strand,  in 
defiance  of  Rede’s  authority.  I am  amazed  to  find  him  pretending  to 
quote  Bede  himself,  to  prove  that  at  least  six  of  the  manors  were  in 
Whitby  Strand,  and  were  given  to  the  monastery  of  Streoneshaih; 
while  the  other  six  were  given  to  that  of  Hartlepool.  Hist,  of  Whitby, 
p.  20,  22. — There  is  no  such  passage  in  Bede:  he  does  not  inform 
us  in  what  parts  of  Deira  or  Bernicia  these  manors  lay,  nor  to  what 
monasteries  they  were  appropriated.  It  does  not  appear  that  any  one 
of  them  was  in  Whitby  Strand ; and  the  words  of  Bede  may  warrant 
a belief  that  several  monasteries  shared  in  this  bounty.  Hence, 
Wibiam  of  Malmesbury  tells  us  that  Oswy  built  a number  of  monas- 
teries: “ Quin  et  Domino  famulantibus  frequentia  constitueus  habita- 
cula;  hujus  quoque  boni  patriam  non  reliquit  exanguem.'’  L.  I.  c.  3. 
Charlton,  it  seems,  found  exactly  twelve  manors  in  Whitby  Strand. 
He  could  as  easily  have  found  twenty,  or  might  with  equal  facility 
have  reduced  tiiem  to  six  or  eight,  f The  words  of  Bede  do  not 
necessarily  imply  that  Hilda  purchased  the  land;  “Quae  post 
biemm>m  comparata  possessione  decern  familiarum  in  loco  qui  dicitur 
Streaneshalch,  ibi  monasteriutn  consruxit:”  but  the  Saxon  version 
ci  Hy  states  that  she  bought  this  possession;  " Seo  aepreji  rpam 
geajium  gebohte  Tyn  liioa  lan&ep  hijre  on  sehre  on  ftaejie  yzope 
yeo  l y jeepeben  Stpieoneyhalh  Saeji  heo  mynyrepi  5et:imbjiot>e.” 
Charlton  makes  this  possession  Aislaby:  he  should  have  removed  the 
abbey  to  Aislaby  too, 


142 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


Streoneshalh ; and  there  she  erected  a new  monastery, 
where  she  and  the  young1  princess,  with  many  other 
nuns,  took  up  their  abode.  Whether  the  whole 
convent  of  Heruteu  removed  with  their  abbess  to  her 
new  residence,  or  whether  a part  of  them  remained 
behind,  we  have  no  certain  accounts.  It  is  most 
probable  that  the  monastery  at  Heruteu  still  subsisted  ; 
and  that  a new  abbess  was  chosen,  as  had  been  done 
on  the  removal  of  Ilcgu.  If  this  was  the  case,  we 
need  not  doubt  that  Hilda  would  retain  a maternal 
affection  for  a convent  in  which  she  had  so  long1 
presided ; and  we  know  that  her  name  was  revered, 
and  her  memory  cherished,  by  the  inhabitants  of  that 
place  in  after  ages.* 

All  authors  are  agreed,  that  the  place  where  lady 
Hilda  founded  her  new  monastery  was  the  same 
which  has  since  been  denominated  Whitby;  but  the 
origin  of  its  ancient  name  is  involved  in  obscurity. 
In  the  Saxon  it  is  usually  written  Streoneshalh,  and 
and  in  the  Latin  Streaneshalch ; and  in  one  of  the 
passages  where  it  occurs  in  Bede,  we  find  it  inter- 
preted Sinus  fari.—  Tlie  hay  of  the  lighthouse. f 

* Sir  Cuthbert  Sharp  has  favoured  me  with  an  impression  of  a 
very  ancient  seal  of  the  church  of  Hartlepool.  In  the  centre  is  a rude 
figure  of  lady  Hilda  (to  whom  the  church  is  dedicated,)  standing 
under  a canopy,  having  her  pastoral  staff,  or  crosier,  in  her  right 
hand,  and  a book  in  her  left;  a little  behind  her  appear  two  monks, 
or  priests,  one  on  the  right,  and  the  other  on  the  left,  with  their 
faces  turned  towards  her;  each  of  them  is  praying  with  uplifted  hands, 
and  has  a small  altar  with  a chalice  on  it  standing  before  him,  while 
a dove  descending  from  heaven  seems  to  bring  to  his  hands  the  sacred 
wafer.  The  inscription  around  the  figures  is  a prayer  presented  tc, 
her  ladyship:  SY  BYE  N I AT  FAMYLIS  NOBIL1S  HILDA 
SVIS  ; — Let  Lady  Hilda  help  her  servants.  Streaneschalch 
cpjod  interpvetatur  Sinus  fari,  L.  III.  c.  25, 


HILDA  THE  FOUNDRESS. 


143 


Tivis  interpretation  has  been  generally  adopted,  and 
both  Spelman  and  Wilkins  accordingly  designate  the 
synod  of  Streoneshalh,  Sy  nodus  Pkarensis.  1 am 
fully  persuaded,  however,  that  this  explanation  of  the 
name  must  be  erroneous ; but  as  it  is  not  likely  that 
Bede  himself  would  mistake  its  meaning,  lam  disposed 
to  think  that  the  passage  is  an  interpolation  by  some 
ignorant  transcriber,  or  rather  that  Sinus  fari  is  not 
the  true  reading  in  his  work.*  My  opinion  is 
grounded  chiefly  on  two  reasons.  The  first  is,  that 
it  appears  utterly  improbable  that  any  lighthouse  ever 
existed  here,  either  in  the  time  of  the  Romans,  or  of 
the  Saxons.  It  is  well  known  that  lighthouses  were 
constructed  by  the  Romans,  and  that  they  were  called 
Phari,  from  the  name  of  the  celebrated  lighthouse  of 
Alexandria:  but  it  is  certain,  that  these  helps  to  navi- 
gation were  extremely  rare  among  the  ancients.  As 
far  as  I have  observed,  there  is  no  mention  made  in 
history  of  any  one  Pharus  erected  by  the  Romans  in 
Britain ; and  we  may  be  sure  that  if  they  established 
any,  it  would  only  be  at  their  principal  ports.  But 
we  do  not  find  that  the  Romans  had  either  town, 
village,  or  harbour,  at  this  place ; and  if  Whitby,  in 
its  present  flourishing  state  as  a town  and  harbour,  has 
no  lighthouse,  in  an  era  when  lighthouses  are  ten 
times  more  numerous  than  they  were  among  the 
ancients,  is  it  credible  that  the  place  possessed  a 

* It  may  be  remarked  that  though  Henry  of  Huntingdon,  Mat- 
thew of  Westminster,  and  other  ancient  authors,  have  quoted  Bede’s 
explanation  of  peojvcea,  &c,  none  of  them  quptes  this  interpretation 
♦f  Stjreouef  lialh. 


144 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


Phams,  when  there  was  no  town  at  all,  at  least  none 
which  the  Roman  historians  thought  it  worth  while 
even  to  name?  Indeed  if  there  had  been  a lighthouse 
here  in  the  days  of  the  Romans,  it  is  very  unlikely 
that,  during  the  long  desolations  which  succeeded 
their  departure,  the  remembrance  of  it  should  be 
preserved  so  as  to  give  a name  to  the  place.  Much 
less  can  we  suppose  that  there  was  any  lighthouse 
here  in  the  early  part  of  the  Saxon  period.  The 
Saxons  of  that  age  were  too  rude  to  be  acquainted 
with  such  improvements.  The  term  pharus,  or  jams, 
was  indeed  used  among  the  Northumbrians  in  the 
time  of  Alcuin,  several  years  after  the  death  of  lady 
Hilda,  being  the  name  of  an  apparatus  for  suspending 
lights  in  the  churches;*  but  the  term,  as  well  as  the 
contrivance,  was  borrowed  from  the  foreign  churches ; 
and  few,  if  any,  of  those  who  made  use  of  it,  under- 
stood its  primitive  signification. 

Another  reason  which  leads  me  decidedly  to 
reject  the  received  interpretation  of  Streoneshalh,  is 
that  the  word  itself  seems  incapable  of  bearing  any 
such  meaning.  The  last  part  of  this  compound  name, 
which  in  the  Saxon  is  written  halh,  healh,  or  heale, \ 
and  in  the  Latin,  halch,  hale,  haulk,  &c.  may  indeed 

* There  was  a large  pharus  in  the  church  at  York  in  Alcuin’s 
time.  See  Lingard’s  Antiquities  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  Church,  p.  143. 
t The  name  is  Srpieonephealh  in  Bed.  L.  IV.  c.  26.  In  the  Saxon 
Chronicle  it  is  Srjieonepheale.  Othere’s  narrative,  in  Alfred’s 
Orosius,  (p.  24,  25.)  mentions  a port  in  the  Baltic  called  Scijtinsep- 
heal,  or  Scipungep-heale,  which  the  learned  editor  (D.  Barrington) 
takes  to  be  Stockholm.  He  remarks  in  his  Notes,  p.  256,  that  heale, 
in  the  northern  languages,  signifies  a port ; and  translates  8cijun5ej~* 
heale,  the  port  of  the  rocky  islands. 


HILDA  THE  FOUNDRESS. 


145 


be  properly  rendered  sinus,  or  bay.  It  is  not  to  be 
confounded  with  hale  or  halle,  corresponding  with 
our  modern  word  hall ; but  is  quite  a different  term, 
denoting  an  inlet  or  harbour,  and  may  possibly  have 
some  connection  with  the  Dutch  word  signi- 

fying a creek,  or  a corner*  But  I cannot  see  how 
Streones,  the  other  part  of  the  name,  can  be  rendered 
phari  (or  fari ) ; as  its  original  meaning  seems  to 
have  no  relation  whatever  to  a lighthouse.  It  is  the 
possessive  case  of  the  noun  Streon  or  Streona,  which, 
with  ge  prefixed,  signifies  gain  or  wealth. f The 
The  name  Streoneshalh  might  therefore  have  been 
rendered  Gain-Bay,  or  the  Bay  of  Success , had  not 

* In  a list  of  churches  belonging  to  the  monastery  of  Medes- 
hamstede,  I find  one  name  terminating  in  hale  and  another  in  hatch , 
Lodes  hale  and  SchufFenWc/i ; — a proof  that  these  terminations  are 
not  the  same.  Lei.  Coll  I.  p.  5. — The  charter  of  Robert  of  Livertun, 
contained  in  the  Chartulary,  or  Abbot’s  Book,  of  Whitby,  (p.  63), 
mentions  a place  called  Duhcildehalc;  “ Et  illam  terrain  de  Lusekelde- 
sic,  a via  maris  in  Duhcildehalc.” — It  seems  to  be  the  name  of  some 
small  creek  near  Skinnigrove.  The  termination  hatch  in  the  ancient 
name  of  Whitby  is  sometimes  written  haul.  Perhaps  our  modern 
•word  haul  may  be  related  to  it,  as  it  might  signify  a place  where  boats 
were  hauled  up.  f The  prefix  ge  occurs  very  frequently  in  Saxon 
words;  as  it  also  does  in  the  kindred  languages,  the  Dutch  and  Ger- 
man. In  many  instances  it  does  not  alter  the  meaning  of  the  word; 
as  in  pi z and  gepit,  "Sing  and  seeing,  &c.  The  word  gefTpieon 
often  occurs  : thus  we  find  An&  "Sone  hip*  geyTjieon  beo^S  puy  call 
aypen&eo=“  And  when  his  property  is  thus  all  spent;”  (Alfred’s 
Orosius,  p.  *27.)  be  i&lum  Bingum  peojrula  jeytjieon  j~ece=“  Seeks 
worldly  gain  by  vain  things;”  (Bed.  L.  I.  c.  27.)  and  mycel  ge- 
j-rjreon  hahjjia  j~aula=“  Much  gain  of  holy  souls;”  Wheloch’s  Bede, 
p.  108. — Camden  is  for  rendering  Stjieonej'heale  healthy  bay 
(V.  III.  p.  17);  imagining  that  heale  means  health  : but  Srpieonep* 
cannot  be  that  part  of  the  name  which  denotes  bay;  being  obviously 
in  the  possessive  case. — There  is  a place  called  Strensall  near  York, 
which  bore  the  same  name  at  the  time  of  the  Conqueror’s  survey ; 
but  the  etymology  of  that  name  seems  to  have  no  connection  with  that 
©f  the  ancient  name  of  Whitby. 

¥ 


146 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


Bede  given  us  his  interpretation  of  it;  and  if  we 
could  read  Sinus  lucri,  instead  of  Sinus  fari , the 
point  would  be  settled.  Bub  as  this  seems  to  be  too 
remote  from  the  present  reading,  I rather  suspect  that 
(if  the  passage  be  not  an  interpolation)  we  should 
read  lari  instead  of  fari ; and  those  who  are  ac- 
quainted with  ancient  manuscripts  well  know  that  the 
letters/,  s,  and  l,  in  these  writings,  are  very  apt  to 
be  mistaken  for  one  another.  Now  larus  signifies  a 
sea-gull,  and  if  streon  has  the  same  meaning, 
Streoneshalh  must  be  Gull-Bay.  I cannot  indeed 
quote  an  instance  in  which  streon  signifies  a gull  in 
the  literal  sense;  but,  like  larus,  it  is  taken  figura- 
tively to  denote  one  who  is  eager  after  gain  or 
preferment.  Larus  hians — a gaping  gull,  means 
a person  who  is  grasping  at  some  advantage  : and  in 
the  same  acceptation  is  streon  used ; for  the  famous, 
or  rather  infamous,  Edric,  duke  of  Mercia,  who  rose 
from  a low  station  to  the  highest  rank,  and  catched  at 
every  advantage,  even  by  the  basest  means,  was 
surnamed  Streon,  or  Streona,  which  an  old  author 
renders  the  getter  or  strainer.  Indeed  the  Saxon 
word  seems  to  imply  the  idea  of  straining  or  stretching, 
or  that  exertion  which  is  made  to  acquire  wealth; 
and  it  may  be  remarked  that,  in  the  German  language, 
Strcngcn  or  anstrengnt  signifies  to  strain,  or  to 
stretch  ; SttTltg  both  in  Dutch  and  Swedish,  denotes 
a string  or  cord;  and  there  are  similar  words,  in 
these  and  other  languages  related  to  the  Saxon, 
employed  to  express  extension  or  straining.  Streon, 


HILDA A THE  FOUNDRESS. 


147 


therefore  may  denote  a gaper,  among  the  feathered 
tribes,  as  well  as  among  mankind ; and  might  be  used 
as  the  name  of  a sea-gull.  It  must  be  allowed,  that 
this  place,  before  the  days  of  lady  Hilda  was  much 
more  likely  to  be  the  resort  of  gulls,  than  the  site  of 
a lighthouse ; and,  if  report  says  true,  her  ladyship 
waged  war  with  the  sea-fowls,  compelling  them, 
through  the  force  of  her  prayers,  to  lower  their 
pinions,  and  drop  to  the  ground,  when  they  attempted 
to  fly  over  her  sacred  territory.*  If  we  prefer  the 
figurative  meaning  of  the  term  larus,  as  corresponding 
better  with  streon , we  may  suppose  that  Streoneshalh 
derived  its  name  from  some  greedy  plunderer,  or 
pirate,  who  like  Robin  Hood  in  a later  era,  had  his 
abode  in  this  retired  quarter : and,  in  that  case,  we 
must  call  it  Pirate’s  Bay.  At  the  same  time  I may 
add,  that  if  larus  can  be  translated  a gaping,  as  I 
find  it  is  in  an  old  dictionary,  Streoneshalh  might  be 
rendered  Gaping-Bay,  or  Open- Bay ; — a name  which, 
though  very  inapplicable  to  the  inlet  which  forms  our 
harbour,  might  be  properly  given  to  the  bay  that 
extends  between  Whitby  and  the  point  beyond  Sands- 
end.  After  all,  lest  my  good  fellow-citizens  should 
be  offended  at  me  for  appearing  to  attempt  to  gull 
them,  I will  leave  them  at  liberty  to  adopt,  if  they 
please,  the  first  interpretation  of  Streoneshalh,  viz. 
The  Bay  of  Gain  ; a name  which  must  needs  be  more 
acceptable,  and  which  we  might  suppose  to  have 


* Gough’s  Camden,  V.  III.  p.  17. 


14® 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


Originated  with  some  fishermen  who  had  pursued  their 
occupations  successfully  on  the  coast. 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  derivation  of  the 
name,  it  is  obvious  that  Streoneshalh  was  a place  of 
no  note,  till  lady  Hilda  made  choice  of  it  for  the  site 
of  her  new  monastery.  Like  Lindisfarne,  Hartlepool, 
and  Lestingham,  it  was  a retired,  unfrequented  spot; 
and  for  that  very  reason  it  was  selected  as  a suitable 
station  for  a monastic  establishment. 

We  may  date  the  first  erection  of  our  monastery 
in  658 ; for  the  ground  was  procured,  and  the  insti- 
tution set  on  foot  two  years  after  the  battle  of 
Winwidfield  which  was  fought  November  15,  A.  D. 
655;'*  and,  as  we  can  hardly  suppose  the  undertaking 
to  have  commenced  in  the  midst  of  winter,  it  must 
be  dated  in  the  spring  or  summer  of  658. 

Like  all  the  other  religious  buildings  erected  by 
the  Scotish  missionaries  and  their  disciples,  the  nun- 
neries of  lady  Hilda,  must  have  at  first  been  built  in 
the  most  simple  form,  and  of  the  most  humble  materials. 
Buildings  of  stone  were  altogether  unusual  with  them  : 
their  churches  were  framed  of  wood,  and  covered 
with  thatch  or  reeds;  and  had  the  monastery  of 
Streoneshalh,  or  that  of  Heruteu,  been  constructed 
in  a different  way,  our  historian  would  doubtless 
have  taken  notice  of  such  a singularity. f This 

* 17  Cal.  Decemb.  Bed.  L.  III.  c.  24.  + Ibid.  c.  4,  17,  25. 
St.  Cuthbert,  according  to  Bede,  was  sore  pestered  with  the  crows, 
which  resorted  to  Lindisfarne,  as  the  gulls  did  to  Streoneshalh.  These 
mischievous  creatures  tore  the  thatch  from  the  roof  of  his  monastery, 
and  carried  it  off  to  buiid  their  nests;  and  when  they  would  not  desist 
from  this  sacrilegious  spoliation  at  his  command,  he  banished  them 


HILDA  THE  FOUNDRESS. 


149 


statement  will  appear  strange  to  some  who  have  read 
the  narrative  of  Charlton,  who  tells  us  that  Streones- 
halh  abbey  was  built  after  the  model  of  the  church  at 
York,  which  he  is  pleased  to  term  rf  a master-piece 
of  workmanship that  those  architects  and  workmen 
who  had  been  employed  at  York  were  engaged  to 
erect  this  new  monastery;  that  it  was  two  years  in 
building,  during  which  time  lady  Hilda  often  attended 
to  direct  the  work;  that  the  fabric  was  100  yards 
long,  the  nave  36  yards,  &c.  extent  of  the  cross-part 
50  yards,  height  of  the  tower  35  yards ; and  that  the 
whole  stood  on  40  superb  Gothic  pillars.*  The 
whole  of  this  story  is  a mere  romance,  not  only  un- 
supported by  any  authority,  but  totally  inconsistent 
with  the  history  of  architecture  in  Britain.  There 
were  no  such  buildings  in  England  as  that  which  he 
describes,  for  many  ages  after  the  days  of  lady  Hilda. 
The  time  was  not  yet  arrived  when  monachism  was 
combined  with  magnificence,  and  when  a profession 
of  poverty  was  the  way  to  riches.  Several  hundred 
years  elapsed  before  any  churches  so  magnificent 
were  erected  in  Northumbria;  or  any  churches  in  the 

from  the  island  in  the  name  of  Christ.  Upon  this,  they  flew  away  in 
great  dejection ; hut  at  the  end  of  three  days  one  of  them  returned, 
and  finding  the  saint  digging,  it  fell  at  his  feet  in  the  most  penitent 
manner,  to  beg  pardon.  When  the  good  man  was  overcome  by  its 
entreaties,  it  presently  flew  off  for  its  mate,  (for  it  was  not  of  a 
monkish  habit)  and  the  couple  returning,  brought  with  them,  as  a 
trespass-offering,  a large  lump  of  hogs-lard,  which  served  for  a long 
time  to  grease  the  brethren’s  shoes.  Vita  S.  Cuthb.  c.  20. 

* Hist,  of  Whitby,  p.  21,  22. — These  are  nearly  the  dimensions 
of  the  present  abbey  church ; in  its  entire  state.  Charlton  fancies 
that  lady  Hilda’s  abbey  was  not  only  on  the  same  site,  but  of  the 
game  extent. 


1 00 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


cruciform  shape,  with  transepts,  cloisters,  and  towers. 
A stone  building  of  any  sort  was  then  a kind  of 
prodigy ; and  even  the  churches  that  were  built  of 
stone  were  plain  quadrangular  buildings,  more  rude 
than  our  modern  barns.  The  church  of  York,  so  far 
from  being  “a  master-piece  of  workmanship,”  was 
so  wretchedly  constructed,  that  when  Wilfrid  became 
bishop  of  that  place  about  ten  years  after  this  time, 
be  found  the  church  in  ruins:  the  roof  was  gone;  the 
■walls,  which  had  probably  been  formed  of  rough 
stones  with  clay  for  cement,  were  half  fallen  down, 
and  their  tottering  remains  served  only  to  contain 
birds’  nests;  the  windows  too,  instead  of  being  glazed, 
were  formed  with  lattices,  or  with  thin  linen  cloth.* 
Even  after  being  thoroughly  repaired  by  that  prelate, 
it  was  only  a poor  building;  no  more  like  the  present 
magnificent  structure,  than  a cottage  is  like  a palace 
Nay,  the  palaces  of  that  day  were  miserable  hovels, 
not  equal  in  convenience  to  modern  cottages.  Edwin’s 
royal  hall  was  but  a large  shed,  with  a fire  burning 
on  the  floor  in  the  midst  of  it,  and  so  open,  even  in 
the  winter,  that  the  birds  could  fly  through  it.f 
Alfred’s  palace,  above  two  hundred  years  after,  was 
little  better;  for  the  walls  were  so  full  of  chinks,  and 

* Basilica,  quondam  ab  Edwino  rege  monilu  beati  Paulini  in 
Eboraco  facta,  tecto  vacabat,  parietes  semiruti,  et  ruinam  plenam 
minnntes  solis  nidis  avium  serviebant,  &c.  Gul.  Malm,  de  G.  P. 
lab.  111. — The  first  church  at  Lincoln,  the  only  other  stone  church 
then  in  the  north  of  England,  was  in  the  same  ruinous  state  before 
the  time  of  Bede.  L.  II.  c.  16. — A curious  specimen  of  the  ancient 
wooden  churches  has  been  preserved  unto  modern  times,  viz.  the  church 
of  Greensted  in  Essex.  See  Camden,  V.  II.  p.  51.  Turner,  Y.  I"\ 
p.  452.  f See  p.  1 10. 


HILDA  THE  FOUNDRESS. 


151 


the  doors  and  windows  so  clumsily  framed,,  that  lie- 
had  not  an  apartment  in  which  a candie  could  burn 
steadily  when  there  was  any  wind,  without  being 
inclosed  in  a lantern.*  In  the  reign  of  Edgar,  at  a 
much  later  period,  the  monasteries  in  England  were 
in  a ruinous  condition,  composed  of  rotten  boards, 
and  other  wretched  materials. f 

The  building  of  a monastery,  then,  in  the  days 
of  lady  Hilda,  was  a work  of  little  labour  or  expence. 
The  nunnery  at  Streoneshalh  might  be  reared  in  a 
few  weeks,  or  even  in  a few  days;  especially  as  it 
was  probably  begun  on  a very  small  scale.  This 
may  be  partly  inferred  from  the  smallness  of  the 
territory  which  she  possessed  in  the  place,  consisting 
of  no  more  than  ten  hydes  of  land  ;§  though,  as  was 
formerly  noticed,  it  is  likely  that  a great  part  of  the 
twelve  possessions  which  Oswy  gave  for  the  support 
of  monasteries,  was  bestowed  on  this  abbey  where 
his  daughter  was  educated. 

But  however  small  this  institution  might  be  at  its 
commencement,  it  soon  became  very  considerable; 
and  was  the  largest  of  the  monasteries  founded  by 
Oswy’s  bounty.  ||  Its  increase  might  naturally  be 
expected,  both  from  the  rank  and  character  of  the 

* Turner’s  Hist.  II.  p.  337.  f Sancta  restaurare  monasteria, 
quae  velut  muscivis  seindulis  cariosisque  tabulis  tigno  tenus  visibiliter 
diruta.  Gul.  Malm,  de  G.  R.  A.  L.  II.  § The  island  of  Iona, 
which  is  three  miles  long  by  one  broad,  was  estimated  at  five  hydes. 
Bed.  L.  Ill,  c.  4. — If  we  double  this  quantity,  we  shall  find  pretty 
nearly  the  extent  of  Hilda’s  territory  at  Streoneshalh.  It  was  but  a 
small  portion  of  Whitby  Strand.  ||  Gul.  Malm.  L.  I.  c.  3. 


152 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


abbess,  and  the  dignity  of  her  youthful  charge.  Every 
one  who  adopted  the  monastic  life,  would  be  eager  to 
enter  an  abbey,  where  a lady  so  illustrious  presided, 
and  where  a young  princess  was  a disciple.  Oswy 
and  his  queen  would  be  the  first  to  patronise  an  es- 
tablishment which  contained  an  object  so  dear  to  them. 
The  fame  of  lady  Hilda  was  extensively  spread 
abroad,  she  was  visited  by  persons  of  the  most 
exalted  station,  and  her  monastery  became  the  scene 
of  important  transactions. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


153 


CHAP.  III. 


The  Synod  of  Streoneshalh. 

THE  most  remarkable  affair  which  occurred  at 
Streoneshalh,  in  the  days  of  lady  Hilda,  was  the 
synod  or  council  held  there,  in  the  presence  of  king 
Oswy  and  his  son  Alchfrid,  to  determine  some  difter- 
ences  which  had  arisen  in  the  church. 

When  Britain  was  separated  from  the  Roman 
empire,  the  churches  in  the  British  isles  were  detached 
from  those  on  the  continent ; and  had  scarcely  any 
communication  with  them  for  the  space  of  about  two 
hundred  years.  At  the  time  of  the  Pelagian  contro- 
versy, they  requested  and  obtained  the  assistance  of 
some  of  the  bishops  of  Gaul  ;*  but  they  seem  to  have 
had  no  direct  correspondence  with  the  church  of  Rome 
till  after  the  arrival  of  Augustine.  During  that 
interval  the  continental  churches  had  undergone  a 
variety  of  modifications ; the  power  of  the  bishop  of 
Rome  had  been  greatly  augmented,  the  ordinances 
of  religion  had  been  altered,  ancient  superstitions  had 

* Bed.  L.  I.  c.  17. 

X 


154 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


been  new-modelled,  and  new  rites  and  ceremonies 
adopted.  In  the  mean  time,  the  British  churches 
seem  to  have  retained  the  institutions  of  Christianity 
nearly  in  the  same  state  as  when  their  communication 
with  the  continent  began  to  be  cut  off.  Hence,  when 
they  came  in  contact  with  the  Romish  church,  after 
the  missionaries  of  the  latter  had  arrived  among  the 
Saxons,  the  difference  between  them  was  found  to  be 
so  great,  that  they  could  not  coalesce.  Augustine 
and  his  helpers  had  a conference  with  seven  British 
bishops,  and  several  other  ministers,  at  Bangor,  with 
a view  to  draw  them  into  the  catholic  church ; and  he 
was  willing  to  concede  to  them  all  their  other  peculiar 
usages,  provided  they  would  adopt  the  practice  of  his 
church,  as  to  the  time  of  keeping  easter,  and  the 
mode  of  administering  baptism  : but  they  would  not 
listen  to  his  proposals,  nor  give  up  any  of  the  institu- 
tions received  from  their  fathers;  for  they  dreaded 
that  he  was  aiming  to  bring  them  under  that  spiritual 
domination,  to  which  the  churches  on  the  continent 
were  already  subjected.* 

While  the  British  churches  differed  widely  from 
the  church  of  Rome,  they  appear  upon  the  whole  to 
have  agreed  with  one  another;  at  least,  we  are  certain 
from  many  passages  in  Bede,  and  from  other  autho- 
rities,  that  the  churches  in  Wales,  Ireland,  and 
Scotland,  followed  the  same  rule  in  the  observation 
of  easter;  and  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  they 
mutually  corresponded. 

* Bed.  L.  II.  c.  2.  Wilk,  Concil.  I.  p.  24—28. 


SYNOD  OF  STREONESHALH. 


155 


The  church  of  Northumbria  planted  by  Aidan, 
with  the  branches  that  sprung  from  it  in  Mercia  and 
Essex,  adhered  at  first  to  the  communion  of  the 
British  churches ; having  no  dependence  on  the  see 
of  Rome,  and  little  or  no  correspondence  with  the 
churches  of  Kent.  By  degrees,  however,  some 
ministers  of  the  Romish  persuasion  found  their  way 
into  the  churches  established  by  the  Scotish  mission- 
aries; where  they  laboured  to  introduce  the  forms  of 
their  own  church.  Of  these  one  of  the  most  zealous 
was  Ronan,  who  was  of  Scotish  extraction,  but  had 
received  his  education  among  the  foreign  churches. 
Devoted  to  the  see  of  Rome,  he  did  not  scruple  to 
attack  Finan  himself;  and  though  he  could  not  con- 
vince that  bishop  of  heresy,  he  gained  a considerable 
party  to  his  cause.  Ronan  was  greatly  assisted  in 
this  zealous  attempt,  by  Romanus  the  chaplain  of 
queen  Eanfleda ; who  had  been  a presbyter  in  the 
church  of  Kent,  and  had  accompanied  that  princess 
into  Northumberland,  on  her  marriage  with  Oswy, 
The  queen  herself,  having  been  educated  in  Kent, 
was  of  the  same  party;  and  this  remark  will  also 
apply  to  most  of  her  attendants.  The  party  was 
further  strengthened  by  the  venerable  James,  for- 
merly deacon  to  Paulinus,  who  had  been  employed 
in  the  ministry  for  a number  years,  and  had  been 
suffered  to  retain  without  molestation  the  usages 
which  Paulinus  had  established.  Indeed,  it  does  not 
appear  that  the  bishops  of  Lindisfarne  made  any 
attempt  to  impose  their  observances  on  such  as  had 

x 2 


156 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


been  educated  in  the  church  of  Rome:  they  left  them 
to  follow  their  own  forms.  This  toleration,,  however, 
would  not  satisfy  the  Romanists;  they  aimed  at  the 
exclusive  establishment  of  the  usages  of  their  church, 
which  they  considered  as  the  true  and  catholic  church, 
while  they  pronounced  their  opponents  to  be  heretics 
and  schismatics.  The  great  respectability  of  Finan 
was  a powerful  obstacle  in  the  way  of  their  success  ; 
but  when  that  pi  elate  w as  removed  by  death  about 
the  year  662,  they  began  to  muster  all  their  force, 
to  attack  Co! man  the  new  bishop,  before  he  could 
acquire  the  reputation  and  influence  of  his  predecessor. 
By  tiiis  lime  their  party  had  received  a considerable 
accession  of  strength.  Prince  Alchfrid,  who  was  now 
on  Uie  throne  of  Deira,  warmly  espoused  their  cause; 
which  also  obtained  an  able  advocate  in  his  friend 
Wilfrid,  whom  he  had  made  abbot  of  Ripon.  It  was, 
indeed,  through  the  influence  of  this  remarkable 
character,  that  Alchfrid  changed  his  sentiments.* 
Wilfrid,  having  spent  some  of  his  younger  )ears  in 
the  monastery  of  Lindisfarne,  travelled  into  France 
and  Italy  to  complete  his  education;  and  upon  his 
return  to  his  native  country  after  a lapse  of  years,  he 
paid  his  respects  to  the  royal  family,  by  whose  assist- 
ance he  had  been  enabled  to  set  out  on  his  travels. 
His  learning  and  talents  recommended  him  to  the 

* On  this  subject,  however,  Bede  is  not  consistent  with  himself, 
for,  in  his  account  of  the  synod  of  Streoneshalh  (L.  III.  c.  25.),  he 
attributes  Alchfrid’s  orthodoxy  to  the  instructions  of  Wilfrid;  whereas, 
in  his  life  of  Wilfrid  (L.  V.  c 19.),  he  intimates  that  Alchfrid  was 
previously  attached  to  the  catholic  rule,  and  that  he  conceived  a 
friendship  for  Wilfrid,  because  he  found  him  to  be  a true  catholic. 


SYNOD  OF  STREONESHALH. 


157 


favour  of  Alchfrid,  who  was  nearly  of  the  same  age  ;* 
and  that  prince  being  gained  over  by  his  eloquence  to 
the  party  of  the  Romanists,  first  gave  him  a posses- 
sion of  ten  hydes  of  land  at  Stanford, f and  soon  after 
gave  him  the  monastery  of  Ripon,  endowed  with  a 
possession  of  thirty  hydes;  having  expelled  from 
thence  the  abbot  Eata  and  the  Scotish  monks,  by 
whom  under  his  own  patronage  the  monastery  had 
been  established,  because  they  would  not  adopt  the 
catholic  observances. § This  expulsion,  together  with 
the  advancement  of  Wilfrid,  who  was  soon  after 
ordained  a presbyter  J|  by  Agilbert,  bishop  of  Wessex, 
another  defender  of  the  catholic  faith,  would  naturally 
tend  to  inflame  the  controversy,  and  to  raise  the  hopes 
of  the  Romanists ; whose  party  received  a further 
accession  in  one  Agatho,  a presbyter. 

To  terminate  the  disputes  which  now  agitated 
the  church  of  Northumberland,  it  was  at  last  resolved 
that  a synod  should  be  held,  in  which  the  subjects  in 

* Wilfrid  was  about  30  years  of  age  in  664,  (Bed.  L.  V.  c.  19.) 
and  Alchfrid  could  be  very  little  younger.  It  is  usual,  indeed,  to  speak 
of  Wilfrid  as  Alchfrid’s  tutor;  but  this  notion  must  appear  ridiculous, 
if  we  consider  that  that  prince  bad  swayed  the  sceptre  of  Deira  some 
years  before  his  attendance  on  Wilfrid's  instructions  commenced  ; and 
that  he  was  old  enough  to  command  an  army  so  early  as  the  year 
655.  The  words  of  Bede  on  the  subject  mean  nothing  more  than  that 
Wilfrid  instructed  him  in  the  catholic  doctrine,  f Probably  Stanford 
on  the  Derwent,  on  which  river  the  kings  of  Deira  had  a palace. 
§ Young  St.  Cuthbert  was  among  the  monks  expelled  with  Eata. 
The  latter  became  abbot  of  Melrose,  and  afterwards  abbot  and  bishop 
of  Lindisfarne.  Bed.  L.  III.  c.  26.  "Vita  S.  Cuthb.  c.  6,  7,  8.  ||  He 

had  received  the  religious  tonsure  in  France  from  Dalfin,  archbishop 
of  Lyons,  with  whom  he  lived  for  some  years.  Agilbert,  who  now 
ordained  him,  was  also  a Frenchman,  and  returned  soon  after  to  his 
own  country,  where  he  became  bishop  of  Paris,  and  had  the  honour 
of  also  ordaining  Wilfrid  a bishop.  Bed.  L.  V.  c.  19.  L.  HI.  c.  7, 


i5S 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


question  might  be  publicly  discussed.  This  memor- 
able synod  was  held  in  the  monastery  of  Streoneshalh, 
iu  the  year  664;*  and,  the  heads  of  both  parties 
having’  been  summoned  to  attend,  there  was  a general 
muster  of  their  respective  forces.  On  the  part  of  the 
Romish  church  appeared  Aichfrid,  Agilbert,  A gat  ho, 
Wilfrid,  James,  Romanus,  and  others;  and  on  the 
part  of  the  Scotish  church  were  Oswy,  the  abbess 
Hilda,  Colman  and  his  clergy,  with  the  venerable 
Ccdd,  bishop  of  Essex,  who  acted  as  moderator  of 
the  synod,  being  an  interpreter  and  mediator  between 
the  parties. -f* 

The  first  point  that  fell  to  be  discussed  was  a 
question  respecting  the  proper  time  of  keeping  easier 
The  cl  lurch  of  Rome  never  observed  easter  tii!  after 
the  I4th  day  of  the  moon  which  followed  the  vernal 
equinox;  so  that  their  easter-sunday  could  not  he 
earlier  than  the  15th  day  of  the  moon,  and  might  be 
as  late  as  the  21st  day  : but,  in  the  British  church, 
if  the  14th  day  of  that  moon  happened  to  be  the  first 
day  of  the  week,  it  was  kept  as  easter-day,  and  con- 
sequently their  easter  could  not  he  later  than  the  20lh 
day  of  the  moon.  Hence  it  had  happened,  though  it 
could  not  happen  often,  that  while  Oswy  and  his 
Scotish  friends  were  keeping  easter,  his  queen  Ean- 
fle  la  witli  the  Romanists  were  observing  palm-sun  day, 
their  lent  not  being  yet  finished.— This  was  the 
principal  subject  in  dispute,  and  was  the  only  one 

* Matthew  of  Westminster  dates  it  in  663.  f Qui  et  intevpres 
in  eo  Concilio  vigilantissimus  utriusque  partis  exstitit. — Oswy  himself, 
however,  presided  iu  the  council:  Cedd  only  assisted  him. 


SYNOD  OF  STREONESHALH. 


159 


that  underwent  a full  discussion  in  this  synod.  The 
arguments  employed  in  the  debate  were  drawn  from 
the  practice  of  the  churches,  and  the  uncertain  tra- 
ditions of  the  fathers  ; for  neither  party  could  appeal 
to  the  scriptures,  there  being  nothing  in  the  word  of 
God  to  sanction  the  observance  of  easier  in  any  form.^ 

At  the  opening  of  the  assembly,  Oswy  made  a 
short  speech,  setting  forth  the  importance  of  unity  ia 
the  church.  “ They  who  serve  one  God,”  said  he, 
“ should  hold  one  rule  of  life ; and  they  who  expect 
the  same  heavenly  kingdom,  ought  not  to  differ  in 
observing  the  heavenly  sacraments. f Let  us  inquire, 
then,  which  is  the  true  tradition,  and  let  us  all  agree 
to  follow  it.” 

Column,  the  bishop  of  the  province,  was  then 
desired  by  the  king  to  state  what  he  had  to  say  on 
behalf  of  the  rites  which  he  followed ; and  he  pro- 
ceeded to  address  the  meeting  as  follows:  “ The 
easter  which  I am  wont  to  keep,  is  what  I received 
from  those  who  sent  me  hither  as  a bishop,  and  which 
all  our  fathers,  men  beloved  of  God,  are  known  to 
have  observed  in  the  same  way.  Nor  is  it  to  be 
despised  or  rejected;  for  it  is  the  same  which  the 
evangelist  John,  the  beloved  disciple  of  the  Lord,  is 
said  to  have  observed,  with  all  the  churches  under  his 
inspection.” 

* The  word  easter  occurs,  indeed,  in  our  translation,  in  Act* 
XII.  4.  where  it  is  said  that  Herod  intended  “ after  easter”  to  bring 
out  Peter  to  be  executed.  But  the  word  in  the  original  is  the  passover, 
and  should  have  been  so  rendered  ; for  it  would  be  absurd  to  suppose, 
that  a Jewish  persecutor  would  delay  the  execution  of  the  apostle  out 
of  respect  to  a Christian  festival,  f The  church  of  Rome  differed 
from  the  British  churches  in  the  mode  of  administering-  baptism,  as 
well  as  in  the  observance  of  easter.  Bed.  L.  II.  c.  2. 


160 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


When  Colman  had  spoken  these  words,  with 
other  things  to  the  same  effect,  the  king  desired 
bishop  Agilbert  to  produce  his  authority  for  his  mode 
of  observing  easier:  but  Agilbert  begged  to  be 
excused,  because,  being  a foreigner,  he  was  not 
master  of  the  English  language ; and  he  requested 
that  Wilfrid,  his  disciple,  whose  sentiments  were  the 
same  with  his  own,  might  be  permitted  to  speak  in 
his  stead.  This  permission  being  readily  granted 
Wilfrid  thus  began  : “ That  caster  which  we  keep, 
we  have  seen  observed  by  all  who  are  at  Rome, 
where  the  blessed  apostles,  Peter  and  Paul,  lived, 
taught,  suffered,  and  w ere  buried  ;*  we  have  beheld 
It  universally  practised  in  Italy  and  Gaul,  which  we 
have  travelled  over  for  the  sake  of  learning  and 
devotion  ; and  we  have  learned  that  it  is  kept,  at  one 
and  the  same  time,  by  Africa,  Asia,  Egypt,  Greece, 
and  the  whole  Christian  world,  except  these  only,  and 
their  accomplices  in  obstinacy,  I mean  the  Piets  and 
Britons;  in  conjunction  with  whom,  though  occupying 
only  two  remote  islands  of  the  ocean,  and  not  even 
the  whole  of  these,  they  fight  with  foolish  labour 
against  the  whole  world.” 

To  this  insulting  language,  which  affords  a 
specimen  of  that  haughty,  over  bearing  temper,  for 
which  Wilfrid  was  so  distinguished,  Colman  replied  : 

* The  fanciful  traditions  which  make  the  apostle  Peter  bishop  of 
Rome,  the  apostle  James  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  &c.  are  of  very  ancient 
date.  On  these  traditions,  and  on  the  gradual  usurpations  of  the 
church  of  Rome,  and  the  independence  of  the  ancient  British  churches, 
some  remarks  will  be  offered  in  Appendis,  No.  II.  It  is  highly 
probable  that  Peter  never  saw  Rome. 


SYNOD  OF  STREONESHALH. 


161 


Sf  It  is  strange  that  you  would  call  our  labour  foolish, 
in  which  we  follow  the  example  of  so  great  an  apostle, 
who  was  thought  worthy  to  lean  on  the  breast  of  our 
Lord;  since  all  the  world  knows  that  he  lived  in  the 
wisest  manner.” 

“Far  be  it  from  us,”  said  Wilfrid,  “ to  accuse 
John  of  folly,  in  adhering  to  the  rites  of  the  Mosaic 
law;  while  as  yet  the  church  conformed  in  many 
things  to  the  Jews,  and  the  apostles  could  not  at 
once  reject  that  law  which  had  been  appointed  by 
God,  as  they  did  those  idols  that  were  invented  by 
demons.  They  were  careful  to  avoid  giving  any 
offence  to  the  Jews  that  were  among  the  Gentiles. 
Hence  it  was,  that  Paul  circumcised  Timothy,  that 
he  offered  sacrifices  in  the  temple,  and  that  he  shaved 
his  head  at  Corinth,'*  with  Aquila  and  Priscilla.  Hence 
it  was,  that  James  said  unto  Paul;  ‘ Thou  seest,  bro- 
ther, how  many  thousands  of  Jews  there  are  which 
believe,  and  they  are  all  zealous  of  the  law/f  But 
in  our  day,  when  the  gospel  is  shining  through  the 
world,  it  is  unnecessary,  nay,  it  is  unlawful,  for 
believers  to  be  circumcised,  or  to  offer  corporeal 
sacrifices  to  God.  Now,  John,  according  to  the 
custom  of  the  law,  began  the  celebration  of  the 
paschal  feast  on  the  fourteenth  day  of  the  first  month, 
at  even  ; whether  it  happened  to  be  sabbath,§  or  any 

* It  was  at  Cenclirea,  the  port  of  Corinth.  Acts,  XVIII.  18. 
f Acts,  XXI.  20.  § By  sabbath  he  means  the  Jewish  sabbath,  or 

our  Saturday.  The  Jews  even  at  this  day  keep  their  sabbath  from 
sunset  on  triday  till  sunset  on  Saturday,  and  not  from  midnight  to 
midnight;  according  to  the  direction  given  to  their  fathers,  “From 
even  unto  even  shall  ye  celebrate  your  sabbath.”  Levit.  XXIII.  32. 

Y 


162 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


other  day  of  the  week.  But  Peter,  when  he  preached 
at  Rome,  remembering  that  on  the  first  day  of  the 
week  the  Lord  arose  from  the  dead,  and  gave  the 
world  the  hope  of  a resurrection,  understood  that  caster 
should  be  so  observed,  that,  according  to  the  custom 
and  precepts  of  the  law,  he  behoved  to  wait,  like 
John,  till  the  evening  of  the  fourteenth  day  of  the 
moon  in  the  first  month;  and  when  that  time  arrived, 
if  the  day  following  was  the  Lord’s  day,  then  called 
the  first  day  of  the  week,  he  began  to  keep  easier 
that  very  evening : as  we  also  are  wont  to  do.  If,  how- 
ever, the  Lord’s  day  did  not  fall  on  the  next  day  after 
the  fourteenth  of  the  moon,  but  on  the  sixteenth,  or 
seventeenth,  or  any  subsequent  day,  unto  the  twenty- 
first,  he  waited  for  that  day,  and  began  the  solemni- 
ties of  easier  on  the  sabbath  evening*  preceding;  so 
that  easter-sunday  could  only  be  kept  from  the  fif- 
teenth day  of  the  moon,  to  the  twenty-first  day.  This 
apostolic  tradition  does  not  set  aside  but  fulfil  the  law, 
which  requires  the  observance  of  the  passover,  from 
the  fourteenth  day  of  the  first  month  at  even,  unto 
the  twenty-first  day  of  the  same  month  at  even:  and 
this  observance  is  followed  by  all  the  successors  of 
John,  in  Asia,  and  by  the  whole  church  throughout  the 
world.  And,  (hat  this  is  the  true  easter,  that  this  only 
is  to  be  kept  by  the  faithful,  was  not  first  decreed  by 
the  council  of  Nice,  f but  merely  confirmed  by  it ; as 

* That  is  on  the  evening  of  the  Jewish  sahbath,  or  Saturday 
evening,  f This  celebrated  council  was  held  A.  D.  325.  Charlton 
who  often  introduces  his  own  comments,  or  supplements,  into  the 
speeches  which  he  recites,  makes  the  date  of  this  council  a part  of 
Wilfrid’s  own  words, 


SYNOD  OF  STREONESHALH. 


163 


the  history  of  the  church  clearly  informs  us.  Whence 
it  appears,  that  you,  Colman,  are  not  following  the 
example  of  John,  as  you  imagine,  any  more  than 
that  of  Peter,  whose  tradition  you  wilfully  oppose; 
and,  in  observing  your  easter,  you  neither  agree  with 
the  law,  nor  with  the  gospel.  For  John  kept  the 
time  of  easter  according  to  the  Mosaic  law,  without 
waiting  for  the  first  day  of  the  week;  whereas  you 
never  observe  it  hut  on  the  first  day.  Peter  kept 
easter-sunday  from  the  fifteenth  day  of  the  moon  to 
the  twenty-first;  whereas  you  keep  it  from  the  four- 
teenth day  to  the  twentieth:  so  that  you  often  legin 
your  easter  in  the  evening  of  the  thirteenth  day  of  the 
moon,  of  which  the  law  makes  no  mention,  nor  was 
it  on  that  evening,  but  the  evening  of  the  fourteenth, 
that  our  Lord,  the  author  and  giver  of  the  gospel,  did 
eat  the  old  passover,  and  institute  the  sacrament  of 
the  new  testament,  to  be  observed  by  his  church,  in 
commemoration  of  his  death.  Besides,  you  wholly 
throw  out  from  your  observance  of  easter,  the  twenty- 
first  day  of  the  moon ; which  the  law  required  to  be 
especially  celebrated.  And  thus,  as  I have  said,  in 
your  celebration  of  this  great  festival,  you  neither 
agree  with  John  nor  with  Peter,*  with  the  law  nor 
with  the  gospel.” 

* It  would  require  more  learning  than  Wilfrid  possessed,  to 
prove  that  either  Peter  or  John  kept  easter  in  any  form;  but  he  argues 
according  to  the  traditions  that  were  then  currently  received  in  the 
church.  On  this  subject  we  find  some  excellent  remarks  in  the  Eccle- 
siastical History  of  Socrates,  a writer  of  the  fifth  century.  He 
condemns  the  violent  debates,  between  the  eastern  and  western 
churches,  about  the  time  of  keeping  easter ; because  the  keeping  of 


164 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


To  this  learned  and  eloquent  speech  Colmar! 
briefly  replied : “ Did  Anatolius,  a holy  man,*  much 
praised  in  the  history  of  the  church  to  which  you 
appeal,  contradict  the  law  or  the  gospel,  when  he 
wrote  that  easter  is  to  be  kept  from  the  fourteenth  day 
to  the  twentieth  ? Can  we  believe  that  our  most 
reverend  father  Columba,  and  his  successors,  men 
beloved  of  God,  who  held  easter  in  the  same  way, 
walked  contrary  to  the  divine  word  ? The  piety  of 
many  of  them  was  attested  by  the  signs  and  miracles 
which  they  wrought ; and  since  I have  no  doubt  of 
their  holiness,  I cannot  cease  to  follow  their  life,  their 
manners,  and  their  discipline.” 

“ No  doubt,”  returned  Wilfrid,  “ Anatolius  was 
a man  most  hoty,  most  learned,  and  most  praise- 
worthy: but  what  have  ye  to  do  with  him,  when  ye 
do  not  keep  even  his  institution  ? For  he,  following 
the  rule  of  truth  in  his  easter,  laid  dowrn  a cycle  of 
nineteen  years;  which  you  are  either  ignorant  of,  or 
treat  with  contempt,  though  it  is  acknowledged  and 

lioiy  days,  and  Jewish  festivals,  was  rather  set  aside  than  enjoined 
by  the  gospel,  which  free6  us  from  that  yoke  of  bondage.  The  keeping 
of  easter  and  other  festivals,  he  says,  was  not  commanded  by  Christ 
or  his  apostles,  bat  was  introduced  by  custom.  The  apostles  were 
not  occupied  in  prescribing  rules  for  keeping  holy  days;  but  in  leading 
men  to  virtue  and  piety.  He  also  remarks,  that  though  the  eastern 
churches  pleaded  the  authority  of  John  for  their  practice,  and  the 
western  churches  that  of  Peter  and  Paul;  neither  party  could  produce 
hnv  certain  document  to  establish  their  point.  Socrat.  Hist.  Eccl. 
L.  V.  c.  21. 

* He  was  bishop  of  Laodicea  about  the  time  of  the  emperor 
Dioclesian,  and  is  much  commended  for  his  learning  and  piety.  He 
wrote  some  canons  about  the  time  of  keeping  easter.  Euseb.  Hist. 
Eccl.  L.  VII,  c.  26. 


SYNOD  OF  STREONESHALH. 


165 


lield  by  the  whole  church  of  Christ.  While  he  fixed 
easter-sunday  on  the  fourteenth  day  of  the  moon,  he 
reckoned' the  evening1  of  that  same  day  to  be  the 
fifteenths  after  the  Egyptian  way:  and  when  he  as- 
signed the  twentieth  day  for  easter-sunday,  he  believed 
the  dose  of  that  day  to  be  the  twenty-first.  But  it  is 
obvious,  that  you  are  ignorant  of  this  rule  of  distinc- 
tion; for  you  sometimes  hold  easier  before  the  full 
moon,  that  is,  on  the  thirteenth  day.*'  And,  in  re- 
gard to  your  father  Columba  and  his  followers,  whose 
holiness  you  profess  to  imitate,  and  whose  rule  and 
precepts  you  allege  to  have  been  confirmed  by  heavenly 
signs,  I might  reply,  that  many  will  say  to  the  Lord 
in  the  day  of  judgment,  that  in  his  name  they  have 
prophesied,  and  cast  out  devils,  and  done  many  won- 
derful works,  to  whom  the  Lord  will  answer  that  he 
never  knew  them.f  But  far  be  it  from  me  to  speak 
this  of  your  fathers;  for  it  is  much  more  proper  to 
believe  good  than  evil,  of  those  who  are  unknown  to 
us.  I do  not,  therefore,  deny  that  they  were  the 
servants  and  favourites  of  God,  who  worshipped  him 
with  rustic  simplicity,  yet  with  pious  intentions. 
Neither  do  I think  that  their  mode  of  observing  easter 

* Here  Wilfrid  employs  a piece  of  sophistry  to  get  rid  of 
Colman’s  argument ; for  it  appears  that,  though  the  British  churches 
did  not  adopt  the  same  cycle  with  Anatolius,  they  agreed  with  him  as 
to  the  day  of  the  moon.  See  Smith’s  Bede,  Appendix  IX.  p.  703. 
Wilfrid  ought  in  candour  to  have  allowed,  that  the  Scotish  church 
observed  the  evening  of  the  thirteenth  day,  because,  according  to  the 
computation  of  the  Jews  and  other  eastern  nations,  they  considered  it 
as  in  reality  a part  of  the  fourteenth ; and  Anatolius  no  doubt  followed 
the  same  practice,  f Matth.  VII.  22,  23. 


166 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


would  be  greatly  prejudicial  to  them,  so  long  as  no 
one  came  to  show  them  a more  perfect  rule;  for  I am 
persuaded,  that  if  any  person  acquainted  with  the 
catholic  computation  had  come  to  teach  them,  they 
would  have  received  his  instructions;  since  it  appears 
that  they  followed  the  commands  of  God,  as  far  as 
they  knew  them.  But  if  you  and  your  associates,  after 
hearing  the  decrees  of  the  apostolic  see,  nay,  of  the 
whole  church,  and  these  too  confirmed  bv  the  sacred 
word,  disdain  to  follow  them,  without  doubt  you  are 
sinners.  For,  though  your  fathers  were  holy,  is  such 
a handful  of  saints,  in  one  corner  of  a remote  island, 
to  be  preferred  to  the  whole  church  of  Christ  through- 
out the  world?  And  if  your  Columba,  (who  is  ours 
also,  if  he  was  Christ’s,)  was  a holy  man,  and  power- 
ful in  miracles,  can  he  be  preferred  to  the  most  blessed 
prince  of  apostles,  to  whom  the  Lord  said;  “ Thou 
art  Peter,  and  upon  this  rock  1 will  build  my  church, 
and  the  gates  of  hell  shall  not  prevail  against  it,  and 
I will  give  unto  thee  the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of 
heaven?”* 

Upon  hearing  these  words  of  Wilfrid,  the  king 
thus  addressed  the  bishop  of  Northumbria ; “ Is  it  true. 
Column,  that  these  things  were  spoken  by  our  Lord  to 
Peter?”  The  bishop  answered,  “True,  O king.” 
“And  can  you  prove,”  says  he,  “ that  any  such  power 
was”  given  to  your  Columba?”  To  this  Colman 
replied  in  the  negative.  “ Are  you  both  agreed,  then,” 
adds  the  king,  “that  these  things  were  principally 
* Matth.  XVI.  13,  19. 


SYNOD  OF  STREONESHALH. 


167 


spoken  to  Peter,  and  that  the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of 
heaven  were  given  him  by  the  Lord?”  They  answer- 
ed ; “Yes,  certainly.”*  “Well  then,”  says  Oswy, 
f‘  I tell  you  that  he  is  a porter  whom  I will  not  con- 
tradict; but  to  the  utmost  of  my  knowledge  and  ability, 
I will  obey  all  his  statutes ; lest  perhaps,  when  I come 
to  the  gates  of  heaven,  there  be  none  to  open  to  me, 
being  at  variance  w ith  him  who  is  acknowledged  to 
hold  the  keys,” 

The  king’s  speech  wras  received  with  applause  by 
all  ranks  in  the  assembly : which  resolved  accord- 
ingly, that  the  practice  of  the  British  church  should 
be  discontinued,  and  that  of  the  church  of  Rome 
adopted  in  its  stead,  f 

Colman  might  have  replied,  in  answer  to  what 
Oswy  and  Wilfrid  had  advanced,  that  it  still  remained 
to  be  proved,  that  Peter  observed  easier  in  the  mode 
for  which  the  Romanists  contended,  and  that  he  had 
given  their  church  instructions  on  the  subject.  But 
finding  himself  deserted  by  many  of  his  friends,  who 
either  yielded  to  the  arguments  of  Wilfrid,  or  obse- 
quiously bowed  to  the  decision  of  Oswy,  he  made  no 

* It  may  be  questioned  whether  Colman  and  Wilfrid  understood 
the  text  alluded  to,  in  the  same  gross  sense  in  which  it  was  viewed 
by  Oswy.  At  any  rate,  this  concession  of  Colman  is  no  proof  that  he 
acknowledged  the  pope  as  the  successor  of  Peter,  or  the  vicar  of 
Christ  on  earth.  The  conduct  of  himself  and  his  brethren  at  this 
time  is  a proof  that  they  believed  no  sucli  thing.  They  might  suppose 
from  that  text,  that  Peter  had  a pre-eminence  above  his  brethren, 
without  believing  that  he  had  appointed  the  bishops  of  Rom“,  or  any 
other  bishops,  to  be  his  successors.  The  Scotish,  Irish,  and  Welsh 
churches  did  not  submit  to  the  church  of  Rome,  till  long  after  the  time 
of  this  synod,  f Bed.  L.  III.  c 25. 


IGS 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


reply.  Yet,  though  he  was  silenced,  he  was  not 
convinced;  and  being  no  doubt  disgusted  with  the 
insolence  of  Wilfrid,  as  well  as  mortified  at  the  issue 
of  the  debate,  he  resolved  to  retire  into  his  own 
country  with  such  as  chose  to  follow  him;  intending 
to  consult  with  those  of  his  own  persuasion,  before  he 
would  adopt  the  proposed  innovations. 

Another  question  that  came  before  this  synod 
related  to  the  religious  tonsure.  Superstition  had 
prescribed  to  the  clergy  of  both  parties  a particular 
method  of  shaving  the  bead  ; but  the  British  churches 
adopted  an  oblong  tonsure  extending  across  the  fore 
part  of  the  head  from  ear  to  ear;  whereas  the  church 
of  Rome  made  use  of  a circular  tonsure,  intended  to 
represent  the  crown  of  thorns.  On  this  subject  Wil- 
frid was  well  prepared  to  declaim,  having  himself 
received  the  true  orthodox  cut  when  in  France;  but, 
as  the  proposal  of  Oswy,  in  which  the  assembly  ac- 
quiesced, included  the  adoption  of  all  the  ordinances, 
or  pretended  ordinances,  of  St.  Peter,  without  ex- 
ception, there  was  no  need  of  any  further  discussion, 
the  Romish  party  having  already  gained  their  point.* 

It  is  amusing  to  observe  the  vast  importance 
which  our  historian  attaches  to  the  frivolous  subjects 
discussed  in  this  synod,  and  the  joy  which  he  disco- 
vers at  the  issue  of  the  debate.  He  regards  the 
errors  of  Colman  and  his  party  as  most  dangerous 

* Bed.  L.  III.  c.  26.  L.  V.  c.  21.  Smith’s  Bede,  Appendix 
IX.  p.  705.  In  order  to  stigmatize  the  British  tonsure,  the  Romanists 
asserted  that  it  was  first  used  by  Simon  Magus ! 


SYNOD  OF  STREONESHALH. 


169 


heresies ; and  while  he  extols  their  piety,,  he  takes 
care  to  remind  the  reader  that  he  viewed  their  schisma- 
tic courses  with  the  utmost  detestation.*  Yet  we  may 
gather  from  his  own  narrative.,  that  the  change  which 
the  church  of  Northumbria  now  underwent  was  by  no 
means  for  the  better.  He  unintentionally  pays  the  Scot- 
ish  clergy  a high  compliment,  when  he  states  that  they 
were  ignorant  of  the  decrees  of  councils,  and  diligently 
observed  no  other  works  of  piety  and  purity  than  what 
they  could  learn  in  the  prophets,  the  gospels,  and  the 
apostolical  epistles. f They  had  indeed  some  super- 
stitions; but  they  were  strangers  to  that  immense  mass 
of  ceremonies,  with  which  the  worship  of  God  was 
encumbered  by  the  church  of  Rome.  They  kept 
Christmas,  and  lent,  and  easter,  and  whitsunday, 
with  a few  other  festivals ; but  they  knew  not  those 
crowds  of  holidays  which  filled  the  Romish  calendar. 
They  esteemed  and  recommended  celibacy  in  the 
clergy;  yet  it  was  not  enjoined  by  any  of  their  canons. § 

* Immo  hoc  multum  detestans ! L.  III.  c.  17.  f Tantum  ea 
qnte  in  Propheticis,  Evangelicis,  et  Apostolicis  iiteris  discere  pote- 
rant  pietatis  et  castitatis  opera  diligenter  observantes.  L.  III.  c.  4. 
§ Among  the  acts  of  cue  of  the  Irish  synods  we  find  rules  for  the 
conduct  of  the  wives  of  clergymen  of  every  order.  Wilk.  Concil.  I. 
p.  2.  On  this  head,  however,  as  well  as  in  many  other  respects,  the 
church  of  Rome  was  by  no  means  so  superstitious  at  that  time  as  it 
afterwards  became.  Gregory,  in  his  answers  to  Augustine,  allowed 
some  of  the  clergy  to  marry.  Bed.  L.  I.  c.  27.  Even  so  late  as  the 
tenth  century,  we  find  the  following  law  adopted  by  the  Northumbrian 
church  : Dip  ppieopt  cpenan  popilaete.  opjie  mme.  anapema 
“ If  a priest  forsake  his  wife  (or  concubine),  and  take  another,  let  him 
be  accursed/*  Wilk.  Cone.  I.  p.  219.  XXXV.  Catholics,  however, 
in  opposition  to  the  obvious  meaning  of  the  words,  allege  that  this  rule 
only  respects  those  priests  who  had  been  married  in  their  secular 
state,  and  had  put  away  their  wives  on  entering  the  ministry.  Lin- 
gard’s  Antiqu.  p.  74. 

Z 


170 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


Perhaps  they  made  use  of  forms  in  some  of  their  public 
services,  and  they  appear  to  have  had  stated  hours  for 
devotion  ; but  they  had  not  learned  that  technical  re- 
ligion, which  apportions  to  every  day,  and  every  hour, 
its  quantum  of  scripture  and  psalmody  and  prayer. 
Their  prayers  appear  to  have  been  chiefly  extempo- 
rary ; and  in  the  public  reading  of  the  scriptures, 
they  do  not  seem  to  have  been  confined  by  any  fixed 
rule,  but  might  read  more  or  less,  as  they  had  oppor- 
tunity.* They  venerated  the  remains  of  departed 
saints;  but  they  did  not  employ  relics  to  give  sanctity 
to  their  churches : the  bones  of  Columba  and  other 
saints  of  Iona  were  not  disturbed,  to  furnish  a supply 
of  relics  for  the  churches  of  Northumbria;  nor  did 
Aidan  and  his  brethren  import  any  of  these  precious 
commodities  from  the  continent,  like  their  neighbours 
in  Kent.  They  set  apart  their  churches  to  the  service 
of  God;  but  they  never  dedicated  them  to  any  of  the 
saints,  nor  solicited  their  patronage.  It  was  not  till  after 
the  synod  of  Streoneshalh  that  the  numerous  churches 
erected  by  these  worthy  men  underwent  this  species 
of  consecration ; for  while  Bede,  in  almost  every 
instance  where  he  records  the  erection  of  a church  by 
the  Romanists,  takes  care  to  tell  us  to  what  saint  it 
was  dedicated,  he  does  not  ascribe  any  one  dedication 
of  this  sort  to  the  brethren  from  Iona:  on  the  con- 
trary he  informs  us,  that  it  was  not  till  some  years  after 

* This  may  be  inferred  from  a variety  of  passages  in  Bede’s 
writings.  It  was  by  the  efforts  of  Theodore  and  Wilfrid,  and  of 
Benedict  the  6rst  abbot  of  Wearmouth,  that  the  Romish  ritual,  with 
all  its  mechanical  forms,  was  introduced  into  the  Northumbrian 
churches.  Bed.  L.  IV.  c.  2.  18  llist,  Abbat.  Wiremuth.  et  Gyrw. 


SYNOD  OF  STREONESHALH. 


171 


their  departure  that  the  church  of  Lindisfarne,  their 
principal  church,  was  dedicated  to  the  apostle  Peter 
by  archbishop  Theodore  ;*  that  it  was  long  after  the 
death  of  Cedd  when  the  church  of  Lestingham  was 
dedicated  to  f<r  the  mother  of  God  ;”f  and  that  the 
church  of  Ripon  was  dedicated  to  St.  Peter  by  Wil- 
frid, not  by  Eata.§  Sometimes  indeed,  our  historian 
names  a church,  by  way  of  anticipation,  from  the 
saint  to  whom  it  was  afterwards  dedicated ; as  may  be 
instanced  in  the  church  of  Bebbanburgh,  ||  and  that  of 
Streoneshaih : J but  we  are  not  warranted  to  infer  from 
this,  that  these  churches  were  originally  dedicated  to 
saints;  we  can  only  conclude  that  they  had  undergone 
this  dedication  previous  to  the  times  when  the  history 
was  written.  Probably  the  church  of  Streoneshaih  was 
dedicated  to  St.  Peter  about  the  time  when  Oswy  was 
interred  in  it ; that  being  the  first  funeral,  at  least  the 
first  royal  funeral,  performed  there:  yet  it  is  not  un- 
likely that  this  consecration  might  be  deferred  till  after 
the  death  of  lady  Hilda  herself.** 

* L.  III.  c.  17,  25.  f L.  III.  c.  23.  § L.  V.  c.  19.  Epitaph. 

Wilfr.  ||  L.  III.  c.  6.  t I bid.  c.  24.  **  It  is  observable  that  the 

church  of  lady  Hilda  is  not  called  St.  Peter’s  in  the  account  of  the 
synod  of  Streoneshaih  (L.  III.  c.  25. J,  where  it  is  particularly  men- 
tioned, nor  yet  in  the  life  of  the  abbess  herself  (L.  IV.  c.  23.) ; but 
only  in  the  passage  where  the  burial  of  Vrumwine  is  mentioned,  L.  IV. 
c.  26.  and  in  that  where  the  burial  of  iElfleda,  Oswy,  &c.  is  recorded, 
L.  ill.  c.  24.  I have  already  given  my  reasons  for  withdrawing  the 
name  of  king  Edwin  from  the  list  contained  in  the  passage  now 
referred  to  (See  p.  116,  117.) : and  I would  here  add,  that  the  error 
in  that  passage  appears  to  have  arisen  from  the  carelessness  of  some 
transcriber.  I am  persuaded  that  instead  of  “et  pater  matris  ejus 
Aeduini,”  we  ought  to  read,  “ et  frater  ejus  Aelfuini for  it  is 
highly  probable  that  iElfwine,  who  was  so  much  beloved,  would  be 
buried  at  Streoneshaih,  beside  his  father;  especially  as  his  mother  and 

Z 2 


172 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY*. 


The  missionaries  from  Iona,  and  their  disciples, 
appear  to  have  surpassed  the  Romanists  in  piety  and 
diligence,  as  much  as  they  fell  short  of  them  in  super- 
stition. Our  historian  takes  pleasure  in  recording 
their  zeal,  their  humility,  and  their  unwearied  labours  ; 
he  recurs  to  these  topics  again  and  again ; and  sets 
forth  their  activity  and  self-denial,  to  reprove  the  in- 
dolence and  selfishness  of  some  of  their  successors. 
These  pious  servants  of  Christ  were  far  from  seeking 
to  make  a gain  of  godliness ; they  had  not  learned  to 
set  a price  on  every  act  of  devotion,  and  to  limit  their 
services  by  the  extent  of  their  emoluments;  but  with 
disinterested  zeal  they  laboured  “ in  season  and  out 
of  season,”  and  thought  no  exertions  too  great,  b}' 
which  they  could  profit  the  souls  of  men.  They  had 
not  learned  to  confine  their  ministrations  to  conse- 
crated walls,  on  pretence  of  conducting  them  with 
greater  decorum, — a pretence  which  serves  well  as  a 
cloak  for  indolence ; but,  like  the  primitive  apostles, 
they  preached  and  exhorted  from  village  to  village, 
and  from  house  to  house. 

After  their  departure,  the  church  of  Northumbria 
soon  began  to  decline.  Its  worship,  indeed,  became 
more  splendid,  its  clergy  more  pompous,  and  its  re- 
ligious buildings  more  neat  and  commodious ; but  it 
was  sadly  defective  in  the  superior  ornaments  of  piety 
and  goodness.  There  might  indeed  be  many  worthy 

sister  were  both  living  there.  See  L.  IV.  c.  21,  26.  I am  the  more 
confirmed  in  this  opinion,  by  observing  that  this  young  prince  has 
sometimes  been  called  Aeduinus,  and  that  a place  on  the  Trent,  called 
Aeduinstow,  has  been  thought  to  derive  its  name  from  his  having 
been  slain  there.  See  Smith’s  Bede.  p.  165.  Note. 


SYSQB  OF  STREONESHALH. 


173 


characters  in  the  church  of  Rome  at  that  period;  for 
it  was  not  half  so  corrupt  as  it  afterwards  became: 
yet  it  is  very  obvious  from  the  statements  of  Bede, 
that  an  ambitious,  worldly,  and  selfish  spirit  prevailed 
in  that  church  to  a much  greater  degree  than  among* 
the  Scotish  clergy.  Hence,  before  the  death  of  that 
venerable  presbyter,  about  70  years  after  the  synod 
of  Streoneshalh,  the  indolence  and  avarice  of  the 
clergy,  and  the  consequent  immorality  of  the  people, 
had  grown  to  an  enormous  height.  This  we  learn 
from  the  last  of  his  writings,  his  letter  to  Ecgberct, 
bishop  of  York,  where  he  states,  that  many  towns 
and  villages  in  retired  situations  were  never  visited 
by  their  bishop,  in  his  spiritual  capacity,  during  many 
years,  while  not  one  of  them  was  exempted  from  con- 
tributing to  his  support;  though  he  did  not  even  send 
them  a preacher  to  instruct  them  in  the  true  faith, 
and  teach  them  the  difference  between  good  and  evil. 
<c  Thus,”  says  he,  there  are  some  bishops,  who  not 
only  refuse  to  preach  or  confirm  without  hire,  but, 
which  is  more  criminal,  who  take  fees  which  the  Lord 
has  forbidden,  and  neglect  the  ministry  of  the  word 
which  he  has  commanded.” — “It  is  commonly  re- 
ported of  some  bishops,  that  they  have  none  for  their 
companions  who  are  men  of  any  religion  or  sobriety ; 
but  rather  such  as  are  given  to  laughter  and  mirth, 
to  rioting  and  drunkenness,  and  all  the  pleasures  of  a 
dissolute  life ; and  who  are  more  disposed  to  be  daily 
feeding  their  belly  with  dainties,  than  their  mind  with 
heavenly  feasts.”  I^ence,  as  might  be  expected. 


174 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


ignorance  and  vice  increased  to  an  alarming  degree 
Every  species  of  crime  was  committed.  Monasteries 
were  established  by  men  of  no  religion,  merely  to 
indulge  in  indolence  and  lust;  and,  through  dint  of 
money,  their  establishment  was  confirmed  by  kings 
and  nobles,  nay,  even  by  bishops  and  abbots.  In 
suggesting  some  remedies  against  such  frightful  cor- 
ruptions, Bede  proposes  to  Ecgberct,  that  more 
presbyters  should  be  employed  in  preaching,  and  that 
several  new  bishoprics  should  be  erected  in  the  north 
of  England,  and  the  whole  put  under  the  inspection 
of  his  friend,  that  according  to  the  plan  of  pope 
Gregory,  York  might  become  a metropolitan  see.* 
Ecgberct  adopted  a part,  at  least,  of  this  advice  ; 
for  by  his  exertions  the  see  of  York  was  advanced 
soon  after  to  the  metropolitan  rank,  and  Ecgberct 
himself  became  the  first  archbishop.  But  so  far  was 
this  change  from  effecting  any  radical  reformation, 
that,  as  we  find  from  Alcuin,  the  learned  disciple  of 
Ecgberct,  the  land  was  soon  after  overwhelmed  with 
a torrent  of  wickedness,  the  blackest  crimes  were 
every  where  committed  with  shameless  audacity,  and 
impurities  of  the  grossest  kind  prevailed  even  in 
nunneries. f 

* It  appears  from  the  remarks  in  tliis  passage,  that  Gregory’s 
letter  on  which  I have  animadverted  in  pages  108  and  109,  had  been 
communicated  to  Bede  as  a genuine  document.  But  he  might  be 
imposed  on  by  forged  epistles,  as  well  as  by  fabulous  accounts  of 
miracles.  f Alcuiui  Epp.  apud  Lei.  Coll.  I.  p.  395;  et  apud  Gut. 
Malrnesb.  L.  I.  c.  3.  Alcuin  writes  the  best  Latin  I have  met  with 
among  the  monkish  authors.  He  resided  much  on  the  continent,  where 
he  was  the  instructor  of  Charlemagne ; with  whose  friendship  and 
patronage  he  was  honoured. 


SYNOD  OF  STRFONESHALH. 


175 


This  melancholy  declension  in  the  Northumbrian 
church  came  on  by  slow  degrees,  and  was  but  little 
perceived  for  some  time  after  the  synod  of  Streoneshalh. 
When  Colman,  with  many  of  his  friends,  retired  into 
Ireland/*  numbers  of  their  brethren  and  disciples  re- 
mained behind;  and  though  the  latter  complied  with 
the  Romanists  in  regard  to  easier  and  the  clerical  ton- 
sure,  they  retained  an  attachment  to  their  former 
simplicity,  and  contributed  to  check  the  progress  of 
superstition  and  corruption.  Oswy  himself  felt  much 
regret  in  parting  with  Colman,  and  at  his  desire, 
promoted  his  friend  Eata,  abbot  of  Mailros,  to  be 
abbot  of  Lindisfarne.  At  the  same  time,  the  bishop- 
ric of  Northumbria  w as  given  to  Tuda,  who  was  also 
his  friend  and  fellow-labourer  ; but  who  was  disposed 
to  favour  the  proposed  innovations,  having  been 
educated  among  the  southern  Scots,  by  whom  the 
Romish  institutions  had  been  partly  adopted. f His 
ministry,  however,  was  of  short  duration.  One  of  the 

* Buchanan  mentions  one  Cclman,  a pious  bishop  in  Scotland 
about  that  time  (Rer.  Scot.  L.  V.  c.  41.) ; but  he  must  have  been  a 
different  person  from  this  Colman,  -who  employed  himself,  after  his  re- 
tirement, in  founding  and  governing  two  monasteries  in  Irelaud.  Bed. 
L.  IV.  c.  4.  Charlton  derives  the  name  of  Commondale  (which  he 
calls  Colmandale)  from  Colman,  and  fancies  that  this  bishop  resided 
there;  but  it  appears  from  Domesday,  and  other  authorities,  that  the 
ancient  name  of  that  dale  was  Camisedale.  This  author  is  very 
unhappy  in  many  of  his  etymologies:  he  supposes  Edinburgh  to  have 
its  name  from  bishop  Aidan  ! Hist,  of 'Whitby,  p.  25,  15.  + Bed. 

L.  III.  c.  26.  By  the  southern  Scots  we  are  to  understand  the 
southern  inhabitants  of  Ireland.  L.  III.  c.  3.  Ireland  was  the  country 
then  called  Scotia ; that  name  does  not  appear  to  have  been  given  to 
North  Britain  till  after  the  middle  of  the  ninth  century,  when  the 
Scotish  kingdom  which  had  been  gradually  formed  in  the  western 
parts  of  North  Britain  by  colonies  from  Ireland,  overpowered  the 
kingdom  of  the  Piets,  the  descendants  of  the  ancient  Caledonians. 


176 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


most  dreadful  pestilences  recorded  in  history  raged 
that  year  in  Britain  and  Ireland,  and  cut  off  immense 
numbers  of  the  inhabitants.  Tuda  was  one  of  its  vic- 
tims, as  was  also  the  venerable  Cedd,  who  died  at  his 
monastery  of  Lestingham,  leaving  bis  brother  Ceadda, 
the  last  of  the  four  brothers  of  that  family,  to  succeed 
him  as  abbot.  When  the  inhabitants  of  Essex  received 
the  news  of  the  death  of  their  bishop,  about  thirty  of 
the  monks,  belonging  to  his  monasteries  there,  came 
to  Lestingham  to  shew  their  respect  for  his  memory; 
but  they  all  died  of  the  plague,  except  a little  boy  who 
afterwards  became  a presbyter.* 

The  fame  of  Wilfrid  was  much  increased  by  the 
abilities  which  he  displayed  at  the  synod  of  Streones- 
halh  ; and,  upon  the  death  of  Tuda,  king  Alchfrid, 
who  was  proud  of  his  learned  friend,  embraced  this 
opportunity  of  procuring  his  advancement  to  the  epis- 
copal dignity;  and,  with  the  consent  of  his  father  Oswy, 
sent  him  into  France  to  he  ordained.  This  journey 
was  probably  undertaken  by  Wilfrid,  at  his  own  re- 
quest, that  he  might  be  ordained  in  the  most  canonical 
form  : and  with  the  same  view,  he  would  not  be 
ordained  at  an  ordinary  meeting  of  bishops,  but 
waited  till  his  ordination  could  be  performed  with  a 
splendour  suited  to  his  taste ; which  was  at  last 
accomplished  in  the  church  oT  Compeigne,  twelve 
bishops  being  present  on  the  occasion,  among  whom 
was  his  friend  Agilbert,  then  bishop  of  Paris. 


* Ibid.  c.  27,  23. 


SYNOD  OF  STREONESHALH. 


177 


In  the  mean  time  king  Oswy,  desirous  of  having 
the  see  of  Northumbria  more  speedily  filled,,  dissatisfied 
perhaps  at  the  delays  and  forms  of  the  church  of  Rome., 
and  retaining  his  attachment  to  the  disciples  of  Aidan, 
resolved  to  prefer  Ceadda  to  the  bishopric  ; and  sent 
him  to  be  ordained  by  Deusdedit,  archbishop  of  Can- 
terbury. Ceadda  and  his  companions,  on  arriving  in 
Kent,  found  that  the  object  of  their  journey  could  not 
be  accomplished,  in  consequence  of  the  death  of  that 
prelate  ; they  therefore  turned  aside  into  Wessex, 
where  Ceadda  was  ordained  by  Wini,  bishop  of  that 
province,  two  of  the  British  or  Welsh  bishops  assisting 
at  the  ordination.  Returning  to  Northumbria,  he 
entered  on  the  duties  of  his  office,  with  the  same  zeal 
and  activity,  the  same  humility  and  self-denial,  which 
appeared  in  his  preceptor  Aidan,  and  his  brother 
Cedd.  He  travelled  on  foot  throughout  his  diocese, 
preaching  the  gospel  in  every  quarter : the  town  and 
the  country,  the  castle  and  the  cottage,  alike  enjoyed 
the  blessings  of  his  ministry.  After  Ceadda  had 
commenced  his  labours,  Wilfrid  at  last  returned  from 
the  continent ; but  finding  the  see  of  Northumbria 
pre-occupied,  he  officiated  in  the  vacant  diocese  of 
Canterbury,  till  the  arrival  of  archbishop  Theodore.* 
The  new  archbishop,  soon  after  his  arrival,  made 
a tour  through  all  the  dioceses  in  the  Saxon  kingdoms, 
attended  by  his  friend  Hadrian,  with  a view  to  reduce 
them  all  into  full  subjection  to  the  church  of  Rome 

* Bed.  L.  III.  c.  28.  L.  IY.  c.  2.  L.  V.  c.  19. 

AA 


178 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


and  to  the  see  of  Canterbury.*  When  he  visited 
Northumbria  he  told  Ceadda,  who  had  then  held  the 
bishopric  for  three  years,  that  he  understood  that  he 
had  not  been  duly  ordained.  cr  If  that  be  the  case/’ 
replied’ the  humble  Ceadda,  “1  willingly  resign  the 
office  ; for  indeed,  I never  thought  myself  worthy  of 
it,  but  only  consented  to  take  it  at  the  command  of 
others.”  Theodore,  admiring  the  humility  of  his 
answer,  told  him  that  there  was  no  need  for  him  to 
resign  : and  instead  of  removing  him  from  his  office, 
he  ordained  him  anew,  after  the  catholic  form.+ 

* Theodore,  like  Paul,  was  a native  of  Tarsus  in  Cilicia:  he  was 
chosen  and  ordained  by  the  Pope  himself,  on  the  recommendation  of 
Hadrian  an  Italian  abbot,  to  whom  the  dignity  had  been  previously 
offered.  Hadrian  accompanied  him  to  England,  where  he  was  made 
abbot  of  Canterbury.  The  kings  of  Kent  and  Northumberland  had 
sent  one  Wighard  to  Rome  to  be  ordained  archbishop;  but  he  and 
most  of  his  attendants  died  there  of  the  plague.  Bede  gives  us  a 
copy  of  pope  Vitalian’s  letter  to  Oswy  on  that  occasion,  omitting 
some  of  his  remarks  on  easter.  The  part  omitted  was,  it  seems,  found 
long  after  in  an  ancient  parchment  belonging  to  Whitby  abbey. 
L.  III.  c.  29.  L.  IV.  c.  1.  Smith’s  Bede,  p.  139.  Note,  f Most 
of  the  later  monkish  writers,  being  very  partial  to  Wilfrid,  consider 
Ceadda  as  an  intruder,  and  tell  us  that  Theodore  degraded  him,  and 
viewed  his  ordination  as  irregular,  chiefly  because  the  see  was  al- 
ready tilled  by  Wilfrid,  though  he  had  not  arrived  to  take  possession; 
but  there  is  reason  to  believe  from  Bede’s  account,  that  Ceadda  was 
ordained  first;  and  it  appears  also  that  a reasonable  time  had  been 
allowed  for  Wilfrid’s  journey  and  ordination,  as  Ceadda  did  not  enter 
on  his  office  till  the  year  666,  having  filled  it  but  three  years  at  the 
time  of  Theodore’s  tour,  in  the  summer  of  669.  (L.  V.  e.  19.  IV. 
c.  2.)  Had  Theodore  objected  to  Ceadda’s  ordination  on  that  ground, 
he  would  not  have  told  him  that  it  was  unnecessary  for  him  to  resign 
the  bishopric,  much  less  would  he  have  ordained  him  to  it  anew,  as 
Bede  expressly  states.  L.  IV.  c.  2.  The  true  reason  why  Theodore 
considered  his  ordination  as  uncanonical,  was  because  two  of  the 
bishops  who  ordained  him  were  not  of  the  Romish,  but  of  the  British 
church ; and  perhaps  also  because  some  of  the  usual  forms  and  cere- 
monies, which  the  British  bishops  disliked,  had  been  omitted  at  their 
desire.  Bed.  L.  III.  c.  28. 


SYNOD  OF  STREONESHALH. 


179 


Ceadda,  however,,  perceiving  that  he  stood  in  the  way 
of  Wilf  i l,  whose  e vices  were  no  more  needed  in 
Kent,  retired  soon  after  to  his  monastery  at  Lestirtg- 
ham,  resigning  the  bishopric  into  Wilfrid’s  hands. 
In  the  mean  time,  the  diocese  of  Mercia  becoming 
vacant  by  the  death  of  bishop  Jaruman,  Ceadda,  by 
the  direction  of  Theodore,  and  with  the  consent  of 
Oswy,  was  appointed  to  that  bishopric.  His  advance- 
ment to  this  extensive  charge,  which  comprised  the 
whole  of  Mercia,  with  the  province  of  Lindissy,  or 
Lincolnshire,  produced  no  change  in  his  dispositions 
or  habits : he  was  still  characterized  by  the  same 
simplicity,  humility,  and  pious  zeal  as  before.  His 
principal  residence  was  at  Lichfield,  and  he  was  the 
first  of  the  Mercian  bishops  who  made  that  place  an 
episcopal  seat;  having  probably  preferred  it,  for  its 
retired  situation.*  From  this  place  be  made  excursions 

* Bed.  L.  IV.  c.  3.  It  is  observable  that  Lichfield  is  not  men-> 
tioned  as  a town  or  a village  ; but  is  described  in  terms  which  imply 
that  it  was  then  very  obscure — “in  loco  qui  vocatur  Lyccidfelth” — ■ 
“ in  a place  which  is  called  Lichfield.” — Among  the  fables  which 
William  of  Malmesbury  gives  us  concerning  Wilfrid,  it  is  stated,  that 
Wilfrid,  ou  finding  his  see  usurped  by  Ceadda,  humbly  retired  to  bis 
monastery  at  Ripon,  where  he  lived  three  years;  that  during  this 
period  he  received  frequent  invitations  from  Wulfhere,  king  of  Mercia, 
who  gave  him  Lichfield  that  he  might  make  it  either  a bishopric  or  a 
monastery ; and  that  when  Theodore  degraded  Ceadda,  Wilfrid  had 
compassion  on  him,  and  after  passing  him  through  all  his  degrees 
canonically,  raised  him  to  the  bishopric  of  Lichfield  ! Gul.  Malmes. 
de  Gest.  Pont.  L.  III.  It  is  clear  from  Bede,  that  Wilfrid  spent  the 
interval  between  his  arrival  and  that  of  Theodore  chiefly,  if  not  wholly, 
in  Kent;  and  it  is  not  unlikely  that  he  entertained  hopes  of  being 
archbishop  of  Canterbury  himself. — Wilfridus  quoque  de  Brittania 
Galliam  ordinandus  est  missus:  et  quoniarn  ante  Theodorum  rediit, 
ipse  etiam  in  Cantia  Presbyteros  et  Diacouos,  usqueduin  Archie  is- 
copus  ad  sedem  suam  perveniret,  ordinabat.  L IV.  c.  2.  As  there 
is  no  more  mention  of  king  Alchfrid,  the  patron  of  Wilfrid,  after  the 

AA  2 


180 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


from  time  to  time  to  the  different  parts  of  his  diocese, 
to  preach  the  gospel;  yet  though  his  journeys  were 
long  and  frequent,  such  was  his  apostolic  simplicity, 
that  he  would  not  make  use  of  a horse,  till  he  was  in 
a manner  compelled  to  it  by  Theodore,  who  set  him 
on  horseback  with  his  own  hands.  But  the  labours 
of  this  worthy  disciple  of  Aidan  were  soon  brought  to 
a period,  for  he  died  about  two  years  and  a half  after 
his  translation  to  the  see  of  Mercia.  Some  of  the 
monks  of  Lestingham  appear  to  have  followed  him 
into  Mercia;  for  Owin,  an  eminent  brother  of  that 
monastery,  was  living  with  him  at  Lichfield  when  his 
dissolution  took  place.  The  Mercians  regretted  his 
death,  and  according  to  the  fashion  of  the  times,  his 
memory  was  emblazoned  with  miracles.* 

I have  been  the  more  particular  in  this  account 

of  Ceadda,  as  he  was  not  only  abbot  of  Lestingham, 

mission  of  the  latter  into  France,  it  is  likely  that  the  rebellion  and 
death  of  that  prince  occurred  before  his  return.  See  p.  32.  In  that 
case,  Wilfrid,  on  his  arrival,  could  have  no  hope  of  establishing  his 
claim  to  the  see  of  Northumbria,  in  opposition  to  Ceadda  whom  Oswy 
had  chosen;  till  he  was  backed  by  the  influence  of  Theodore:  and 
even  then,  his  success  was  owing  to  the  humility  of  Ceadda  who  gave 
way  to  him,  rather  than  to  the  interference  of  the  archbishop.  On 
the  other  hand,  it  was  by  Theodore,  not  by  Wilfrid,  that  Ceadda  was 
raised  to  the  see  of  Mercia,  upon  the  death  of  bishop  Jaruman.  The 
story  about  giving  Lichfield  to  Wilfrid  is  altogether  ridiculous.  What? 
to  make  it  either  a bishopric  or  a monastery — vel  episcopatum  vel 
monasterium ! And  that  too  while  the  worthy  Jaruman,  in  whose 
diocese  it  was  situated,  was  still  alive ! 

* Bed.  L.  IV.  c.  3.  He  is  usually  called  St.  Chad.  His 
friend  Owin  came  out  of  East-Anglia,  being  the  chief  officer  in  the 
retinue  of  the  princess  Etheldrith,  at  her  marriage  with  prince  Ecg- 
frid.  When  he  renounced  the  court  for  the  cloister,  he  came  to 
Lestingham  in  a homely  dress,  carrying  an  axe  and  an  adze  in  his 
hand,  to  intimate  that  he  did  not  come  for  idleness,  but  for  labour ; 
a profession  with  which  his  future  life  fully  corresponded. 


SYSOB  OF  STREONESHALH. 


181 


which  is  in  our  district,  but  ivas  one  of  the  most 
eminent  of  those  preachers  who  were  educated  by  the 
Scotish  missionaries.  Another  noted  disciple  of  the 
same  school  was  the  famous  St.  Cuthbert,  whom  I 
shall  have  occasion  to  mention  more  particularly  in 
the  history  of  iElfleda.  Like  his  instructors,  he  was 
a zealous  and  laborious  preacher,  often  itinerating 
among'  the  villages  and  hamlets ; and  such  was  his 
assiduity  in  these  labours  of  love,  that  he  sometimes 
spent  three  weeks  or  a month  in  one  excursion.* 

But  few,  if  an)7,  of  the  disciples  of  Aidan  and  his 
brethren,  rose  to  greater  eminence  than  our  own 
lady  Hilda ; to  whose  history,  after  this  long  digres- 
sion, I shall  now  return. 

* Vita  S,  Cudb.  c.  9, 


182 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


/ 


CHAP.  IY. 

CEDMON  THE  POET,  AND  OTHER  EMINENT  MEN  IN  LADY 
Hilda’s  monasterv. 


THE  monastery  of  Streoneshalh,  like  most  of 
the  other  monastic  establishments  in  Northumbria 
and  the  adjacent  provinces,  was  in  the  times  of  lady 
Hilda  and  her  immediate  successors,  a double  monas- 
tery, intended  for  the  accommodation  of  monks  as 
well  as  nuns.  There  were  not  only  male  officers  and 
servants,  employed  in  managing  the  outward  business 
of  the  institution,  which  females  could  not  be  ex- 
pected to  conduct ; but  there  were  also  several  monks 
belonging'  to  the  establishment,  who  had  adopted  the 
religious  habit,  engaged  in  the  same  devotional  exer- 
cises as  the  nuns,  were  subject  to  similar  rules,  and 
submitted  to  the  maternal  authority  of  the  abbess. 
The  brethren  and  sisters  lived  in  separate  parts  of  the 
convent ; but  they  met  together  daily  in  the  church, 
for  reading  the  scriptures,  and  for  public  worship. 

Among  the  brethren  who  entered  the  monastery 
of  lady  Hilda,  one  of  the  most  remarkable  was  Cedmon 
the  poet,  who  is  said  to  have  learned  the  art  of  poetry 
by  divine  inspiration.  He  had  lived  in  a secular 


CEDMON  THE  POET. 


183 


habit  till  he  was  considerably  advanced  in  years,  and 
was  so  far  from  being  distinguished  by  any  poetical 
talents,  that  he  could  not  even  sing  a song;  for 
sometimes  when  he  attended  a feast,  and  the  company 
began  to  sing  songs  in  their  turns,  playing  at  the 
same  time  on  the  harp,  as  soon  as  he  saw  the  harp 
coming  round  to  him,  he  rose  up  from  supper  and 
withdrew  to  his  own  house,  that  he  might  not  expose 
his  ignorance.  One  evening,  says  our  historian, 
when  he  had  thus  left  an  entertainment,  and  retired 
to  the  stalls,  the  oxen*  having  been  committed  to 
his  care  for  that  night,  he  soon  after  laid  himself  down 
to  rest  and  fell  asleep,  and  presently  a person  ap- 
peared to  him  in  a dream,  and  addressed  him  by 
name,  saying,  " Cedmon,  sing  me  something.”  He 
answered,  “I  cannot  sing;  for  therefore  have  I come 
hither  from  the  feast,  because  I could  not  sing.” 
The  person  replied,  " But  you  must  sing  to  me.” 
"What  must  I sing?”  says  Cedmon.  "Sing  the 
beginning  of  the  creatures.”  Upon  this  Cedmon 
began  to  sing  some  verses  which  he  had  never  heard, 
to  the  praise  of  God  the  Creator.  When  he  awoke 
from  his  sleep  he  remembered  all  that  he  had  sung  in 
his  dream ; and  he  was  able  soon  after  to  compose 
several  other  verses  on  the  same  subject. 

The  hymn  which  Cedmon  is  said  to  have  com- 
posed in  his  sleep  has  come  down  to  our  times,  being 
preserved  in  Alfred’s  Saxon  version  of  Bede,  and  as 

* The  word  jumenta—beasts  of  burden,  is  used  for  horses  as 
well  as  oxen ; but  Alfred  translates  it  Neora= 


184 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


it  is  the  oldest  specimen  of  Saxon  poetry  that  is 
extant,  and  the  first  work  which  Whitby  had  the 
honour  of  producing,  I have  given  the  whole  of  it  in 
a note,  together  with  an  English  translation.* 

Cedmon  coming  in  the  morning  to  his  master, 
who  was  the  chief  man  of  the  village,  made  known 
to  him  the  gift  which  he  had  received  ; and  being 
afterwards  brought  into  the  presence  of  the  abbess 
and  of  many  learned  men,  he  was  desired  to  tell  his 
dream  and  repeat  bis  song;  upon  which,  we  are  told, 
they  were  all  persuaded  that  this  heavenly  gift  had 
been  granted  him  by  the  Lord.  They  then  recited  to 
him  a piece  of  sacred  history,  desiring  him  to  turn  it 


* Nu  pc  pceolan  hepigean 
peopon  picep  peapb 
CQerooep  mihte 
Alnb  lup  mob  gepanc. 
UJeopc  pulbop  paebep. 
Spa  lie  pulbpep  gehpiep 
Gee  DpiiiTen 
Opib  onprealbe. 
pe  aepepT  jepcop 
pop  pan  beajinmn 
peopon  To  pope 
palij  pcyppenb. 

Da  mioban  geapb 
COon  cynnep  peapb 
Gee  Hpihrne 
iEprep  reobe 
Fipum  polban 
Fpeo  aelmihrij 


Now  we  most  praise 

The  heavenly  kingdom’s  Guardian, 

The  Creator’s  might. 

And  the  thoughts  of  his  mind; 
Glorious  father  of  works! 

How  he  of  every  glory 
Eternal  Lord  ! 

Established  the  beginning. 

He  first  framed 
For  the  children  of  earth 
The  heaven  for  a roof 
Holy  Maker! 

The  middle  region, 

Mankind’s  Guardian, 

The  l.ord  eternal. 

Afterwards  made 
A dwelling  for  men  ; 

Almighty  Ruler ! 


The  translation  which  I have  given  is  not  only  literal,  but  cor- 
responds line  for  line  with  the  original.  The  rules  of  the  Saxon  poetry 
are  very  imperfectly  known.  There  is  no  rhyme  observed  in  these 
lines,  except  in  the  13th  and  14th  lines;  but  we  perceive  a peculiar 
cadence  running  through  the  whole.  In  line  13th,  the  eartli  is  called 
mibban  3eapb=the  middle  region,  or  division  ; being  supposed  to  be 
placed  in  the  middle  between  heaven  and  hell.  The  word  polban=a 
fold,  in  the  17th  line,  is  used  to  signify  the  earth. 


CEDMON  THE  POET. 


185 


into  verse;  and  he  having  undertaken  the  task,  went 
home  to  his  own  house,  and  returned  in  the  morning 
with  an  excellent  poem  on  the  subject  prescribed. 
The  abbess  admiring  the  gift  of  God  bestowed  on 
him,  advised  him  to  lay  aside  his  secular  habit,  and 
adopt  the  monastic  life ; and,  in  compliance  with 
her  counsel,  he  entered  the  monastery  with  all  his 
family,*  and  was  admitted  among  the  brethren.  She 
ordered  him  to  be  taught  the  series  of  sacred  history  ; 
and  he  improved  every  portion  which  he  learned,  by 
ruminating  upon  it,  and  turning  it  into  pleasant 
verse;  and,  while  he  sweetly  sung  these  poetic 
compositions,  his  teachers  became  in  their  turn  his 
scholars.  In  this  manner  he  translated  a great  por- 
tion of  the  scriptures  into  Saxon  verse ; for  he  sang 
of  the  creation  of  the  world,  the  origin  of  the  human 
race,  and  the  whole  history  of  Genesis;  of  the  deli- 
verance of  Israel  out  of  Egypt,  and  their  entrance 
into  the  promised  land,  with  many  other  passages  of 
the  ancient  scripture  history ; and  of  the  incarnation 

* Cum  omnibus  suis.  Bed.  L.  IV.  c.  24.  Alfred  translates 
these  words;  COio  hip  jobum — “With  his  goods;”  but  as  Cedmon 
had  a house  of  his  own,  and  was  not  a young  man,  it  is  probable  that 
he  had  some  family,  or  at  least  some  of  his  kindred  living  with  him ; 
and  these  words,  from  the  connection  in  which  they  stand,  appear 
rather  to  refer  to  his  family  than  to  his  property. — It  is  not  known  to 
what  village  Cedmon  belonged,  previous  to  his  entering  the  monastery; 
but  it  must  have  been  some  village  not  far  from  Streoneshalh.  The 
notion  that  he  lived  at  Eskdaleside  is  only  a conjecture  of  Charlton. 
It  does  not  appear  that  there  was  any  hermitage  there  in  Hilda’s  time, 
nor  indeed  at  any  time  before  the  conquest.  Equally  groundless  is 
his  fancy  that  the  modern  name  Sedman  is  derived  from  the  name  of 
this  poet.  The  name  Sedman  seems  to  be  either  a contraction  for 
Seedman,  or  a corruption  of  Sodman;  but  most  probably  the  latter, 
as  the  word  god  is  still  pronounced  sed  in  some  parts  of  the  country. 

BB 


186 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


of  our  Lord,  his  passion,  resurrection,  and  ascension 
to  heaven,  the  descent  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  and  the 
preaching  of  the  apostles.  He  likewise  composed 
many  verses  on  the  terrors  of  a future  judgment,  the 
horrors  of  hell,  and  the  delights  of  the  kingdom  of 
heaven  : as  also  on  a variety  of  the  mercies  and 
judgments  of  God.  All  his  poems  were  religious, 
calculated  to  draw  men  from  the  pursuits  of  sin,  and 
lead  them  to  the  love  and  practice  of  goodness  : and 
he  himself  was  distinguished  for  piety,  regularity-, 
and  zeal. 

Cedmon,  when  he  entered  the  monastery,  could 
neither  read  nor  write  ; yet  he  ranks  high  among  the 
Anglo-Saxon  poets.  Like  every  successful  poet,  he 
had  a croud  of  imitators;  but  none  of  them  could 
equal  him.  His  works  are  the  more  interesting,  as 
they  exhibit  one  of  the  first  attempts  at  a vernacular 
translation,  or  paraphrase  of  the  scriptures,  that  was 
made  among  our  ancestors  ; and  in  this  point  of  view, 
they  must  have  been  extremely  useful  in  promoting 
the  knowledge  of  the  divine  word,  especially  as  their 
attractive  form  was  adapted  (o  awaken  the  attention 
and  impress  the  memory.  As  yet  the  Saxons  had 
only  a few  portions  of  the  scriptures  in  their  own 
language.  They  were  taught  to  repeat  the  Lord’s 
prayer  and  the  apostles’  creed  in  their  own  tongue, 
as  We  find  from  Bede’s  Epistle  to  Ecgberct;  and 
Bede  himself,  according  to  his  disciple  and  biogra- 
pher, Cuthbert,  made  a vernacular  translation  of  the 
Gospel  of  John ; but  the  Saxon  translation  of  all  the 


C EDM  ON  THE  POET. 


187 


four  gospels,,  in  which  Bede’s  version  of  John  was 
probably  made  use  of,  must  have  been  completed  at 
a later  era. 

Cedmon’s  hymn,  which  he  composed  beside  the 
oxen,  is  not  the  only  part  of  his  works  which  has 
reached  our  times.  A considerable  portion  of  his 
poetical  paraphrase,  mentioned  by  Bede,  is  still  ex- 
tant; and  has  been  published  by  Junius,  the  learned 
editor  of  the  Gothic  version  of  the  gospels.  It  is  the 
first  part  of  Cedmon’s  work,  commencing  with  the 
fall  of  the  angels,  and  the  creation  of  the  world,  and 
comprising  the  history  of  Adam  and  Eve;  of  Cain, 
and  the  deluge ; of  Abraham,  and  Moses ; with  some 
account  of  Nabuchodonosor  and  Daniel.  In  de- 
scribing the  fall  of  the  angels,  the  ideas  of  Cedmon 
have  so  much  resemblance  to  those  of  Milton,  that 
one  might  be  tempted  to  think  that  the  latter  must 
have  been  borrowed  from  the  former.  The  whole 
production  is  curious  and  interesting,  and  does  honour 
to  the  memory  of  the  poet  of  Streoneshalh.* 

* Some  authors  Lave  supposed  that  the  poetical  description  of 
the  battle  of  Brunanburh,  inserted  iu  the  Saxon  Chronicle,  is  one  of 
Cedmon’s  odes,  altered  to  suit  the  occasion;  but  it  is  much  more 
probable  that  it  was  composed  at  the  time,  though  the  author  might 
borrow  some  of  Cedmon’s  expressions.  On  the  other  hand,  some  have 
attempted,  without  sufficient  reason,  to  rob  our  Cedmon  of  the  honour 
of  composing  the  poetical  paraphrase,  and  ascribe  it  to  some  unknown 
Cedmon,  of  a later  age.  It  seems  to  bear  intrinsic  evidence  of  its 
being  the  work  of  our  poet ; for  the  subjects  correspond  exactly  with 
those  on  which  our  Cedmon  wrote,  the  poem  is  composed  in  the  same 
style  with  the  hymn  which  is  allowed  to  be  his,  it  abounds  with  the 
same  kind  of  expressions,  and  the  exordium  commences  with  the 
very  same  sentiment  with  which  the  hymn  begins.  This  the  reader 
may  observe  in  the  following  lines : — 

Uy  if  pi  hr  micel  I!  To  us  it  is  very  right, 

E)aer  pe  jxosepa  peap&  II  That  we  the  Guardian  of  the  skies. 

BB  2 


188 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


The  end  of  Cedmon  was  peace.  His  last  illness, 
which  continued  about  a fortnight,  was  so  gentle, 
that  none  but  himself  perceived  the  approach  of  death. 


UJepeoa  pulbop  cynmg 
UJopbum  hepigen 
COobum  lupien. 
pe  1 p magna  ppeb 
peapod  ealpa 
peali  gepceapta 
Fpea  adnuhtig 

Perhaps  the  7th  and  8th  lines 
Head  of  all  creatures/’ 


The  glorious  King  of  hosts, 
With  words  should  praise. 

With  minds  should  iove. 

He  is  rich  in  power. 

Head  of  all. 

High  over  the  creatures. 

Ruler  Almghtv. 

may  be  better  translated  ; “ High 


The  following  is  a part  of  Cedmon’s  account  of  the  creation, 
being  a paraphrase  on  the  first  verses  of  the  Book  of  Genesis. 


Ne  pap  hep  pa  gier 

Kym^Se  heolptep  pceabo 

UJiht  gepopben 

jAc  pep  piba  gpunb 

8rob  beop  bun 

Dpihrne  ppembs 

Ibel  ‘j  unuyr 

On  pone  eagum  plar 

Sri'S  ppiS  cynmg 

3£nb  pa  prope  heheolb 

Dpeamaleape 

Hepeah  beopc  gepeopc 

Semian  pynnihre 

Speapr  unbep  pobejium 

IBonue  pepre 

OS  pa  peop  populb  gepceapr 

Dupli  popb  gepeapS 

UJuibop  cynnmgep 

p)ep  aepepr  gepceop 

gee  Dpdiren 

jyelm  call  pihra 

]}eopon  eoppan 

Robop  apeepbe 

Tfnb  pip  pume  lanb 

Eeprapelobe 

8rpangum  mihrum 

Fpea  aelmihrig 

Folbe  paep  pa  gyra, 

Bpsep  ungpene 
Eappecg  peahre 


There  was  not  then  yet. 
Except  surrounding  darkness. 
Any  thing  made ; 

But  the  wide  ground 
Stood  deep  and  dim, 

A stranger  to  the  Lord, 

Void  and  unprofitable. 

On  this  his  eyes  he  glanced. 
The  powerful  King  of  peace. 
And  beheld  the  place 
Destitute  of  joy; 

He  saw  the  dark  clouds 
Perpetually  press. 

Black  under  the  sky. 

Desert  and  waste; 

Until  this  world’s  creation 
Through  the  word  was  done 
Of  the  King  of  glory. 

Here  first  made. 

The  Eternal  Lord, 

Protector  of  all  things, 

Heaven  and  earth; 

The  sky  he  reared. 

And  this  spacious  land 
He  established 
With  strong  power; 

Almighty  Ruler ! 

The  earth  was  as  yet 
With  grass  not  green. 

With  the  ocean  covered. 


C EDM  ON  THE  POET. 


189 


In  the  evening  before  his  departure,  he  was  in  a part 
of  the  monastery  adjoining  to  the  house*  where  the 
very  weak  and  dying  were  usually  lodged ; and  when 
night  came  on,  he  desired  Ins  attendant  to  prepare 
him  a place  of  rest  in  that  house.  The  attendant  was 
surprised  at  this  request,  as  he  did  not  appear  to  be 
dying;  yet,  in  compliance  with  his  wishes,  he  was 
removed  thither.  He  conversed  chearfully  with  those 
who  were  beside  him  till  after  midnight,  when  he 
inquired  if  they  had  the  eucharist  there.  " What 
occasion  is  there  for  the  eucharist?”  said  they:  "you 
cannot  be  near  death,  when  you  can  talk  with  us  so 
pleasantly.”  "However,”  said  he,  "bring  me  the 


Speapir  pyrimlite 
Side  pitie 
UJonne  pega}'. 


Perpetually  black ; 
Far  and  wide. 
Desert  ways. 


These  extracts  from  Cedman’s  Paraphrase,  with  a translation  of 
some  other  passages,  the  reader  will  find  in  Turner’s  History  of  the 
Anglo-Saxons,  Yol.  IV.  pp.  386 — 391,  and  411,  412.  In  some 
lines  I have  ventured  to  depart  very  considerably  from  the  translation 
given  by  that  learned  author:  at  the  same  time  it  must  be  owned, 
that  some  of  Cedmon’s  expressions  are  so  obscure,  that  it  is  not  easy 
to  ascertain  their  precise  meaning.  The  2nd  line  seems  to  denote 
literally  “Except  a covering  shadow” — corresponding  with  the  words, 
“ Darkness  was  upon  the  face  of  the  deep.”  The  9th  line  8ti?>  ppfS 
cyning  is  translated  by  Turner  “ The  King  stern  in  mind,”  but  there 
is  a great  impropriety  in  applying  the  word  stern  to  the  Supreme 
Being.  StfS  literally  signifies  hard,  and  may  very  well  be  rendered 
strong,  firm,  or  powerful.  If  pjiilS  be  taken  for  pepiS  which  de- 
notes mind,  the  line  may  be  translated  “ The  King  strong  in  mind.” 
But  as  orpjxtd  signifies  peace,  (as  fired  still  does  in  the  Swed- 
ish language,  and  firiede  in  the  German)  I have  translated  this 
epithet  of  God,  “ The  powerful  King  of  peace.” 

* Casa — the  cottage  or  hut.  The  buildings  belonging  to  the 
monasteries  of  that  age  appear  to  have  consisted  of  so  many  separate 
cottages  or  huts,  reared  with  wood  and  covered  with  thatch;  some  of 
which  were  larger  and  some  smaller,  according  to  the  uses  to  which 
they  were  appropriated. 


190 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


eucharist.”  On  taking  it  in  his  hand,  he  asked  if 
their  minds  were  all  at  peace  with  him,  without  any 
ground  of  quarrel  or  enmity.  They  all  replied,  that 
they  were  in  perfect  friendship  with  him;  and  w hen  they 
put  a similar  question  to  him,  he  answered  ; “ My 
children,  i am  in  charity  with  all  the  servants  of  God. 
“Then  strengthening  himself  with  the  heavenly 
viaticum,  he  prepared  for  his  entrance  on  another 
life  ; and  inquired  how  near  the  hour  was  when  the 
brethren  should  he  called  up  to  sing  their  midnight 
praises  to  the  Lord.  They  replied,  “It  is  not  far 
olf.”  “ Well,  then,”  said  he,  “ let  us  wait  for  that 
hour  :”  and  signing  himself  with  the  sign  of  the  cross, 
he  leaned  his  head  on  the  pillow,  and  soon  breathed 
his  last  in  a gentle  slumber.* 

But  Cedmon  was  not  (he  only  distinguished 
character  in  lady  Hilda’s  monastery  ; there  were 
several  others  educated  there,  who  rose  to  great  emi- 
nence in  the  Anglo-Saxon  church.  Of  this  number 
was  Bosa,  who  in  the  year  6?S  was  raised  to  the  see 
of  York.  The  circumstances  attending  his  elevation 
are  too  important  to  be  passed  over  in  silence.  After 
Ceadda  had  resigned  the  bishopric  of  Northumb.ia  to 
Wilfrid,  the  latter  soon  ingratiated  himself  with  king 
Oswy;  who  became  so  much  attached  to  him,  and  to 
the  Romish  church,  that  in  his  last  illness,  he  pur- 
posed, if  he  should  recover,  to  undertake  a pilgrimage 

* Bed.  L.  IV.  c.  24.  It  is  not  known  in  what  year  Cedmon 
died  ; but  his  death  is  supposed  to  have  taken  place  near  the  close  of 
lady  Hilda’s  life,  that  is,  about  the  year  679  or  680. 


BISHOP  BOSA. 


191 


to  Rome,  with  Wilfrid  for  his  companion  and  guide.* 
During  the  first  years  of  Ecgfrid,  the  bishop  was  still 
a favourite  at  court,  the  virgin  queen  Etheldritli 
being  greatly  attached  to  him ; and,  while  his  repu- 
tation for  piety  procured  him  many  rich  gifts  and 
legacies,  the  conquests  of  Ecgfrid  extended  the  limits 
of  his  episcopal  jurisdiction.  But  when  Etheldrilh 
had  exchanged  the  crown  for  the  veil,  and  Ecgfrid 
had  been  married  to  Ermenburga, + Wilfrid’s  influ- 
ence at  court  began  to  decline.  Perhaps  the  praises 
which  he  lavished  on  Etheldritli  were  regarded  by 
Ermenburga  as  reflections  on  herself;  at  any  rate  the 
courtiers,  who  envied  the  riches  and  splendour  of  the 
prelate,  found  means  to  excite  a prejudice  against 
him  in  the  minds  of  the  royal  pair,  and  especially  in 
the  queen.  Indeed,  the  pomp  which  he  assumed, 
which  by  no  means  agreed  with  his  profession  as  a 
minister  of  the  lowly  Jesus,  and  which  formed  acorn- 
pleat  contrast  to  the  simplicity  of  his  predecessors, 
could  not  fail  to  be  disgusting  to  multitudes,  both  at 
the  court  and  in  the  country.  His  revenue  from 
monasteries  and  churches  was  immense,  he  was  served 
in  gold  and  silver  plate,  and  a crowd  of  attendants  in 
splendid  liveries  constantly  waited  on  him.  Many,there- 
fore,  began  to  remark,  that  the  emoluments  which  sup- 
ported so  much  pride  and  magnificence,  might  suffice 

* Bed.  L.  IV.  c.  5.  f As  Etheldrith  lived  twelve  years  with 
Ecgfrid,  and  his  marriage  with  Ermenburga  took  place  before  the 
year  678,  it  is  obvious  that  he  must  have  married  Etheldrith  several 
years  before  his  accession  to  the  throne  in  670.  Bed.  L.  IV.  c.  19. 
Gul.  Malm,  de  G.  Pon.  L.  III. 


192 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY'. 


for  three  or  four  bishops.  These  things  being 
represented  to  archbishop  Theodore,  he  immediately 
resolved  on  dividing  the  overgrown  diocese  of  North- 
umbria into  two  or  more  bishoprics.  This  was 
conformable  to  the  plan  which  Theodore  had  already 
adopted;  for  at  the  synod  of  Herutford,  at  which  he 
presided,  (A.  D.  673)  a resolution  was  passed,  “That 
the  number  of  the  bishops  should  be  increased,  in 
proportion  to  the  growing  numbers  of  the  faithful.” 
This  resolution  had  already  been  acted  upon  in  East- 
Anglia,  where  two  bishops  had  lately  been  appointed 
instead  of  one;*  and  Theodore  would  gladly  seize  the 
first  opportunity  of  adopting  the  same  policy  in  regard 
to  the  extensive  diocese  of  Northumbria.  But  Wilfrid 
would  not  listen  to  any  such  proposal;  he  regarded 
the  division  of  his  diocese  as  a species  of  robbery,  and 
after  some  ineffectual  remonstrances  he  appealed  to 
the  pope.  This  was  a new  thing  in  the  Anglo-Saxon 
church.  Whatever  respect  had  been  shewn  to  the 
see  of  Rome,  none  had  hitherto  appealed  to  its  autho- 
rity: and  this  appeal  was  an  important  step  towards 
that  compleat  subjection  to  the  see  of  Rome,  to  which 
the  churches  in  Britain  were  afterwards  reduced. 
'Wilfrid’s  appeal,  however,  had  no  effect  in  retarding 
the  proceedings  of  Ecgfrid  and  Theodore;  but  rather 
hastened  his  compleat  expulsion  from  the  bishopric. 

* Bed.  L.  IV.  c.  5.  It  is  conjectured  that  Winfrid,  bishop  of 
Mercia,  the  successor  of  Ceadda,  who  was  soon  after  deprived  of  his 
dignity  by  Theodore,  (c.  6.)  was  deposed  on  account  of  his  refusing 
to  consent  to  the  division  of  his  diocese.  Smith’s  Bede,  p.  J49. 
Note.  Yret  it  does  not  appear  that  the  diocese  was  divided  immediately 
after  his  deposition. 


BISHOP  BOSA. 


193 


The  archbishop  held  a council  at  York,  and  Wilfrid 
being  excluded,,  the  see  of  Northumbria  was  divided, 
like  the  kingdom,  into  two  provinces;  Bosa  was 
ordained  bishop  of  Deira,  while  Eata,  the  abbot  of 
Lindisfarne,  was  made  bishop  of  Bernicia.* 

In  these  transactions  Hilda  appears  to  have  had 
an  important  share.  She  is  enrolled  by  William  of 
Malmesbury  among  the  determined  opponents  of 
Wilfrid;  and  he  expresses  his  surprise  that  Theodore, 
Bosa,  Hilda,  &c.  who  tvere  noted  for  piety,  should 
unite  in  running  down  such  a worthy  prelate.  In 
the  letter  of  pope  John,  wrritten,  according  to  that 
author,  several  years  after,  to  Aldfrid  and  Ethelred, 
the  abbess  Hilda  is  particularly  mentioned  as  joining 
with  Theodore  in  sending  messengers  to  Rome  to 
accuse  Wilfrid ; and  though  the  authenticity  of  that 
letter  is  very  questionable,  there  can  be  no  doubt  of 
Hilda’s  opposition  to  Wilfrid.  That  venerable  abbess, 
who  was  a true  disciple  of  Aidan,  and  in  whose 
monastery  a primitive  simplicity  reigned,  must 
have  regarded  this  lordly  bishop  as  very  unfit  for  the 
office  which  he  filled : and  it  was  probably  on  her 
recommendation,  or  from  respect  for  her  character, 
that  Bosa,  her  friend  and  disciple,  was  appointed  to 
the  bishopric  of  Deira. 

Wilfrid  having  arrived  at  Rome,  after  a tedious 
journey,  and  a long  stay  in  Friesland,  where  he 
preached  the  gospel  to  the  inhabitants  during  the 
winter,  met  with  the  most  cordial  reception  from 
* Bed.  L.  IV.  c,  12.  L.  V.  c.  19.  Gul.  Malm,  de  G.  Pon.  L.  III. 


c 


CC 


194 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


pope  Agatho  and  his  court.  His  appeal  was  eagerly 
listened  to,  he  was  acquitted  of  all  charges  " certain 
and  uncertain,”  and  a decree  was  passed  in  his  favour 
restoring  him  to  all  his  honours  and  emoluments. 
Indeed,  he  does  not  appear  to  have  been  charged 
with  any  crimes  except  pride,  ambition,  and  avarice ; — 
crimes,  which  were  not  the  most  likely  to  meet  with 
severe  reprobation  at  the  court  of  the  lordly  pontiff 
and  his  associates,  and  which  could  easily  be  over- 
looked in  a man  whose  haughty  and  aspiring  temper 
afforded  them  such  a favourable  opportunity  of  ex- 
tending their  power.  Wilfrid  was  embraced  and 
honoured  as  one  of  their  best  friends  ; and  a council 
being  held  at  that  time  to  condemn  the  heresy  of  the 
Monothelites,  he  was  admitted  to  sit  in  it  as  the 
representative,  not  only  of  the  church  of  Northumbria, 
but  of  all  the  churches  in  Britain  and  Ireland;  and 
his  subscription  to  the  catholic  faith,  in  the  name  of 
all  the  churches  of  the  Saxons,  Britons,  Scots,  and 
Piets,  was  particularly  and  ostentatiously  recorded  in 
the  minutes  of  the  council ! 

Wilfrid  returned  from  Rome  in  triumph ; yet  the 
reception  which  he  had  met  with  there,  had  no  effect 
in  restoring  him  to  his  bishopric.  The  time  was  not 
yet  arrived,  when  the  decrees  of  popes  and  cardinals 
could  agitate  mighty  nations,  and  when  the  thunders 
of  the  Vatican  could  shake  the  thrones  of  potent 
princes.  Ecgfrid  regarded  the  papal  mandate  with 
the  utmost  contempt,  and  according  to  some  accounts, 
he  even  threw  Wilfrid  into  prison  for  a time,  for 


BISHOP  BOSA . 


195 


presuming  to  present  it  to  him  ; and  the  disappointed 
prelate,  finding  no  redress,  retired  into  the  south  of 
England,  where  he  laboured  for  some  years  in  the 
kingdom  of  Sussex.  Even  Theodore  himself  was  sa 

o 

far  from  taking  measures  for  re-instating  Wilfrid, 
that  in  the  year  681,  he  subdivided  the  province  of 
Bernicia  into  two  bishoprics,  and  also  appointed  a 
bishop  for  that  part  of  the  country  of  the  Piets  which 
was  then  subject  to  Ecgfrid:  and  as  he  had  also 
erected  Lindissy  (or  Lincolnshire)  into  a bishopric, 
at  the  time  of  Wilfrid’s  expulsion,  the  extensive 
diocese  which  that  prelate  had  occupied,  was  now 
divided  into  no  less  than  five  bishoprics.  It  is  ob- 
servable, that  in  the  appointment  of  the  new  bishops, 
none  were  elected  who  were  likely  to  become,  like 
Wilfrid,  the  tools  of  the  church  of  Rome;  for  most, 
if  not  all  of  them,  were  the  disciples  of  Aidan,  or  of 
his  successors  or  followers.  Eata,  who  was  bishop  of 
Lindisfarne,  or  of  the  eastern  part  of  Bernicia,  was 
one  of  Aidan’s  disciples ; Eadhaed,  bishop  of  Lindissy, 
was  the  friend  and  disciple  of  Cedd  and  Ceadda; 
Bosa,  bishop  of  Deira,  was  educated  under  lady 
Hilda;  and  Trumwine,  bishop  of  the  Piets,  was  of 
the  same  party,  for  when  he  was  compelled  to  aban- 
don his  diocese,  he  retired  to  the  monastery  ofStreones- 
halh,  in  preference  to  any  other.  In  regard  to 
Tunberct,  who  was  made  bishop  of  Hagustald  or 
Hexham,  and  had  for  his  diocese  the  western  part  of 
Bernicia,  we  know  very  little ; but  when  he  was 
deposed  by  Theodore,  in  the  year  684,  the  famous 

cc  % 


196 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


Cuthbert,  a disciple  of  Eata,  was  chosen  to  succeed 
him  ; and  not  long  after,  Cuthbert  was,  by  his  own 
desire,  translated  to  the  see  of  Lindisfarne,  while 
Eata  removed  to  that  of  Hexham.* 

But  there  were  other  monks  of  Hilda’s  monastery 
who  rose  to  the  same  rank  as  Bosa.  The  famous 
bishop  John,  usually  called  St.  John  of  Beverley,  was 
one  of  her  disciples  ; though  his  preferment  did  not 
take  place  till  after  her  decease.  In  the  beginning 
of  Aldfrid’s  reign,  in  the  end  of  685  or  early  in  686, 
Eata,  bishop  of  Hexham,  died,  and  John  was  or- 
dained his  successor.  About  a year  after,  Bosa,  the 
worthy  bishop  of  York,f  died,  and  John  was  ap- 
pointed to  succeed  him,  while  Wilfrid,  after  a long 
exile,  was  recalled  to  occupy  the  see  of  Hexham. 
The  spirit  of  that  haughty  prelate  had  been  so  far 
subdued,  that  he  was  willing  to  accept  a diocese, 
which  formed  but  a small  part  of  his  former  jurisdic- 
tion. On  the  death  of  bishop  Cuthbert  in  6S7,  the 
see  of  Lindisfarne  was  also  committed  to  his  care,  till 
the  ordination  of  Eadbert,  the  successor  of  Cuthbert ; 
which,  owing  to  some  confusion  at  that  period,  did 
not  take  place  till  the  year  following.  But  the  restless 
and  ambitious  temper  of  Wilfrid  was  not  long  in 
exciting  fresh  troubles ; and  Aldfrid,  with  the  other 
bishops,  expelled  him  again  from  the  Northumbrian 
church ; to  which,  however,  he  was  restored  a second 

* Bed.  L.  IV.  c.  12,  13,28.  V.  18.  Vita  S.  Cudbercti,  c.  24, 
25,  Sk c.  Sim.  Dunelm.  c.  9.  f He  was,  striGtly  speaking,  the  first 
bishop  of  York;  for  Deira,  his  diocese,  was  nearly  the  same  with 
what  was  afterwards  called  the  diocese  of  York.  His  predecessors 
were  bishops  of  all  Northumbria. 


BISHOP  JOHN,  $c. 


197 


time,  and  re-instated  in  the  see  of  Hexham,  during1 
the  reig-n  of  Osred  : as  I shall  afterwards  have  occasion 
to  state  more  fully.  In  the  mean  time,  John  conti- 
nued to  fill  the  see  of  York  with  great  reputation. 
He  was  bishop  of  Deira  for  upwards  of  thirty  years; 
and  if  we  refuse  our  assent  to  the  accounts  of  the 
miracles  ascribed  to  him,  we  may  at  least  believe  that, 
throughout  the  course  of  his  long  life,  he  maintained 
a high  character  for  piety  and  goodness,  and  reflected 
much  honour  on  the  monastery  of  Streoneshalh  where 
he  was  educated.*  At  an  advanced  age,  he  retired 
to  his  monastery  at  Beverley,  which  is  thought  to  have 
been  his  native  place,  and  there  he  finished  his  course 
in  the  year  721. f 

* Drake  states,  bat  without  authority,  lhat  he  was  for  some 
time  under  the  tuition  of  Theodore  before  his  ordination.  Much 
more  groundless  is  the  notion  that  John  was  a student  in  the  univer- 
sity of  Oxford; — a university  which  had  no  existence  for  many  hun- 
dred years  after  his  death!  The  monasteries  were  the  only  universities 
of  that  age.  f Bed.  L.  iV.  c.  28,  29.  L.  V.  c.  2 — 6,  19.  Vita  S. 
Cudb.  c.  40.  Sim.  Dunelm.  c.  11. — The  account  which  I have  given 
of  the  transactions  relating  to  Wilfrid,  Bosa,  &c.  differs  materially 
from  that  of  most  historians.  It  is  commonly  stated,  that  Wilfrid  when 
be  was  recalled  by  Aldfrid,  in  686  or  687,  was  fully  re-instated  in  his 
former  diocese;  or  at  least  that  after  being  a year  at  Hexham,  he  was 
removed  to  York,  and  constituted  bishop  of  all  Northumbria;  that 
John  and  Bosa  were  expelled  to  make  room  for  him,  and  that  Cuthbert 
voluntarily  abdicated  for  the  same  purpose;  that,  upon  his  second  ex- 
pulsion, John  was  restored  to  the  see  of  Hexham,  and  Bosa  to  that 
of  York ; and  that  the  latter  lived  till  about  the  time  of  Wilfrid’s  second 
restoration,  (A.  D 705)  when  John  succeeded  him  at  York,  and 
Wilfrid  obtained  the  see  of  Hexham.  These  statements  rest  on  the 
authority  of  Heddius  and  William  of  Malmesbury ; but  upon  a careful 
examination  of  Bede,  whose  authority  is  of  far  greater  weight,  it 
appears  to  me  more  probable,  that  Wilfrid  never  recovered  the  see  of 
York  after  his  first  expulsion,  but  was  merely  bishop  cf  Hexham; 
that  Bosa  was  never  disturbed  in  the  possession  of  his  see,  but  died 
before  Wilfrid’s  first  restoration ; that  John  was  not  removed  to  make 
way  for  Wilfrid,  but  was  translated  to  a more  important  see,  while 
Wilfrid  was  recalled  to  occupy  the  inferior  station  which  John  had  left; 


198 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


His  successor,  Wilfrid  II.,  one  of  his  presbyters, 
was  also  educated  at  Streoneshalh ; and  was  the  third 
bishop  of  York  whom  that  monastery  had  the  honour 

and  that  John  continued  in  the  uninterrupted  enjoyment  of  the  see  of 
York  from  the  time  of  his  translation  till  the  close  of  his  life,  when  he 
retired  to  Beverley.  These  sentiments  are  decidedly  held  by  the 
learned  professor  Smith  in  his  Notes  ou  Bede.  His  sou,  who  wrote 
the  life  of  Wilfrid,  in  the  Appendix  to  Bede,  No  XIX.,  adopts  the 
narrative  of  Heddius  and  Malmesbury,  and  complains  that  Wharton 
had  misled  his  father:  but  perhaps  the  father  will  be  found  more  cor- 
rect than  the  son.  Bede,  indeed,  in  his  account  of  Wilfrid  (L.  V. 
c.  19.),  uses  expressions  which  might  lead  us  to  suppose  that  that 
bishop,  both  at  his  first  and  last  restoration,  was  fully  invested  with 
his  former  episcopal  dignity,  were  not  these  expressions  otherwise 
explained  in  other  passages  of  his  history.  In  regard  to  Wilfrid’s 
first  restoration,  in  the  2nd  year  of  Aldfrid,  he  says,  “ Sedem  suam 
et  Episcopatumr  ipso  Rege  invitante,  recepit and  in  regard  to  his 
last  restoration,  in  the  beginning  of  Osred’s  reign,  he  says,  “ In 
Praesulatum  sit  sum  receptus  Ecclesiae:”  but  the  following  passages 
indicate  that  by  these  expressions  only  a part  of  his  former  see  is 
meant:  “ Cum  revercntissimus  vir  Vilfrid  post  longum  exilium  in 
episcopatum  esset  Hagustaldensis  ecclesiae  receptus,  et  idem  Johannes, 
defuneto  Bosa  viro  multaa  sanctitatis  et  humilitatis,  episcopus  pro  eo 
Eboraci  substitutes,  &c.”  L.  V.  c.  3.  “ Suscepit  vero  pro  Yilfrido 

episcopatum  Hagustaldensis  ecclesiae  Acca  presbyter  ejus.”  c.  20. 
It  is  generally  allowed,  as  appears  indeed  from  Malmesbury  himself, 
that  Wilfrid,  on  his  second  restoration,  only  recovered  the  diocese  of 
Hexham,  and  was  not  bishop  ofYork;  and  if  the  first  ofthe  passages 
now  quoted  relates  to  his  first  restoration,  it  proves  that  at  that  time 
also,  he  was  only  made  bishop  of  Hexham,  in  the  room  of  John  who 
vvas  translated  to  the  see  of  York,  which  had  become  vacant  by  the 
death  of  Bosa.  It  seems  most  natural  to  understand  it  of  his  first 
restoration,  as  Bede  does  not  give  us  the  smallest  hint  concerning  the 
supposed  expulsion  or  resignation  of  either  Bosa,  or  John,  or  Cuthbert. 
The  latter,  indeed,  iived  as  an  anchorite  for  some  weeks  before  his 
death,  yet  the  affairs  of  his  diocese  continued  to  be  administered  in 
His  name;  and  though,  after  his  death,  they  were  managed  for  a time 
by  Wilfrid,  that  was  merely  a temporary  occupation  of  the  diocese 
till  the  election  of  a new  bishop ; a charge  which  would  naturally 
devolve  on  the  bishop  of  Hexham,  as  being  the  nearest  to  the  see  of 
Lindisfarne  : “ Episcopatum  ecclesiae  illius  anno  uno  servabat  vener- 
abilis  antistes  Vilfrid.  donee  eligeretur  qui  pro  Cudbereto  antistes 
ordinaii  deberet.”  L.  IV.  c.  29.  The  ordination  of  Eadbert  to  the 
see  of  Lindisfarne,  in  6S8,  which  was  three  years  before  the  second 
expulsion  of  Wilfrid,  is  a clear  proof  that  the  latter  only  held  a part 
his  former  diocese.  The  application  of  the  passage  above  quoted 


BISHOP  JOHN,  %c. 


199 


of  furnishing.  But  as  his  elevation  to  the  bishopric  did 
not  take  place  till  about  forty  years  after  the  death  of 
lady  Hilda.,  it  is  not  likely  that  he  received  any  part 
of  his  education  under  her  care. 

(L.V.  c.  3 ) to  Wilfrid’s  first  restoration  is  objected  to  by  Mr.  Smith 
fthe  younger),  because  the  chief  transaction  recorded  in  that  chapter 
must  be  supposed  to  have  occurred  after  the  death  of  Theodore  in 
690 ; but  he  should  have  observed,  that  the  historian  merely  states 
that  it  took  place  after  John’s  translation  to  York,  and  without  speci- 
fying the  year,  he  says  that  it  happened  “ quodain  tempore” — upon 
a time ; which  might  be  several  years  after.  The  strongest  objec- 
tions against  the  view  which  I have  given  of  the  subject,  are,  that 
in  the  chapter  preceding  (L.  V.  c.  2)  there  are  some  expressions 
which  seem  to  imply  that  John  was  longer  in  the  see  of  Hexham  than 
the  time  allotted  him  ; and  that,  according  to  this  view,  there  is  no 
account  of  any  bishop  who  filled  that  see  during  Wilfrid’s  second 
exile.  As  to  the  first,  I would  remark,  that  the  contents  of  that  chapter 
are  chiefly  of  the  marvellous  kind,  on  which  we  cannot  lay  much 
stress;  and  respecting  the  second,  I would  notice,  that  there  are  more 
material  omissions  in  the  history  of  that  period.  The  authority  of 
Heddius  or  of  William  of  Malmesbury,  must  be  of  small  account,  when 
opposed  to  that  of  Bede.  I have  not  seen  the  life  of  Wilfrid  ascribed 
to  Heddius  Stephanus,  his  co-temporary;  but,  on  reading  William  of 
Malmesbury,  who  professedly  copies  it,  i find  that  it  abounds  with 
monstrous  fictions,  more  likely  to  be  the  work  of  a later  age.  Some 
of  these  fables  have  already  been  noticed.  (See  the  note  on  p.  179.) 
The  rest  are  of  a similar  description,  intended  to  raise  the  fame  of 
Wilfrid  as  a glorious  saint  and  confessor;  and  to  stigmatize  his  oppo- 
nents as  cruel  prosecutors,  who  attacked  him  “ digladiabili  odio.” 
The  narrative  of  his  persecutions  is  as  incredible  as  that  of  his  miracles. 
Who  will  believe,  that  Ecgfrid  sent  an  embassy  to  Theodoric,  king 
of  France,  begging  him  to  give  directions  that  Wilfrid  should  be  seized 
and  plundered  on  his  landing  in  France;  especially  when  we  consider, 
that  if  there  was  time  to  send  the  embassy  and  to  give  these  direclions 
before  his  landing,  Ecgfrid  could  with  much  more  ease  have  inter- 
cepted him  in  England  ? Who  will  believe  that  Theodoric  and  his 
general  Ebroinus,  who  must  have  been  entire  strangers  to  Ecgfrid, 
would  espouse  his  cause  so  warmly,  that  the  latter  promised  “aurum 
immensum” — a vast  sum  of  money,  to  the  king  of  Friesland,  if  he 
would  either  kill  Wilfrid,  or  banish  him  P Equally  incredible  are  the 
stories  concerning  Wilfrid’s  sufferings,  inflicted  by  Ecgfrid  and  Er- 
menburga  after  his  return  from  Rome.  Besides,  several  parts  of 
Malmeshury’s  narrative  directly  clash  with  Bede’s  history.  The  latter 
states,  that  Wilfrid  was  driven  to  Friesland  by  a contrary  wind ; the 
former,  that  he  shaped  his  course  for  that  country,  to  avoid  the  snares 
of  his  enemies;  Bede  tells  us,  that  Wiufrid,  bishop  of  Mercia,  was 


200 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


Of  the  other  eminent  men  who  arose  out  of 

Hilda’s  monastery  we  have  only  a very  brief  account. 

iEtla,  or  Hedda,  was  made  bishop  of  Dorchester, 

which  was  then  the  episcopal  see  in  Wessex.  He  was 

ordained  in  676  and  died  in  705;  leaving  behind  him 

an  excellent  character  for  piety  and  goodness.  Tatfrid, 

who  is  described  as  a man  of  great  learning  and 

talents,  was  elected  bishop  of  the  Huiccii,  on  the 

confines  of  Mercia,  but  he  was  cut  off  by  death,  before 

he  could  be  ordained.  When  Bosel  the  successor  of 

Tatfrid  became  infirm,  Oftsor,  another  of  Hilda's 

disciples  was  made  bishop  of  the  Huiccii ; and  appears 

to  have  held  that  office  for  several  years.  He  had 

studied  under  Hilda  in  both  her  monasteries,*  and 

then  under  Theodore  at  Canterbury ; from  whence  he 

also  took  a journey  to  Rome,  before  his  ordination. f 

deposed  by  Theodore  for  disobedience,  soon  after  the  synod  of  Herut- 
ford  in  673,  and  that  he  retired  to  Ids  monastery  called  Ad  Barvoe, 
■where  he  ended  his  days  in  peace  (L.  IV.  c.  5,  6.);  Malmesbury  says, 
that  he  was  expelled  from  his  bishopric  by  king  Ethelred  after  the 
battle  on  the  Trent  in  679,  because  he  favoured  his  rival  Ecgfrid,  and 
that  happening  to  land  on  the  French  coast,  he  was  taken  for  W ilfrid, 
and  was  robbed  and  cruelly  abused:  from  the  oue  we  learn,  that 
Osthrid,  sister  of  Ecgfrid,  was  married  to  Ethelred,  king  of  Mercia, 
before  the  battle  of  the  Trent  (L.  IV.  c.  21.) ; but  in  the  narrative  of 
the  other  she  is  said  to  have  been  married  to  him  after  that  battle,  in 
order  to  establish  peace  between  the  two  kings.  It  would  be  easy  tc 
specify  other  fictions,  or  gross  mistakes,  which  occur  in  Malmesbury; 
but  the  reader  must  already  be  sufficiently  fatigued.  1 conclude  this 
tedious  note  with  remarking,  that  Drake’s  account  of  these  transactions 
is  confused  and  contradictory;  for  although  he  intimates  that  Wilfrid, 
on  both  his  restorations,  recovered  his  former  diocese,  he  states  that 
on  his  second  restoration,  John  was  continued  in  the  see  of  York, 
Wilfrid  being  content  with  that  of  Hexham;  and  while  he  writes  that 
Bosa  died  in  687,  he  tells  us  that,  that  prelate,  after  giving  way  to 
Wilfrid,  on  his  first  return,  was  restored  again  on  his  second  exile, 
which  was  not  til!  691  ! Ebor  p.  406,  407. 

* Hence  it  appears  that  Hartlepool  was  also  a double  monas- 
tery. F Bed.  L.  HI.  c.  7.  L.  H . c.  T2,  23.  L.  "N . c.  6,  13. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


201 


CHAP.  V. 

ADMINISTRATION  AND  DEATH  OP  LADY  HILDA  .-MONASTERY, 
OR  CELL,  AT  IIACKNESS,  FOUNDED. 


FROM  the  contents  of  the  foregoing  chapter, 
the  reader  must  have  perceived,  that  Hilda’s  monas- 
tery was  a valuable  seminary  of  learning,  where 
numbers  were  educated  for  the  work  of  the  ministry  ; 
for  if  no  less  than  six  of  those  who  studied  there  were 
counted  worthy  of  the  episcopal  rank,  how  many 
more  must  have  been  prepared  to  fill  the  inferior 
stations  of  presbyter  and  deacon  ? Indeed,  we  are 
expressly  informed  by  Bede,  that  under  the  care  of 
this  venerable  lady,  great  numbers  were  trained  up 
to  minister  at  the  altar.  At  that  period,  the  monas- 
teries were  the  chief  seats  of  learning.  Hadrian,  the 
abbot  of  Canterbury,  was  an  eminent  scholar;  and 
his  disciples  were  so  well  acquainted  with  the  ancient 
languages,  that  to  many  of  them  the  Latin  and  Greek 
were  as  familiar  as  their  mother  tongue.  The  exten- 
sive learning  of  Bede  was  all  acquired  in  the  united 
monastery  of  YVearmouth  and  Jarrow,  which  was 
furnished  with  a valuable  library.  Some  of  the 
monasteries  possessed  greater  advantages  for  learning 


DD 


202 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


than  Streoneshalh ; yet  none  could  boast  of  producing 
a greater  number  of  eminent  ministers:  and  it  is 
observable,  that  the  ministers  who  had  been  educated 
here  were  distinguished,  not  so  much  by  profound 
erudition,  as  by  the  more  essential  qualifications  of 
piety  and  zeal,  humility  and  diligence. 

The  progress  of  the  monks  at  Streoneshalh,  in 
knowledge  and  in  goodness,  must  have  been  eminently 
promoted  by  the  bright  example  which  lady  Hilda  set 
before  them,  and  the  excellent  regulations  which  she 
adopted  in  the  management  of  the  institution.  Their 
time  was  not  wasted  in  pompous  ceremonies,  childish 
mummeries,  or  the  endless  repetition  of  prayers  and 
forms;  but  was  occupied  in  useful  studies,  improving 
exercises,  and  rational  devotion.  They  were  much 
employed  in  reading  the  scriptures;  and  as  this  sacred 
volume  had  not  yet  been  translated  into  Saxon,  it  is 
probable  that  most  of  them  learned  Latin,  that  they 
might  be  able  to  read  the  Vulgate  version ; and  might 
have  access  to  the  numerous  books  of  devotion  and 
science  written  in  that  language.*  And  while  they 
applied  themselves  closely  to  study  and  to  religious 
worship,  they  did  not  neglect  the  more  active  duties 
of  life,  but  abounded  in  works  of  righteousness.  The 
pious  abbess  not  only  laboured  to  enlighten  their 

* Yet  it  appears  from  Bede’s  Epistle  to  Ecgberct,  that  several 
of  the  clergy,  as  well  as  of  the  monks,  weie  ignorant  of  Latin  : and 
he  directs  that  such  should  repeat  the  Lord’s  Prayer  and  the  Creed  in 
their  own  tongue.  He  had,  for  this  purpose,  given  many  ministers  a 
translation  of  the  Creed  and  of  the  Lord’s  Prayer. — Ecgberct  suc- 
ceeded Wilfrid  It  in  732:  he  was,  strictly  speaking,  the  first  arcA- 
Ushop  of  York,  See  the  Note  on  p.  125. 


HILDA’S  ADMINISTRATION.  205 

minds,  but  to  improve  their  hearts,  and  regulate  their 
conduct.  She  pressed  upon  them  the  exercise  of 
every  grace,  and  the  practice  o£ everj  virtue:  above 
all,  she  earnestly  inculcated  that  true  Christian  love, 
which  excludes  selfishness,  and  is  attended  by  humility 
and  a contempt  of  the  world.  In  her  monastery,  as 
in  the  primitive  church,  there  were  none  rich  and  none 
poor;  for  they  had  all  things  in  common,  and  no  one 
challenged  any  thing  as  his  own. 

It  does  not  appear  that  the  decision  of  the  synod 
of  Streoneshalh  produced  any  material  change  in  the 
constitution  of  the  abbey.  Wilfrid  introduced  the 
rule  of  Benedict  into  the  monasteries  that  were  under 
his  immediate  inspection;  but  there  is  no  reason  to 
believe  that  this  innovation  was  attempted  at  Streones- 
halh.* If  we  should  suppose  him  capable  of  offering 
such  violence  to  the  feelings  of  lady  Hilda,  we  may 
be  sure  that,  upon  his  expulsion,  her  monastery  would 
revert  to  its  original  form ; especially  as  one  of  her 
own  disciples  became  his  successor. 

As  the  monastery  contained  a considerable  num- 
ber of  monks,  as  well  as  of  nuns,  it  is  probable  that 
some  one  of  the  former  was  appointed  by  the  abbess 
to  superintend  his  brethren,  and  thus  assist  her  in  the 
government  of  the  institution  ; but  whether  this  super- 
intendent was  distinguished  by  the  name  of  prior , or 
by  any  other  title,  is  a matter  of  uncertainty.  Some 

* Charlton  indeed  tells  us  (p.  28 .)  that  numbers  of  Benedictine 
monks  were  at  that  time  introduced  into  Streoneshalh ; but  this,  as 
well  as  the  assertion  that  lady  Hilda  built  a hermitage  at  Eskdaleside, 
is  a mere  faucy  of  his  ovin. 


DO  2 


204 


HISTORY  Or  THE  ABBEY. 


have  called  Hedda,  or  iEtla,  abbot  of  Streoneshalh  ;* 
but  no  such  title  appears  to  have  belonged  to  him. 
If  the  superintendence  was  obtained  by  seniority  in 
the  establishment,  it  would  not  devolve  on  Hedda, 
but  on  Oftsor,  the  only  one  ol  Hilda’s  eminent  disci- 
ples who  is  said  to  have  studied  under  her  at  Heruteu 
as  well  as  Streoneshalh. f At  any  rate,  we  can  scarcely 
suppose  that  the  superintendent  of  the  monks  was 
dignified  with  the  title  of  abbot ; since  the  whole  in- 
stitution was  under  the  maternal  government  of  the 
abbess.  And  we  need  not  wonder  that  monks,  as 
well  as  nuns,  should  submit  to  her  authority  ; when 
we  learn  that  her  wisdom  and  prudence  in  the  ma- 
nagement of  her  abbey,  and  in  her  general  conduct, 
were  so  remarkable,  that  she  was  consulted  as  an 
oracle;  and  even  kings  and  princes  respectfully  soli- 
cited her  advice.  She  was  so  much  venerated  by  all 
who  knew  her,  that  she  usually  received  from  them 
the  appellation  of  mother  ; and  the  fame  of  her  piety 
and  goodness,  instead  of  being  confined  to  the  walls 
of  her  monastery,  spread  throughout  all  the  land,  and 
stirred  up  many  to  imitate  her  example. 

In  this  account  of  lady  Hilda’s  administration 
and  character,  I have  been  guided  by  the  authority  of 
Bede  ; and  1 shall  now  set  down  the  history  of  her 

* Smith’s  Bede,  pp.  110,  202.  Notes.  Malmesbury  says  con- 
cerning Hedda,  “ prius  fuerat  monachus  et  abbas:”  (De  Gest.  Pont. 
L.  II.)  but  be  does  not  call  him  abbot  of  Streoneshalh.  It  is  possible 
that  he  might  be,  for  a short  period,  abbot  of  some  other  place,  be- 
tween the  time  of  his  leaving  Streoneshalh  and  his  elevation  to  the  see 
of  Dorchester,  t Charlton  states  (p.  34.)  that  Bosa  had  also  lived 
at  Hartlepool.  I know  not  what  could  lead  him  to  this  supposition. 


HILDA’S  DEATH. 


205 


last  illness  and  death  nearly  in  his  own  words,  sub- 
joining a fewr  remarks  on  the  more  curious  parts  of 
his  narrative. 

“When  she  had  presided  over  this  monastery  for 
many  years,”  says  our  historian,  “it  pleased  the  gracious 
Disposer  of  our  health  to  try  her  holy  soul  by  a tedious 
infirmity  of  the  flesh,  that,  after  the  example  of  the 
apostle,  her  strength  might  be  made  perfect  in  weak- 
ness. For,  being  seized  with  fever,  she  began  to  be 
oppressed  with  a violent  heat,  and  laboured  under 
this  illness  for  six  whole  years.  During  all  this  time, 
however,  she  never  neglected  to  praise  her  Maker, 
nor  to  instruct,  both  in  public  and  private,  the  flock 
committed  to  her  care.  Taught  by  her  own  experi- 
ence, she  admonished  them  all  to  serve  the  Lord  with 

diligence  in  the  time  of  health,  and  to  bless  him  with 
© 

unteigned  resignation  in  seasons  of  adversity  or 
affliction.” 

“ In  the  seventh  year  of  her  infirmity,  the  disor- 
der attacking  her  vitals,  the  day  of  her  dissolution 
arrived.  About  cock-crowing  she  received  the  viaticum 
of  the  holy  communion,  and  having  sent  for  the  hand- 
maids of  Christ  then  in  the  monastery,  she  exhorted 
them  to  live  at  peace  with  one  another  and  with  all 
mankind;  and  in  the  midst  of  her  exhortation  she 
joyfully  saw  death;  or  rather,  to  use  the  words  of  the 
Lord,  she  passed  from  death  to  life.” 

“ In  that  night,”  continues  our  venerable  author, 
“the  Lord  Almighty  was  pleased  to  make  known  her 
death  by  a manifest  vision,  in  another  monastery 


206 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


situated  at  a distance,  which  she  herself  had  built  that 
same  year,  and  which  is  called  Hacanos.  There  was 
in  that  monastery  a nun  called  Beg'u,  who,  having1 
dedicated  her  virginity  to  the  Lord,  had  served  him 
in  the  monastic  life  above  thirty  years.  This  nun, 
being  then  asleep  in  the  dormitory  of  the  sisters, 
suddenly  heard  in  the  air  the  well-known  sound  of 
the  bell,  by  which  they  were  wont  to  be  summoned 
to  prayers,  when  any  of  their  number  departed  this 
life;  and,  her  eyes  being  open,  as  she  thought,  and 
the  roof  of  the  house  removed,  she  beheld  a light  from 
above  diffused  all  around;  and  while  she  eagerly 
gazed  on  that  light,  she  discerned  in  it  the  soul  of  the 
aforesaid  handmaid  of  God  carried  towards  heaven 
by  attending  angels.  Roused  from  her  slumbers,  she 
perceived  the  other  sisters  sleeping  around  her,  and 
understood  that  what  she  had  seen  had  been  revealed 
to  her,  either  in  a dream,  or  in  a vision  of  the  mind  : 
and  rising  immediately,  in  great  terror  and  agitation, 
she  ran  unto  Frigyth,  the  virgin  who  then  pre- 
sided as  abbess  over  that  monastery,*  and  told  her, 
with  many  tears  and  deep  sighs,  that  the  abbess 
Hilda,  the  mother  of  them  all,  had  just  now  de- 
parted from  the  world,  and  had  ascended  in  her 

* “ Qiue  tunc  monasterio  abbatissae  vice  praefuit.”  In  the 
Saxon  version,  these  words  are  translated,  or  rather  paraphrased, 
thus:  pe  "Sa  paep  mynprpep  Xbbucnppe  y]  pap  pilne  geonspra — 
“Who  was  then  abbess  of  the  monastery,  and  was  under  Hilda.” 
Leonspia  usually  signifies  younger,  but  it  also  denotes  inferior,  or 
less.  Thus  in  the  Saxcn  Gospels  (Mark  XV.  40.)  we  find  lacobep 
pap  51n3p.au — James  the  less.  The  corresponding  term  ytaeps — • 
eldest,  is  used  in  the  same  manner  for  greatest,  as  in  Luke  IX.  46. 
pry  !e  bypa  yl&ept  ptepe — Which  of  them  should  be  greedest , 


HILDAS  DEATH. 


207 


sight  with  great  splendour,  under  the  conduct  of 
angels,  to  the  gates  of  eternal  light,  and  to  the  com- 
pany of  the  citizens  above.  On  receiving  this  intel- 
ligence, Frigyth  awaked  all  the  sisters,  and  having 
assembled  them  in  the  church,  exhorted  them  to 
engage  in  prayers  and  psalms  for  the  soul  of  their 
mother.  In  this  manner  they  spent  the  rest  of  the 
night;  and  when  some  brethren  from  the  monastery 
where  she  died  arrived  at  break  of  day,  and  announced 
her  death,  they  told  them  that  they  knew  it  already  ; 
and  it  was  found,  upon  a mutual  explanation,  that 
the  hour  when  her  translation  was  shewn  them  by  a 
vision,  corresponded  with  that  of  her  departure  from 
the  world.  Thus,”  says  our  historian,  “it  was  di- 
vinely ordered,  by  a beautiful  coincidence  of  things, 
that  while  the  one  beheld  her  departure  from  this  life, 
the  other  perceived  her  entrance  into  life  eternal.  The 
distance  between  the  monasteries  is  almost  13  miles.” 
“ We  are  told,”  adds  the  same  author,  “ that  in 
the  monastery  where  the  said  handmaid  of  God  died, 
her  death  was  also  revealed  in  a vision  to  one  of  the 
holy  virgins,  who  was  extremely  attached  to  her,  who 
saw  her  soul  proceeding  to  heaven  with  the  angels, 
and,  at  the  very  hour  that  it  happened,  told  it  to  the 
handmaids  of  Christ  who  were  with  her,  and  called 
them  up  to  pray  for  her  soul,  before  the  rest  of  the 
congregation  knew  of  her  death.  This  was  ascer- 
tained by  the  congregation  in  the  morning.  At  the 
hour  above-mentioned,  that  sister  was  with  some  other 
handmaids  of  Christ  in  a retired  part  of  the  monastery, 
where  the  females  who  had  newly  entered  remained  on 


208 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


probation,,  till,  after  a course  of  instruction,  they  were 
admitted  into  the  fellowship  of  the  congregation.”* 

From  this  curious  narrative,  we  find  that  Streones- 
halh  abbey,  at  the  death  of  lady  Hilda,  was  conducted 
with  much  regularity  ; and  that  it  was  of  great  extent, 
and  had  given  birth  to  at  least  one  other  monastery 
in  the  district : and  as  this  is  only  mentioned  inciden- 
tally, and  would  probably  not  have  been  named  had 
it  not  been  connected  with  the  account  of  Hilda’s 
death,  it  is  not  unlikely  that  the  parent  monastery 
may  have  sent  forth  others  of  which  we  have  no  record. 

That  Hacanos  is  the  same  place  that  is  now- 
called  Hackness,  cannot  be  doubted.  The  distance 
from  Streoneshalh  is  quite  correct ; for  we  must  re- 
collect, that  two  of  the  ancient  miles  were  equal  to 
three  of  the  modern  English  miles;  so  that  about  13 
of  (he  one  would  make  19  of  the  other,  which  is 
nearly  the  distance  between  Whitby  and  Hackness. 
In  like  manner  the  distance  from  Streoneshalh  to 
York  was  then  computed  at  SO  miles,+  and  is  now 
reckoned  about  45  in  the  nearest  direction.  The 
name  Hackness  is  merely  the  old  name  Hacanos, 
Hacanes,  or  Haccanessa,  in  it£  modern  form.  It  is 
compounded  of  two  Saxon  words,§  and  may  be  lite- 
rally translated,  Cloven-Points.  And  whoever  stands 

* L.  IV.  c.  23.  f Monasterium  tunc  feeminarum,  nunc  mona- 
ehorum  ab  Eboraco  30  millibus  in  boreali  parte  situm,  antiquo  vocabulo 
Streaneshalh,  modo  Witeby  nuncupatur.  Gul.  Malm,  tie  G.  Reg'. 
Angl.  L.  I.  Streoneshaulc  distat  30.  m.  p.  ab  Eboraco.  Lei.  Coll.  II. 
p.  59.  § paccan — to  hack,  cut,  or  cleave ; and  nopa,  nepe,  or 

neppe — a nose,  point,  headland,  or  promontory.  A place  called 
Hacabec  or  Cloven-stream  is  mentioned  in  Leland’s  Collectanea,  I. 
p.  34.  There  is  a place  near  Selkirk  in  Scotland,  at  this  day,  called 
Cloven-Fords. 


MONASTERY  OF  HACKNESS  FOUNDED.  209 


in  the  delightful  vale  of  Hacknoss,  and  looks  around 
him,  will  be  at  no  loss  to  discover  the  origin  of  the 
name:  he  will  seethe  surrounding  hills,  now  taste- 
fully skirted  with  wood,  divided  and  as  it  were  cloven 
asunder,  by  several  openings  ; and  he  will  observe 
some  of  the  projecting  headlands  subdivided  by  lesser 
clefts;  as  if  art  had  assisted  nature  in  multiplying  the 
avenues  into  this  charming  spot.* 

It  was  in  the  last  year  of  lady  Hilda’s  life,  that  is 
in  680,  that  this  cell,  or  monastery  was  founded;  and 
as  her  ladyship  was  then  in  a very  infirm  state  of  health, 
it  is  probable  that  she  never  had  the  pleasure  of 
seeing  it  herself,  though  she  had  given  directions  for 
its  construction.  This  monastery  was  chiefly  inhabited 
by  nuns.  Its  extent  must  have  been  far  inferior  to 
that  of  the  parent  monastery,  which  appears  to  have 
had  large  and  numerous  buildings,  including  a house 
of  probation  for  females  who  were  candidates  for  ad- 
mission, and  no  doubt  a corresponding  house  for  male 
probationers  : yet  even  Hacanos  had  its  church,  its 

* In  Domesday  it  is  called  hagenesse  ; and  the  word  hag  is 
still  synonymous  with  hack  in  some  parts  of  Britain,  especially  in 
Scotland. — Charlton  would  persuade  us,  that  Hilda  called  this  place 
Hactenus  [ Thus-far~\ , as  being  near  the  utmost  limits  of  the  church 
lands  ; but  that  the  common  people,  not  acquainted  with  Latin,  soon 
corrupted  that  word  into  hackmss.  (p.  36  ) This  etymology  pro- 
ceeds on  the  gratuitous  assumption  that  Whitby  Strand  belonged  to 
our  monastery,  in  the  Saxon  as  well  as  in  the  Norman  period;  and  it 
supposes  that  in  less  than  50  years  the  name  was  completely  lost  or 
corrupted,  and  continued  so  for  many  ages,  till  he  was  so  fortunate  as 
to  recover  it ! — The  place  was  probably  called  Hacanos  before  Hilda 
was  born:  at  any  rate,  it  cannot  be  believed,  that  Bede,  who  was  six 
years  old  when  the  monastery  was  founded  there,  could  give  us  the 
name  so  incorrectly ; especially  as  his  information  must  have  been 
derived,  not  from  the  common  people,  but  from  his  brother  monks, 
who  were  in  general  familiar  with  Latin  terms. 

EE 


210 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


dormitory  or  sleeping-room,  and  other  offices  ; and 
was  also  furnished  with  its  bell,  unless  we  suppose 
that  the  sound  of  the  bell  which  had  been  usually 
heard  at  Streoneshalh  is  alluded  to  in  the  narrative. 

This  passage  is  very  remarkable,  as  it  contains 
the  earliest  notice  of  the  use  of  a hell  in  any  of  the 
churches  in  Britain.  Upon  the  death  of  a monk  or 
nun,  the  sound  of  the  bell  summoned  the  survivors  to 
pray  for  the  soul  of  the  deceased.  Whether  the  same 
signal  was  then  employed  to  assemble  the  congrega- 
tion for  divine  worship  on  ordinary  occasions,  does 
not  appear  ; but  we  may  observe  in  this  practise  the 
origin  of  the  present  custom  of  tolling  the  bell  when 
any  one  dies  : it  is  a relic  of  the  ancient  superstition, 
a summons  to  pray  for  the  departed  spirit. 

Though  we  find  from  this  passage  that  bells 
were  then  used,  we  must  not  therefore  conclude,  that 
belfries  formed  any  part  of  the  churches  of  that  age. 
Perhaps  the  bells  were  at  first  suspended  from  trees, 
or  poles,  or  projecting  beams.  When  towers  wrere 
built  to  contain  them,  they  were  detached  from  the 
churches  ; and,  like  the  other  buildings  of  that  era, 
they  were  formed  of  wood  :*  of  which  materials,  the 
monastery  of  Ilacanos,  like  that  of  Streoneshalh,  must 
have  been  originally  constructed ; especially  as  it 
appears  from  the  above  narrative,  that  the  whole  had 
been  finished,  and  supplied  with  inhabitants,  in  the 
course  of  a few  months. 

* Dallaway’s  Anecdotes,  p.  19.  Lingard’s  Antiqu.  p.  479  —482. 
The  towers  had  sometimes  lights  placed  in  them  in  the  evenings, 
to  guide  the  traveller  to  the  monastery. 


HILDA’S  DEATH. 


211 


Hilda  died  on  the  17th  of  November;*  which 
day  has  been  therefore  consecrated  to  her  memory  by 
the  church  of  Rome  She  was  then  66  years  old'; 
having  spent  33  years  in  the  secular  habit,  and  the 
same  number  in  the  monastic.  The  aged  nun  Begu, 
(or  Bega,  as  she  is  called  in  the  Saxon  version,)  ap- 
pears to  have  been  Hilda’s  companion,  from  the  time 
of  her  coming  to  Heruteu,  which  was  somewhat  more 
than  30  years  before  her  death.  That  nun  must  not 
be  confounded  with  Heiu,  or  Hegu,  the  former  abbess 
of  Heruteu,  who  went  to  Tadcaster : had  the  latter 
come  to  spend  the  evening  of  her  days  at  Hackness, 
as  some  have  fancied,  the  office  of  abbess  would  doubt- 
less have  been  conferred  on  her,  and  not  on  Frigyth. 

The  story  of  the  visions  of  Bega  and  the  other 
favourite  nun,  who  are  said  to  have  had  a view  of 
Hilda’s  soul  ascending  to  heaven,  is  of  a piece  with  a 
great  number  of  fables  related  by  the  monkish  his- 
torians. Bede  presents  us  with  similar  tales  concern- 
ing the  translation  of  Aidan,  Cedd,  Ceadda,  and 
others. -j*  It  is  observable,  however,  that  the  vision 
of  the  nun  at  Streoneshalh  is  mentioned  only  as  a 
report ; and  I am  strongly  inclined  to  believe  that  the 
stories  of  miracles  which  he  has  given  us  are  not  to 

* “Die  quinta-decima  Kalendarum  Decembrium.”  Some  of  the 
later  monkish  writers,  either  through  ignorance  or  inadvertence,  have 
rendered  this,  the  loth  day  of  December.  Hilda  abbatissa  Strenes- 
haulk  nata  annos  66  obiit  15  Decembr: — Lei  Coll.  I.  p.  41 1.  Charlton, 
however,  is  mistaken  in  asserting,  that  the  15th  of  December  has 
been  always  observed  by  the  church  of  Rome  as  the  festival  of  Hilda's 
translation  ; for,  in  the  Anglia  Sancta,  the  17th  of  November  is  dis- 
tinctly pointed  out  as  the  day  allotted  to  her.  f L.  IV.  c.  .“?•  Vita 
S,  Cudb.  c.  4,  34. 

EE  2 


212 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


be  regarded  as  fabrications  of  his  own,  but  the  inven- 
tions of  o hers  who  imposed  on  him.  He  was  too 
credulous  in  receiving  those  wonderful  tales,  for  some 
of  which  he  quotes  his  authority,  such  as  it  was  ; yet 
he  was  too  honest  to  forge  them  himself.  Hence,  in 
the  History  of  the  abbots  of  VVearmouth  and  Jarrow, 
which  he  wrote  from  his  own  knowledge,  there  is  not 
a single  wonder  introduced  ; and  surely,  if  he  had 
been  disposed  to  amuse  or  to  mislead  us  at  the  expense 
of  truth,  he  would  not  have  forgotten  to  bedeck  with 
miracles  the  monastery  to  which  he  himself  belonged.* 
We  have  no  account  of  lady  Hilda’s  funeral;  but 
doubtless  her  successor  iElfleda,  with  queen  Eanfleda, 
the  mother  of  that  princess,  would  take  cate  to  per- 
form it  with  all  clue  solemnity.  No  fables  were  in- 
vented to  make  the  world  believe  that  her  remains 
were  incorruptible  ; though  fables  of  that  kind  were 
then  current,  and,  as  in  the  instance  of  Cuthbert, 
Elheldrith,  and  others,  were  so  profitable  to  the 
monasteries  where  such  saints  rested,  that  their  dis- 
ciples might  well  write  them  in  letters  of  gold.  Yet 
Hilda  was  not  deprived  of  the  honours  of  saintship. 
In  after  ages,  numbers  of  churches  were  dedicated 
to  her  honour,  and  various  miracles  were  invented  to 

* He  tells  us  indeed  (L.  V.  c.  14.)  that  he  knew  a smith,  be- 
longing to  a monastery  in  Bernicia,  who,  like  many  of  the  brethren  of 
the  hammer,  was  a good  workman,  but  a hard  drinker  ; and  who  saw 
on  his  death-bed  a vision  of  hell,  ready  to  receive  him.  But  our 
author’s  narrative  implies  that  he  did  not  visit  the  dying  sinner  him- 
self; besides,  the  supposed  vision  might  be  merely  the  effect  of 
imagination,  excited  by  an  awakened  conscience.  The  pious  reflec- 
tions whiph  accompany  that  story  may  almost  compensate  for  it? 
insertion. 


HILDA’S  CHARACTER. 


21 3 

adorn  her  memory.  The  alum-rocks  along  the  coast 
contain,  as  will  be  afterwards  noticed  more  particu- 
larly, immense  numbers  of  the  petrified  shell-fish 
called  ammonites,  which  resemble  snakes  coiled  up, 
without  heads;  and  it  was  fabled  that  these  had  been 
real  serpents,  which  once  infested  the  neighbourhood 
of  Streoneshalh,  but  were  reduced  to  their  present 
state  by  Hilda’s  praters.  The  homage  paid  to  her  by 
the  fowls  who  attempted  to  fly  over  her  territory  has 
already  been  noticed.*  Nay,  even  since  our  monas- 
tery has  been  in  ruins,  many  have  believed,  that  from 

* See  p.  147.  It  would  be  unpardonable  to  withhold  from  the 
reader  the  account  of  these  miracies  introduced  into  a celebrated  Poem, 
as  a part  of  the  conversation  between  the  nuns  of  Whitby  and  those 
of  Lindisfarue. 

"They  told,  how  in  their  convent  cell 
A Saxon  princess  once  did  dwell. 

The  ioveiy  Edeltied  ; 

And  how,  of  thousand  snakes,  each  one 
Was  changed  into  a coil  of  stone. 

When  holy  Hilda  prayed  ; 

Themselves,  within  their  holy  bound. 

Their  stony  folds  had  often  found. 

They  told,  how  seafow  Is’  pinions  fail. 

As  over  Whitby’s  towers  they  sail. 

And,  sinking  down,  with  fl litterings  faint. 

They  do  their  homage  to  the  saint.” 

Scott’s  Marmion,  Canto  II. 

The  bard,  by  a poetical  licence,  makes  our  abbey  a nunnery  at 
the  time  of  the  battle  of  Flodden.  In  the  Notes  respecting  Hilda  and 
Cuthbert,  th  re  are  a few  mistakes  as  to  dates;  but  we  cannot  expect 
poets  to  enter  in .o  all  the  minutiae  of  History.  I must  however  re- 
monstrate with  our  bard  on  the  freedom  which  he  has  taken  with  St. 
Cuthbert.  How  could  he  be  so  impolite  as  to  introduce  nuns,  along 
with  the  monks,  into  the  very  head-quarters  of  the  saint;  when  it  is 
well  known,  that,  after  the  misconduct  and  disaster  of  the  nuns  of 
Coldingham,  his  saintship  absolutely  prohibited  the  entrance  of  any 
woman  within  the  precincts  of  his  church;  and  that  Simeon  of  Durham 
has  recorded  th^  sudden  vengeance  which  overtook  som?  females,  who; 


214 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


a certain  spot  in  the  church  yard,  and  at  a particular 
time  of  the  day,  when  the  sun  was  shining  on  the 
ruins,  they  could  see  the  form  of  lady  Hilda  in  one  of 
the  upper  windows. 

But,  leaving  such  childish  stories,  I conclude 
this  account  of  Hilda  with  remarking,  that,  as  far  as 
we  can  judge  from  what  is  recorded  of  her,  there 
does  not  appear  any  good  reason  for  refusing  her  the 
title  of  saint,  as  a title  belonging  to  every  sincere 
Christian.  Her  attachment  to  the  doctrine  and  prac® 
tice  of  Aidan  and  his  brethren,  and  her  avowed  op- 
position to  Wilfrid,  are  the  only  defects  which  the 
monkish  writers  have  discovered  in  her  life  ; and  most 
of  my  readers  will  concur  with  me  in  thinking,  that 
these  pretended  blemishes  are  part  of  the  real  orna- 
ments of  her  character. 

through  curiosity  or  impatience  of  restraint,  dared  to  break  through 
the  holy  interdict ! It  is  well  for  the  poet,  that  the  era  of  St.  Cuth- 
bert’s  power  has  passed  away,  else  he  too  might  have  felt  the  effects 
of  his  ghostly  wrath. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


215 


CHAP.  VI. 


LIFE  OF  iELFLEDA. DESTRUCTION  OF  STREONESHALH  BV 

THE  DANES. 


HILDA  was  succeeded  in  the  government  of 
Streoneshalh  abbey  by  her  royal  pupil  /Elfleda,  then 
26  years  of  age.  Whatever  might  be  wanting  to  this 
young  abbess,  in  years  and  experience,  was  amply 
compensated  by  the  assistance  of  her  mother,  the 
queen  Eanfleda,,  who,  after  the  death  of  Oswy,  re- 
tired to  this  monastery  to  spend  the  remainder  of  her 
days  with  her  favourite  child,  in  the  practice  of  piety 
and  virtue.  How  long  Eanlleda  lived,  we  are  not 
informed;  but  it  is  certain,  that  she  was  at  Streones- 
halh five  years  after  the  death  of  lady  Hilda  ; for  she 
was  there  when,  in  consequence  of  Ecgtrid’s  over- 
throw in  685,  Trumwine  bishop  of  the  province  of 
the  Piets,  fled  from  Abercorn  where  he  had  established 
a monastery,*  and  retired  with  a part  of  his  monks 
into  the  abbey  of  Streoneshalh.  Here  that  worthy 

* Aebbercurnig — There  is  no  doubt  that  this  place  is  Abercorn 
on  the  Firth  of  Firth.  Trumwine’s  province  consisted  of  that  part  of 
the  country  of  the  Piets  which  the  kings  of  Northumbria  had  con- 
quered, viz.  that  which  lay  to  the  south  of  the  Forth;  this  province 
feeing  now  recovered  by  the  Piets,  the  bishopric  was  abolished.  Pre- 
vious to  this,  the  king  of  Mercia  had  recovered  Lindissy,  which  being 
re-united  to  the  diocese  of  Mercia,  Eadhaed  lost  his  bishopric  als*, 
sad  was  made  abbot  of  Ripon.  Bed.  L.  IV.  c.  12,  26. 


216 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


bishop  spent  the  rest  of  his  life,  and  was  for  many 
years  a most  useful  colleague  to  iElfleda,  assisting  her 
in  the  government  of  the  institution,  and  contributing 
much  to  her  comfort  and  to  the  prosperity  of  the 
monastery,  both  by  ins  life  and  doctrine.  At  his 
death  he  was  interred  in  the  church  of  the  monastery,, 
with  the  honours  due  to  his  character  and  station. 

Previous  to  t lie  arrival  of  Trumwine,  AEIfleda 
became  acquainted  with  the  celebrated  Cuthbert, 
then  prior  and  afterwards  bishop  of  Lindisfarne.  The 
fame  of  that  saint,  who  for  several  years  had  spent 
most  of  his  time  as  an  anchorite  in  his  beloved  retire- 
ment at  Fame  island,  had  spread  far  and  wide,  and 
could  not  fail  to  reach  the  ears  of  our  abbess,  who 
conceived  the  highest  esteem  for  his  character.  In 
the  “Life  of  St.  Cuthbert”  which  Bede  has  given  us 
both  in  verse  and  in  prose,  the  name  of  Tllfleda  is 
mentioned  with  honour,  as  one  of  his  particular 
friends,  the  witness  and  subject  of  some  of  his  mira- 
cles  : and  though  that  part  of  the  narrative  abounds 
with  fictions,  which  indeed  is  the  case  with  the  work 
at  large,  it  contains  a variety  of  particulars  concern- 
ing iElfleda  and  our  monastery,  too  interesting  to  be 
omitted. 

“That  Venerable  servant  of  Christ  iElfleda,” 
says  our  author,  “who,  amidst  the  joys  of  virginity, 
exercised  a maternal  care  over  not  a few  congrega- 
tions of  the  handmaids  of  Christ,  and  who  added  to 
the  honours  of  a royal  extraction  the  superior  dignity 
of  genuine  virtue,  cherished  a strong  regard  for  this 


LIFE  OF  JELFLEDA. 


217 


man  of  God.  At  that  time,  as  she  afterwards  told 
Herefrid,  a very  reverend  presbyter  of  the  church  of 
Lindisfarne,  who  told  it  to  me,  she  was  seized,  and 
long  tormented  with  a severe  illness,  which  apparently 
brought  her  to  the  gates  of  death.  When  medical 
assistance  had  been  resorted  to  in  vain,  her  disorder 
was  suddenly  checked  within,  by  the  divine  goodness, 
and  in  a short  time  she  was  found  to  be  out  of  danger. 
She  was  not,  however,  restored  unto  health ; for, 
though  she  was  relieved  from  inward  sickness,  and 
recovered  a portion  of  her  strength,  she  had  lost  the 
use  of  her  limbs  ; she  could  not  stand  upright,  and 
when  she  attempted  to  walk,  it  was  on  all  fours.  She 
therefore  began  to  fear  that  her  infirmity  would  be 
lasting  ; for  she  had  long  ago  despaired  of  receiving 
any  benefit  from  physicians.  One  day,  in  the  midst 
of  anxious  and  sorrowful  thoughts,  the  happy  and 
tranquil  life  of  the  reverend  father  Cudberct  came  into 
her  mind,  and  she  presently  said  : f I wish  that  I had 
something  belonging  to  my  friend  Cudberct;  for  I 
know  assuredly,  and  trust  in  the  Lord,  that  I should 
then  be  soon  cured.’  Not  long  after,  a person  arrived 
who  brought  her  a linen  girdle  which  he  had  sent  her. 
Overjoyed  at  this  present,  and  understanding  that  her 
wish  had  already  been  revealed  from  heaven  to  the 
holy  man,  she  bound  herself  with  the  girdle  ; in  con- 
sequence of  which,  she  could  stand  upright  the  very 
next  day,  and  on  the  third  day  she  was  restored  to 
perfect  health  !” 

"A  few  days  after,”  continues  our  historian, 

FJF 


218 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


“one  of  the  virgins  of  that  monastery  began  to  be 
afflicted  with  an  intolerable  pain  in  her  head  ; and, 
the  disease  increasing  daily,  she  seemed  to  be  at  the 
point  of  death,  when  her  venerable  abbess  went  in  to 
visit  her  ; and  seeing  her  so  heavily  afflicted,  she 
brought  the  girdle  of  the  man  of  God,  and  had  it 
bound  about  her  head,  by  which  means  a cure  was 
effected  in  the  course  of  the  day.  The  nun,  taking 
off  the  girdle,  laid  it  in  her  chest ; but,  when  the 
abbess  asked  for  it  some  days  after,  it  could  neither 
be  found  in  the  chest  nor  any  where  else.  This  is 
understood  to  have  been  divinely  ordered,  that,  while 
by  these  two  miraculous  cures  the  holiness  of  this 
father,  beloved  of  God,  was  apparent  to  the  faithful, 
no  occasion  might  be  afterwards  given  to  unbelievers 
to  doubt  of  his  sanctity  : for,  had  the  girdle  always 
remained,  the  sick  would  all  have  had  recourse  to  it, 
and  if  any  one  applied  who  was  undeserving  of  a 
cure,  the  failure  might  be  imputed  to  the  inefficacy 
of  the  girdle,  rather  than  to  the  unworthiness  of  the 
patient.” 

“ At  another  time,”  that  is,  as  appears  from  the 
sequel,  in  the  year  684,  “the  same  most  reverend 
virgin  fElfleda,  mother  of  the  virgins  of  Christ,  sent 
a message  to  this  man  of  God,  conjuring  him  in  the 
name  of  the  Lord,  to  meet  her  and  converse  with  her 
on  some  matters  of  importance.  Setting  sail  with 
some  brethren,  she  arrived  at  Coquet  island,  which 
lies  opposite  the  mouth  of  a river  of  the  same  name,* 

* In  the  County  of  Northumberland.  The  district  of  Coquet - 
dak  takes  its  name  from  this  river. 


LIFE  OF  IELFLEDA. 


219 


and  is  a well-known  habitation  of  monks ; for  this 
was  the  place  which  she  had  appointed  for  the  inter- 
view. When  they  had  conversed  together  for  some 
time,  and  when  she  had  obtained  answers  to  various 
questions  which  she  came  to  propose,  in  the  midst  of 
their  discourse  she  suddenly  fell  at  his  feet,  and  con- 
jured him,  by  the  great  and  awful  name  of  the  celestial 
King  and  his  angels,  to  tell  her  how  long  her  brother 
Ecgfrid  would  live  and  reign.  f I know/  she  added, 
f that  by  the  spirit  of  prophecy  in  which  you  abound, 
you  can  tell  me  this,  if  you  please/  Overawed  by  this 
solemn  summons,  yet  not  willing  to  reveal  what  was 
demanded,  in  express  terms,  he  thus  replied  : f It  is 
strange  that  a woman  so  wise,  and  so  well  acquainted 
with  the  holy  scriptures,  should  apply  the  word  long 
to  the  term  of  human  life,  for  the  psalmist  says  that 
our  ^ears  shall  pass  like  a spider’s  web ;*  and  Solomon 
reminds  us,  that,  if  a man  live  many  years,  and  re- 
joice in  them  all,  he  ought  to  remember  the  dark 
period  of  many  days,  which,  when  it  comes,  will  shew 
that  the  past  is  vanity. f How  much  more  does  his 
time  appear  short  who  has  but  one  year  to  live,  since 
death  is  standing  at  the  door !’  On  hearing  these 
words,  she  shed  a flood  of  tears  at  the  dismal  presage; 
then  wiping  her  face,  she  again,  with  female  forward- 
ness, conjured  him  by  the  majesty  of  the  supreme 
Deity,  to  tell  her  who  should  be  Ecgfrid’s  successor, 
since  he  had  neither  sons  nor  brothers.  After  a short 

* He  seems  to  quote  Psalm  XC.  9;  a verse  which  may  admit 
of  a different  translation  from  that  of  our  English  Bibles,  f Eccles 

8.  The  translation  varies  a little  from  that  of  our  Version^ 

FF  2 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


£2® 

pause,  he  answered,  f Say  not  that  he  has  neither ; 
for  he  will  have  a successor,  whom  you  can  love  as 
Ecgfrid  himself,  with  the  affection  of  a sister.’  £ Tell 
me,’  says  she,  £ I pray  you,  where  he  is.’  c You  see,’ 
said  he,  f this  great  and  spacious  sea  which  abounds 
with  islands  ; from  some  one  of  these,  God  can  easily 
provide  himself  a person  to  fill  the  English  throne.' 
She  then  understood  hat  he  spoke  of  Aldfrid,  who 
was  said  to  be  her  father’s  son,  and  who,  through  his 
love  of  learning,  was  then  abroad  in  the  Scotish  isles.” 
“ The  abbess,  knowing  that  her  brother  Ecgfrid 
intended  to  make  Cuthbcrt  a bishop,  and  desirous  to 
learn  if  the  design  could  be  carried  into  effect,  pro- 
ceeded thus  to  sound  him  on  the  subject  : £ How 
strangely  diversified  are  the  views  of  mortals  ! Some 
rejoice  in  riches  acquired,  others  are  lovers  of  riches 
who  are  always  in  want ; but  you  reject  worldly  glory 
when  it  is  offered  you,  and  though  you  could  attain 
the  episcopal  rank,  to  which  there  is  nothing  superior 
among  men,  you  prefer  your  solitary  cell  to  this 
exalted  station.’  To  this  he  replied  : c I know  that  I 
am  unworthy  of  so  high  a station,  yet  I can  by  no 
means  evade  the  appointment  of  the  supreme  Ruler  ; 
and  if  he  has  resolved  to  lay  this  burden  upon  me,  I 
believe  that  he  will  also  soon  relieve  me,  and  perhaps 
at  the  expiration  of  two  years,  he  may  permit  me  to 
withdraw  to  my  wonted  retirement.  Rut  1 charge 
you,  in  the  name  of  our  Lord  and  Saviour,  to  tell  no 
one  what  you  have  now  heard  from  me,  till  after  my 
death.’ — When  he  had  answered  her  many  other 


LIFE  OF  SELF  LED  A. 


221 


questions,  and  imparted  to  her  several  useful  instruc- 
tions, he  returned  to  his  own  island  and  monastery.” 
Our  historian  proceeds  to  relate,  how  Cuthbert 
was  soon  after  constrained  to  accept  the  bishopric  of 
Lindisfarne;  and  how  all  his  prophecies  were  fulfilled 
in  their  order.  “ Ecgfrid,  after  the  lapse  of  a year  is 
slain  by  the  sword  of  the  Piets,  and  the  kingdom  is 
given  to  Aldfrid,  his  bastard  brother,  who  had  been 
long’  engaged  in  the  acquisition  of  learning  in  the 
country  of  the  Scots,  suffering  a spontaneous  exile 
for  the  love  of  wisdom.”* 

* Vita  S.  Cudbercti,  c.  23,  24.  This  passage  strongly  corro- 
borates the  arguments  produced  in  a former  part  of  the  work,  (p.  3J, 
31,  & c ) to  prove  that  Aldfrid  was  a different  person  from  Alchfrid. 
William  of  Malmesbury  (De  G R.  Ang.  I,.  [.)  with  his  usual  incor- 
rectness, confounds  these  two  princes  ; and  it  is  by  following  his 
authority,  instead  of  attending  to  Bede,  that  later  historians  have 
fallen  into  the  same  mistake.  He  tells  us  that  Oswy  had  two  sons, 
Egfrid  the  younger  who  was  legitimate,  and  Alfrid  the  elder  who  was 
a bastard;  that  the  iatter,  on  tire  death  of  his  father,  was  expelled  the 
kingdom  by  a faction  of  the  nohles,  and  was  driven  into  Ireland,  &c. 
But  it  is  obvious  from  this  passage,  that  Aldfrid’s  retirement  was 
vo  u nt ary,  and  that  he  was  so  far  from  being  expelled  by  the  nobles, 
that  be  had  been  brought  up  in  obscurity,  and  bad  not  been  acknow- 
ledged at  court  as  the  son  of  Oswy  ; insomuch  that  iElfleda  did  not 
then  know  him  to  be  her  brother,  except  by  vague  report.  This  is 
what  might  naturally  be  expected  ; for,  being  an  illegitimate  child, 
Oswy  woub  not  introduce  him  to  the  notice  of  queen  Eanflefa  and 
her  children:  and  it  is  a plain  proof  that  he  was  a different  person  from 
Alchfrid,  who  lived  at  court,  and  was  well  known  to  all  the  royal 
family.  The  metrical  version  of  the  Life  of  Cuthbert  (c.  21.)  puts 
the  matter  beyond  all  doubt ; for  tiiere  our  veneral.le  author  describes 
A dfrid  as  a young  man — “ a new  Josiah,  young  in  years,  but  ripe  in 
grace  and  understanding 

“ Utque  satisfieret  vatis  per  singula  dictis, 

Sol  magnum  explevit  solitis  sub  mensibus  annum 
Pictorum  infesto  dum  concidit  Ecgfridus  ense, 

Ei  notiius  in  regni  Crater  successit  honorem, 

Scot.torum  qui  turn  versatus  in  incola  terris, 

Cceiestem  intento  spirabat  corde  sophiam. 


222 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


Besides  this  conference  at  Coquet  isle,  Bede  has 
recorded  another  interview  which  iElfleda  had  with 
Cuthbert  in  her  own  territory.  He  tells  us,  that  the 
man  of  God,  aware  of  his  approaching  dissolution, 
resolved  before  withdrawing  to  his  favourite  retreat, 
where  he  intended  to  prepare  for  death,  to  make  a 
circuit  throughout  the  churches  and  monasteries  in 
his  diocese  and  on  its  borders,  that  he  might  strengthen 
and  establish  them  by  suitable  exhortations.  "While 
he  was  thus  employed,”  says  our  author,  " he  re- 
ceived an  invitation  from  that  most  noble  and  most 
holy  virgin  of  Christ,  the  abbess  iEMeda,  and  he 
came  into  the  possession  of  her  monastery,  to  see  her 
and  converse  with  her,  and  to  dedicate  a church ; for 
that  possession  abounded  with  congregations  of  the 
servants  of  Christ.  On  that  occasion,  while  they  were 
sitting  at  table,  at  the  hour  of  refreshment,  Cuthbert 

Nam  patriae  fines  et  Jtilcia  tiqucrat  arva,* 

Sednlus  ut  Domini  mysteria  disceret  exul. 
llujus  nunc  Tyrio  venerabile  pignus  in  ostro, 

Jure  datas  patrio  sceptri  jam  tractal  habenas  : 

Utque  novus  Josia  Jideque  animoquc  magis  quam 
Annis  tnaturus,  nostrum  regit  inclitus  orbem.” 

This  last  eouptet  cannot  apply  to  Alcbfrid,  the  eldest  sonof.Oswy. 
Had  that  prince  been  alive  at  EcgfridJs  death,  he  must  have  been  be- 
tween fifty  and  sixty  years  old  ; for  he  was  married  before  the  year 
603.  Aldfrid  appears  to  have  been  the  youngest  of  all  the  children  of 
Oswv  ; younger  even  than  Elfwine,  who  was  slain  in  679  at  the  age 
of  eighteen.- — It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  Matthew  of  Westminster 
has  avoided  the  error  of  Malmesbury ; for  in  his  list  of  Northumbrian 
kings  (1  p.  340.),  he  clearly  distinguishes  Oswy’s  eldest  son  from 
his  youngest,  calling  the  former  Aelfridus,  and  the  latter  Ealfridus ; 
as  appears  from  the  following  extract:  “ Oswius,  Aelfridus,  Egfrh 
tins,  Ealfridus,  Osredus.” 

* A line  borrowed  from  the  first  Eclogue  of  Virgil. 


LIFE  OF  XLFLEDA. 


223 


on  a sudden  turned  his  attention  from  carnal  provi- 
sions to  spiritual  objects.  Presently  his  limbs  appeared 
feeble,  as  if  from  excess  of  duty,  his  face  grew  pale, 
his  eyes  that  were  usually  serene  bespoke  astonish- 
ment, and  the  knife  which  he  was  holding  dropped 
on  the  table.  This  being  observed  by  his  presbyter 
who  was  standing  by  and  ministering  to  him,  he 
turned  to  the  abbess,  and  said  to  her  in  a whisper ; 
f Ask  the  bishop  what  he  saw  just  now  ; for  I know 
that  it  is  not  without  reason  that  his  trembling  hand 
let  fall  the  knife,  and  that  his  countenance  is  changed: 
he  has  seen  something  spiritual  which  the  rest  of  us 
cannot  perceive.’  She  took  the  hint,  and  immediately 
said?  f I pray  you,  my  lord  bishop,  tell  what  you  now 
saw  ; for  it  was  not  for  nothing  that  your  right  hand 
was  so  enfeebled  as  to  dron  the  knife  which  it  held.’ 

i. 

He  attempted  to  make  her  believe  that  he  had  seen 
nothing,  replying  with  an  appearance  of  good 
humour,  f Can  I eat  all  day?  It  is  surely  time  for  me 
to  stop.’  But  when  she  earnestly  conjured  and  be- 
sought him  to  make  known  the  vision,  he  answered; 
f I beheld  the  soul  of  some  saint  conveyed  by  the  hands 
of  angels  to  the  joys  of  the  heavenly  kingdom.’  She 
inquired  again  ; f From  whence  was  that  soul  taken 
up  ?’  f From  your  monastery,’  he  replied.  She  pro- 
ceeded to  ask  the  name.  f You  will  tell  me  his  name 
to-morrow,’  said  he,  f when  I am  performing  divine 
service.’*  On  hearing  this,  she  immediately  sent  to 

* “ Missas  celebranti” — The  word  missne  was  then  applied  to 
the  public  prayers  and  public  services  of  the  church  in  general,  and 


224 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


her  larger  monastery,  to  see  who  had  recently  been 
translated  out  of  the  body.  The  messenger  found  all 
in  that  place  safe  and  sound  ; but  when  he  began 
next  morning  to  return  to  the  lady  abbess,  he  met 
those  who  were  bringing  on  a cart  the  body  of  the 
deceased  brother  for  burial ; and,  inquiring  who  it 
was,  he  learned  that  it  was  one  of  the  shepherds,  a 
man  of  good  conduct,  who  climbing  a tree  incautiously 
bad  fallen  to  the  ground,  and,  his  body  being  sore 
bruised,  had  breathed  out  his  spirit,  at  the  very  hour 
when  the  man  of  God  beheld  it  conveyed  to  heaven. 
The  messenger  returning  told  this  to  the  abbess,  who 
hastened  in  to  the  bishop,  then  employed  in  dedicating 
the  church,  and  said  to  him,  through  the  effect  of 
female  surprise,  as  if  she  had  been  telling  him  some- 
thing new  ; ‘ 1 pray  you,  my  lord  bishop,  remember 
in  the  prayers  my  Hadwald,  (for  this  was  the  man’s 
name)  who  died  yesterday  by  falling  from  a tree.’ 
Then  it  was  clear  to  all,  that  the  spirit  of  prophecy, 
in  a variety  of  gifts,  dwelt  in  the  breast  of  that  holy 
man  ; who  could  both  see  the  secret  translation  of  a 
soul  at  the  moment,  and  foresee  what  would  after- 
wards be  told  him  of  it  by  others.”* 

Whatever  opinion  we  may  form  of  Cuthbert’s 
visions  and  prophecies  here  recorded,  there  is  no 
reason  to  doubt  the  facts  connected  with  them;  for 

did  not  correspond  with  the  modern  term  ?nass.  Yet  the  metrical 
version  (e.  31.)  seems  to  explain  it  here  of  the  communion  service  : 

" Cras  mystica,  dixit,  ad  altar 

Obtulero  cum  sacra,  &c.” 

* Vita  S.  Cudbercti,  c.  34. 


LIFE  OF  iELFLEDA. 


225 


tales  which  are  fabricated  to  pass  for  truth  are  usually 
combined  with  real  occurrences,  in  order  to  render 
them  the  more  plausible.  The  narrative  of  the  con- 
ference at  Coquet  isle  is  particularly  worthy  of  our 
notice,  as  containing  an  account  of  the  first  voyage 
from  Whitby  recorded  in  history.  The  vessel  in 
which  Tllfleda  performed  her  voyage  to  Coquet  isle, 
and  back  to  Streoneshalh,  would  no  doubt  be  small, 
like  other  British  ships  of  that  age  ; and  it  was  pro- 
bably navigated  by  the  brethren  who  attended  her. 
Perhaps  it  belonged  to  the  monastery,  and  might  be 
most  frequently  used  in  fishing  excursions  ; for  the 
monks  of  that  era  were  often  employed  on  the  waters.* 
The  voyage  must  have  been  performed  in  the  begin- 
ning of  summer,  in  the  year  684;  as  it  was  a year 
before  the  death  of  Ecgfrid,  who  perished  on  the  20th 
of  May,  685. 

The  visit  which  Cuthbert  paid  to  iElileda  in  her 
own  territory  occurred  more  than  two  years  after ; for 
he  died  on  the  20th  of  March,  687,  after  spending 
about  three  months  in  close  retirement  ;f  and  there- 
fore his  last  visitation  of  the  churches,  which  immedi- 
ately preceded  his  retirement,  must  have  taken  place 
in  the  autumn  of  686.  That  this  was  the  season  when 
Cuthbert  visited  our  district,  may  be  inferred  from 
the  metrical  version  of  his  life,  which  intimates  that 
Hadwald,  when  he  met  with  the  fatal  accident,  was 
climbing  trees  to  procure  acorns  for  the  hogs.§ 

* Ibid  c.  3,  11,  36.  + Ibid.  c.  37.  Hist.  Eccl.  L.  IV.  c.  29. 

§ Frondiferi  quendam  nemoiis  dum  scanderet  alta, 

Csederet  ut  pecori  arboreo  de  pabula  cono, 

Deciduum  meinbris  animam  posuisse  solutis.— =c.  31 
GG 


226 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


At  that  period  our  abbey  was  in  a very  flourishing 
condition : its  territory  was  extensive,,  and  contained 
not  a few  congregations  of  monks  and  nuns.*  Besides 
the  monastery  at  Hackness,  other  cells  were  erected 
in  various  parts  of  the  district ; and  we  may  hope  that, 
through  the  labours  of  the  brethren,  every  town  and 
every  village  enjoyed  the  blessings  of  the  gospel. 
Where  the  cells  which  branched  out  from  Streones- 
halh  were  situated,  it  is  impossible  to  ascertain;  but 
from  circumstances  which  will  be  afterwards  noticed,+ 
we  may  conjecture  that,  on  the  south-east  side  of  the 
parent  monastery,  there  was  a cell  in  Harewood  Dale, 
and  another  on  the  Esk  above  Gromont  Bridge;  and 
that,  on  the  north-west,  there  was  one  at  Hutton- 
Mulgrave,  one  at  Hindervvell,  formerly  called  Hildre- 
well,  and  perhaps  one  at  Middleburgh  near  the  mouth 
of  the  Tees,  where  there  was,  at  an  early  period  after 
the  conquest,  a church  dedicated  to  the  abbess  Hilda 
If  I may  hazard  a conjecture  on  the  subject,  I 
should  suppose  that  Middleburgh  was  the  place  where 
Cuthbert  dedicated  a church  for  iElfleda;  or  at  least, 
that  it  was  some  place  on  the  Cleveland  side  of 
Streoneshalh,  not  fur  from  the  borders  of  the  bishop’s 
own  diocese.  It  is  obvious  that  he  did  not  go  forward 
to  /Elfleda’s  principal  monastery,  and  that  the  new 
church  which  he  consecrated  was  a considerable  way 
off  from  it;  as  the  messenger  dispatched  thither  could 
not  return  the  same  day.  We  may  be  certain  that 

* Non  pauco  famulorum  Christi  examine  pollefcat.  + See  Book 
IV.  Chap.  II. 


LIFE  OF  JELFLEDA. 


227 


the  place  which  Cuthbert  visited  was  not  Hackness  j 
for  that  was  quite  out  of  his  way,  and  the  church 
there  being  only  seven  years  old  could  not  require  to 
be  rebuilt:  besides,  our  author  intimates,  that  this 
was  an  establishment  entirely  new,  occasioned  by  the 
great  increase  of  the  servants  of  Christ  in  that  district. 
As  the  messenger  met  the  corpse  of  Hadvvald,  on  his 
return  from  Streoneshalh,  it  would  seem  that  the  place 
where  that  shepherd  came  to  his  untimely  end,  lay  in 
the  same  direction  with  the  new  church ; but  whether 
it  was  in  the  woods  near  Hinderwell,  some  of  which 
still  remain,  or  in  some  spot  at  a greater  distance, 
cannot  be  determined. 

It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  this  narrative  makes 
no  mention  of  Trumwine;  though  that  bishop  retired 
into  the  monastery  of  Streoneshalh  about  a year 
before  the  visit  of  Cuthbert.  Whatever  assistance 
iElfleda  might  derive  from  Trumwine,  or  from  her 
mother,  in  the  government  of  the  monastery,  the 
whole  establishment  was  conducted  in  her  own  name, 
and  was  subject  to  her  authority.  Indeed,  her  repu- 
tation for  piety  and  prudence,  in  which  she  resembled 
her  illustrious  predecessor,  would  serve  to  command 
the  respect  and  submission  of  all  who  belonged  to  the 
institution  ; while  her  noble  birth  shed  an  additional 
lustre  on  her  character,  and  tended  to  widen  the 
sphere  of  her  influence.  A princess,  who  was  the 
daughter  of  an  illustrious  monarch,  the  grand-daughter 
of  one  still  more  famous,  the  sister  of  three  kings  and 
©f  two  queens,  and  who  was  at  the  same  time  distin- 

gg  2 


228 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


guished  by  her  personal  virtues,  could  not  fail  to 
be  respected,  both  in  her  own  monastery,  and  through- 
out the  kingdom  of  Northumbria.  Her  rank  and  in- 
fluence not  only  increased  the  number  of  her  disciples 
and  dependents,  but  enlarged  the  boundaries  of  her 
territory  and  added  much  to  the  wealth  of  her  abbey, 
which  appears  to  have  been  by  far  the  richest  and 
most  extensive  then  in  Northumbria.* 

If  we  can  credit  William  of  Malmesbury,  the 
influence  of  iElfleda  in  the  church  of  Northumbria 
was  very  great ; for  he  states,  that  when  archbishop 
Theodore,  in  the  year  before  his  death,  repented  of 
his  behaviour  toward  Wilfrid,  and  used  every  effort 
to  get  him  re-instated  in  his  bishopric,  he  wrote  letters 
and  sent  messengers  for  this  purpose  to  Aldfrid,  king 
of  Northumberland,  and  to  his  sister  iElfleda,  abbess 
of  Streoneshalh,  exhorting  them  to  receive  the  bishop 
with  Christian  love.  Through  the  effect  of  these  letters, 
according  to  that  author,  Wilfrid  recovered  his  epis- 
copal dignity,  f 

The  same  author  relates,  that  our  abbess  took  a 
most  active  part  in  procuring  Wilfrid’s  final  restora- 
tion to  the  see  of  Hexham,  in  the  year  705,  when 

* Quorum  praecipuum  monasterium,  &c. ab  iusignis  religi- 

ons fcemina  Hilda  cceptum,  Edelfleda  ejusdem  regis  filia  in  regimine 
succedens  maguis  fiscalium  opum  molibus  auxit.  Gul.  Malm.  de.  G. 
R.  A.  Lib.  I.  JElfleda  is  sometimes  called  Ethelfleda  or  Edelfleda. 
It  would  seem  that  iEl,  in  Saxon  names,  is  sometimes  a contraction 
for  JE^el — noble,  f De  G Pont.  L.  III.  In  this  passage,  as  in 
many  others,  the  author  is  obviously  incorrect ; for  the  restoration  of 
Wilfrid  took  place  iu  the  second  year  of  Aldfrid,  near  the  beginning 
of  687,  two  years  before  the  time  which  he  specifies;  the  year  689 
Being  that  which  preceded  the  death  of  Theodore.  Bed.  L.  V.  c.  8, 19. 


LIFE  OF  JLLF LED  A. 


229 


Osred,  her  nephew,  filled  the  Northumbrian  throne. 
In  the  reign  of  Aldfrid,  that  turbulent  prelate  had 
been  stripped  of  his  honours  a second  time,  about  the 
year  691  ; on  which  occasion  he  found  an  asylum  in 
Mercia,  under  the  patronage  of  king  Ethelred.  After 
a considerable  interval,  fresh  troubles  arose,  and 
Wilfrid  again  appealed  to  the  see  of  Rome.  Thither 
he  repaired,  at  the  age  of  seventy,  to  recover  his  lost 
preferments  ; and,  as  might  be  expected,  the  recep- 
tion which  he  met  with  at  the  court  of  pope  John  Y. 
was  of  the  most  flattering  kind.  He  was  honourably 
acquitted  of  ever}/  charge,  his  accusers  who  were 
confronted  with  him,  were  pronounced  calumniators, 
and  he  was  sent  home  with  letters  apostolical  to  arch- 

A 

bishop  Berctwald,  successor  of  Theodore,  and  to  the 
kings  Ethelred  and  Aldfrid,  enjoining  them  to  re- 
instate him  in  his  honours.  The  archbishop  and  the 
king  of  Mercia  were  ready  to  comply  with  the  papal 
mandate;  but  Aldfrid,  like  his  predecessor,  treated 
the  authority  of  the  apostolical  see  with  contempt, 
and  Wilfrid  was  compelled  to  linger  in  Mercia.  Upon 
the  death  of  Aldfrid,  which  occurred  not  long  after, 
the  aged  prelate  made  another  push  to  regain  his 
dignities;  but  Eadulf,  the  usurper,  expelled  him  the 
kingdom.  At  length,  however,  when  the  young 
prince  Osred  was  placed  on  his  father’s  throne,  under 
the  guardianship  of  the  brave  Berctfrid,  a council  was 
held  near  the  river  Nidd,  in  the  West  Riding  of 
Yorkshire,  where  Wilfrid’s  claims  were  discussed, 
and  matters  were  finally  accommodated  between  him 


230 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


and  his  adversaries.  The  other  bishops,  indeed,  began 
to  oppose  the  pretensions  of  Wilfrid,  as  on  former 
occasions;  but  “the  most  blessed  virgin  iEI  11  eda,  the 
sister  of  Aldfrid,  and  abbess  of  Streoneshalh,  put  an 
end  to  the  business  by  addressing  the  council  in  these 
words:  f Without  any  preamble,  I produce  the  last 
will  of  my  brother,  to  which  I was  a witness ; certi- 
fying, that,  if  he  should  recover,  he  would  perform 
the  orders  of  the  apostolic  see ; but,  if  death  prevented 
him  from  fulfilling  them  himself,  he  left  the  perform- 
ance of  them  to  his  heir.’  Berctfrid  seconded  the 
words  of  the  virgin  and  the  rest  of  the  council 
assenting  to  the  proposal  for  receiving  Wilfrid,  he 
was  again  put  in  possession  of  the  see  of  Hexham 
and  the  monastery  of  Ripon.  lie  enjoyed  his  pre- 
ferments only  four  years  longer,  when  he  was  finally- 
removed  from  them  by  the  hand  of  death.*  His  de- 
votedness to  the  see  of  Rome  procured  him  the  title 
of  saint  ; but  he  was  more  distinguished  by  his  acti- 
vity and  talents,  than  by  those  amiable  qualities  which 
characterise  the  true  disciples  of  Jesus. 

From  the  foregoing  narrative  it  appears,  that 
our  worthy  abbess  was  wont  to  attend  councils,  and 
that  in  those  assemblies  her  opinion  was  received  with 
profound  respect.  She  also  frequented  the  court  of 
her  brother  Aldfrid,  and  went  over  to  Driffield  to  visit 

* Gul.  Malmes.  de  G.  Pont.  L.  III.  Bed.  L.  V.  c.  19.  These 
transactions  are  recorded  more  fully  in  the  Life  of  Wilfrid  ascribed  to 
Heddius ; where  our  abbess,  who  is  called  beatissima  and  sapientix- 
sima,  (“most  blessed”  and  “most  wise”)  is  represented  as  taking  a 
very  active  part,  along  with  the  archbishop,  in  reconciling  the  bishops 
t*>  Wilfrid.  Vide  Wilk.  Coucil.  I.  p.  67,  6S. 


LIFE  OF  MLFLEDA. 


231 


him  in  his  last  illness.  As  his  sickness  commenced 
not  long  after  his  refusal  to  re-instate  Wilfrid,  he 
perhaps  imputed  it  to  the  displeasure  of  Heaven  ; in 
which  light  it  is  viewed  by  the  monkish  historians; 
and  this  may  account  for  the  sudden  change  in  his 
sentiments.  To  this  change  his  conversation  with  his 
sister  may  have  contributed,  for  iEIfleda  seems  to 
have  conceived  an  esteem  for  the  aged  bishop;  who, 
notwithstanding  his  eagerness  for  power  and  prefer- 
ment, was  on  various  accounts  entitled  to  respect. 

The  abbess  survived  her  brother  eight  years  ; for 
as  she  was  a year  old  at  the  overthrow  of  Penda  in 
655,  and  lived  59  years,  her  death  must  have  occurred 
in  713.  We  have  no  account  of  the  close  of  her  life  ; 
but  are  informed  that  she  was  interred  in  St.  Peter’s 
church  at  Streoneshalh  ; beside  the  remains  of  her 
royal  parents  and  her  venerable  predecessor.* 

No  material  change  appears  to  have  taken  place 
in  the  constitution  of  our  abbey  under  iElfleda’s 
government ; but  it  is  not  unlikely  that,  after  her 
death,  it  began  to  be  governed  by  abbots  ; as  it  might 
be  difficult  to  find  in  the  monastery  a female  of  suffi- 
cient talents  and  respectability  for  conducting  an 
establishment  of  such  extent.  Besides,  it  would  seem 
from  some  circumstances  already  mentioned,  that  the 
number  of  the  monks  had  increased  more  rapidly  than 
that  of  the  nuns  ; and,  if  this  was  the  case,  a change 
in  the  government  of  the  institution  was  the  more 
requisite.  Accordingly,  it  is  said,  that  an  abbot, 
* Bed.  L.  III.  c.  24. 


232 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


called  Titus,  was  at  the  head  of  the  monastery  at  the 
time  when  it  was  destroyed  by  the  Danes,  in  the  year 
867.  On  this  statement,  however,  no  reliance  can 
be  placed  ; and  the  idea  which  I have  now  advanced 
is  merely  proposed  as  a conjecture.  The  history  of 
our  abbey,  from  the  death  of  TEHleda  to  the  Danish 
irruption,  is  irrecoverably  lost,*  a remark  which  will 
apply  to  the  monastery  of  Lestingham  and  to  every 
other  religious  house  in  the  district : and  even  the 
accounts  of  the  ruin  of  those  establishments,  are  too 
vague,  imperfect,  and  contradictory,  to  be  of  any  value. 

Matthew  of  Westminster  gives  the  most  circum- 
stantial relation  of  the  destruction  of  Streoneshalh 
and  the  other  monasteries  on  the  coast,  which  I have 
met  with  ; but  his  narrative  is  not  consistent  with  the 
Saxon  Annals,  nor  even  with  itself;  for  after  stating, 
that  the  Danes  in  86?  laid  waste  the  whole  province 
of  Northumbria  as  far  as  the  mouth  of  the  Tyne,  he 
brings  a fresh  armada  under  Inguar  and  Ilubba  three 
years  after,  to  lay  waste  the  same  district.  He  tells 
us,  that,  having  landed  in  Scotland,  they  plundered 
and  burnt  the  nunnery  of  Coldingham,  consuming 
its  virtuous  inhabitantsf  in  the  flames;  that  from 

* Charlton  stales,  that, " About  the  year  756,  Edbert  [Eadbert] 
king  of  Northumberland  resigned  his  crown  to  his  son  Osulph,  and 
retired  into  the  monastery  of  Streanshalh  where  he  spent  the  remain- 
der of  his  days  in  acts  of  piety  and  devotion,  and  where  at  his  death 
lie  was  buried,  as  we  are  informed  by  William  of  Malmesbury,  at 
page  20  of  his  history.”  This  is  a strange  mistake ; for  Malmesbury 
agrees  with  other  historians  in  stating  that  Eadbert  and  his  brother 
Egbert  were  juried  at  York  in  one  porch,  and  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  York  was  the  place  of  Eadbert’s  retirement.  f The  nuns,  ac- 
cording to  this  author,  cut  off  their  noses  and  upper  lips,  in  order  to 
avoid  the  impure  embraces  of  the  pagan  invaders.  This  story  is  with 


DESTRUCTION  OF  STREONESHALH.  233 


thence  they  sailed  southward  along  the  coast,  and  de- 
stroyed in  a similar  way  the  monasteries  of  Lindisfarne, 
Tynemouth,  Jarrow,  Wearmouth,  and  Streoneshalh ; 
while  they  also  spread  themselves  over  the  country, 
murdering  all  the  inhabitants,  and  consuming  every 
thing  in  their  way.  According  to  that  author,  Streones- 
halh was  then  a nunnery  as  at  its  first  erection  ; and 
he  also  states,  that  the  monastery  of  Tynemouth  had 
been  formed  by  a colony  of  nuns  from  Streoneshalh, 
and  that  these  holy  virgins,  like  the  inhabitants  of 
the  other  monasteries,  were  slain  by  the  Danes.* 

The  Life  of  St.  Hilda,  which  Leland  met  with  at 
Whitby,  gives  a different  account  of  this  memorable 
disaster;  for  it  asserts,  that,  at  the  time  when  Streones- 
halh was  destroyed,  “ Titus  the  abbot,  escaped  to 
Glastonbury,  with  the  relics  of  St.  Hilda.”f  The 
book  which  he  quotes  appears  to  have  been  lost;  but 
it  was  probably,  like  other  lives  of  saints,  adorned 
with  fables,  and  cannot  be  depended  on  as  an  authentic 
voucher.  This  passage  about  Titus  is  perhaps  the 
same  story,  though  a little  altered,  which  occurs  in 
the  History  of  the  church  of  Glastonbury,  published 

good  reason  believed  to  be  a fable.  That  of  king  Edmund’s  martyrdom, 
in  which  he  follows  William  of  Malmesbury,  is  far  more  marvellous. 
The  Danes  beheaded  that  East-Anglian  prince,  and  threw  his  head 
into  a thicket.  After  their  departure,  some  good  people  searched  for 
the  head,  and  when  they  were  at  a loss  to  find  it,  the  head  itself  called 
out  to  them  from  among  the  bushes,  “Here,  here,  here!”  They  hast- 
ened to  the  spot,  and,  to  their  great  surprise,  found  the  head  in  pos- 
session of  a huge  wolf,  who  was  kindly  bearing  it  in  his  arms.  The 
animal  presented  the  head  to  them,  and  while  they  conveyed  it  with 
the  body  to  the  grave,  he  followed  after  as  one  of  the  mourners,  and 
having  staid  till  the  funeral  was  over,  he  quietly  returned  to  his  native 
woods!  ! ! Matth.  West.  p.  313,  320. 

* Ibid.  p.  311,  314,  428.  f Lei,  Coll.  III.  p.  39, 

HH 


234 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY 


in  the'  beginning’  of  Dugdale’s  Monasticon  ; where  we 
read  of  fC  Tictan  the  abbot,  who  with  twelve  of  his 
monks,  retired,  at  the  time  of  the  Danish  persecution, 
from  Northumbria  to  Glastonbury,  with  many  relics; 
and  who  was  afterwards  abbot  of  that  church.”  As 
the  Life  of  St.  Hilda  was  probably  written  by  the 
monks  of  Whitby,  long  after  that  History  of  Glas- 
tonbury was  manufactured,  and  as  the  latter  makes  no 
mention  of  the  monastery  from  which  Tictan  fled,  it 
was  an  easy  matter  to  appropriate  him  to  Streoneshalh, 
and  load  him  with  Hilda’s  relics,  at  the  same  time 
changing  his  name  to  Titus.  If  the  story  is  founded 
in  fact,  it  is  more  probable  that  Ripon,  or  some  other 
monastery  in  the  west  of  Northumbria,  was  the  place 
from  which  Tictan  fled ; for,  if  any  part  of  the  monks 
of  Streoneshalh  escaped  the  general  carnage,  it  is 
very  unlikely  that  they  would  burden  themselves  with 
relics.  Besides,  in  that  very  History,  it  is  stated,  that 
Glastonbury  was  indebted  for  the  relics  of  Hilda,  not 
to  the  care  of  Tictan,  but  to  the  piety  of  king  Ed- 
mund.* On  this  point,  William  of  Malmesbury  is  at 
variance  with  himself;  for,  after  telling  us  more  than 
once  that  the  relics  of  Hilda  were  conveyed  to  Glas- 
tonbury at  the  time  of  the  Danish  irruption, f he 
informs  us  in  another  place,  § that  they  were  sent 
thither  by  king  Edmund  who  discovered  and  dug  them 
up  during  his  northern  expedition,  which  occurred 
A.  D.  944.  Amidst  these  contradictory  accounts,  we 
may  almost  venture  to  say,  that  the  relics  of  Hilda 

* Dugd.  Monastic.  I.  p.  4.  f De  G.  R.  Angl.  L.  I.  § De  G. 
Pont.  L.  II. 


DESTRUCTION  OF  STREONESHALH.  235 


remained  undisturbed ; and  that  if  any  portion  of  them 
is  still  undissolved,  it  is  more  likely  to  be  found  at 
Whitby  than  at  Glastonbury.  Edmund  spent  but  a 
short  time  in  his  expedition  into  Northumberland  and 
Cumberland,  which  was  only  about  a year  before  his 
death  ; and  he  was  then  too  much  employed  in  sub- 
duing the  living1,  to  take  time  to  rake  up  the  ashes  of 
the  dead. 

The  same  author  relates,  that  the  bones  of  other 
saints,  besides  those  of  Hilda,  were  carried  otf  from 
Streoneshalh.*  He  also  mentions,  in  another  passage,f 
the  discovery  of  the  remains  of  bishop  Trumwine, 
king  Osvvy,  and  the  abbess  iEifieda  ; with  those  of 
Cedmon  the  poet,  to  whose  relics  he  ascribes  a numbdr 
of  miracles.  This  discovery  is  said  to  have  taken 
place  about  the  time  when  our  monastery  was  restored, 
a few  years  before  William  wrote  his  History ; and}ns 
he  does  not  say,  that  the  remains  of  the  illustrious 
persons  now  named  were  removed  to  another  quarter, 
but  merely  that  they  were  brought  forth  to  honour, 
we  may  suppose  that  they  remained  to  grace  the  pew 
monastery. — With  regard  to  all  these  pretended1  dis- 
coveries,  however,  it  is  necessary  to  remark,  thaf  the 
grossest  impositions  were  practised  by  the  relic-mon- 
gers of  that  age;§  and  that,  as  no  mention  is  made  of 

* De  G.  R.  Angl.  L.  I.  f Re  G.  Pont.  L.  III.  Ҥ  The 
History  of  Glastonbury,  in  the  Monasticon,  (p.  5,  6 ) contains  a 
catalogue  of  the  relics  in  that  ancient  church,  founded  forsooth  by 
Joseph  of  Arimathea  ! The  following  choice  sample,  selected,:  from  a 
very  long  list  of  those  precious  commodities,  will  give  the  reader  some 
idea  of  their  value:  “ Part  of  the  sepulchre  of  Rachel — of  Aaron’s 
rod  that  budded — of  the  manna  of  the  children  of  Israel — o|  the  relics 
»f  Daniel  the  prophet,  and  of  the  three  children.  Six  gilt  stones  from 

HH  2 


236 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


any  inscriptions,  or  other  marks  by  which  the  graves 
of  those  saints  were  pointed  out,  we  may  fairly  ques- 
tion, whether  their  bones,  when  dug  up  out  of  the 
ruins  of  Streoneshalh  after  a lapse  of  ages,  could  be 
distinguished  from  the  bones  of  the  sinners  who  were 
buried  beside  them. 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  fate  of  Hilda’s 
relics,  neither  Titus,  nor  any  other  monk,  has  pre- 
served any  remains  of  the  history  of  our  abbey  during 
the  period  that  immediately  preceded  its  destruction  ; 

the  pavement  of  the  temple  of  the  Lord,  and  part  of  the  door  of  the 
temple.  Part  of  the  cloth  in  which  our  Lord  was  wrapped,  and  two 
portions  of  the  manger  in  which  he  lay.  Part  of  one  of  the  water-pots  in 
which  Christ  turned  water  into  wine.  Part  of  the  stones  which  the  devil 
desired  him  to  turn  into  bread.  Some  of  the  fragments  of  the  five  barley 
loaves  with  which  our  Lord  fed  five  thousand  men.  Part  of  our  Lord’s 
hair.  Part  of  his  coat  that  was  without  seam.  Part  of  the  pillar  to 
which  our  Lord  was  bound  when  he  was  scourged — of  the  scourge  with 
which  he  was  smitten — of  the  robe  which  Herod  put  on  him — and  of 
the  spunge  from  which  he  drank.  Many  portions  of  the  wood  of  our 
Lord’s  cross — One  thorn  from  his  crown — Part  of  the  blessed  Mary’s 
milk;  a crystal  cross  which  she  gave  to  king  Arthur;  and  part  other 
hair.  The  middle  bone  of  a finger  of  John  Baptist;  a small  bone  from 
his  head;  and  part  of  his  clothes.  Two  of  St.  Peter’s  teeth  ; part  of 
his  staff.  A tooth  of  St.  Paul ; part  of  his  beard ; and  some  of  his 
blood.  A thigh  bone  of  St.  Stephen,  with  some  small  bones; — some 
of  his  blood ; ashes  from  his  body  ; part  of  his  staff ; and  a fragment 
of  one  of  the  stones  with  which  he  was  stoned  to  death.  Part  of  the 
flesh  and  blood  of  St.  Lawrence,  and  a bit  of  the  gridiron  on  which  he 
was  roasted.  Two  bones  of  St.  Thomas  of  Canterbury  [Thomas  a 
Becket]  : part  of  his  skin  and  hair — his  flesh  and  blood — and  of  a 
cloth  dipped  in  his  blood  and  brains  ! ! !” — Among  the  relics  of  holy 
virgins,  there  is,  “A  bone  of  St.  Etheldred.”  Here  the  relic-mongers 
have  made  a gross  mistake,  for  Etheldred  was  one  of  the  incorruptible 
saints,  whose  bones  of  course  could  not  be  divided.  I must  not  omit 
the  following  curious  article  near  the  close  of  the  catalogue:  “Part  of 
the  relics  of  St.  Wisdom,  and  of  her  daughters.  Faith,  Hope,  and 
Charity l”  Alas!  it  is  too  true,  that  in  those  dark  ages  Wisdom  had 
perished ; and  the  three  lovely  sisters.  Faith,  Hope,  and  Charity 
seemed  to  be  extinct : but,  I fear,  that  little  or  nothing  of  their 
precious  relics  could  then  be  found  at  Glastonbury. 


DESTRUCTION  OF  STREONESHALH.  237 


and  the  events  of  more  than  150  years  have  thus  been 
consigned  to  oblivion.  Yet,  while  curiosity  may  wish 
that  this  chasm  had  been  filled  up,  the  loss  is  perhaps 
of  as  little  real  importance,  as  that  of  lady  Hilda’s 
bones.  From  the  facts  formerly  stated,*  we  are  war- 
ranted to  infer,  that  while  our  abbey  grew  in  riches 
and  extent,  it  declined  in  piety.  Churches  of  wood 
gave  place  to  churches  of  stone  ; but,  at  the  same 
time,  the  simplicity  and  solid  piety  of  former  times 
were  exchanged  for  luxury  and  licentiousness.  While 
the  kingdom  of  Northumbria  presented  a horrid 
spectacle  of  feuds,  conspiracies,  massacres,  and  other 
abominable  crimes,  the  progress  of  immorality  in  the 
church  became  no  less  alarming;  and  both  were  ripe 
for  those  awful  judgments,  which  a righteous  Provi- 
dence permitted  to  overwhelm  them. 

Streoneshalh  lay  desolate  for  207  years.  At  the 
close  of  that  long  period  our  monastery  was  revived, 
under  a new  name,  and  in  a different  form ; as  will 
be  related  in  the  following  chapter. 

* See  pages  172,  173,  174. 


238 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


CHAP.  VII. 

RESTORATION  OF  OUR  MONASTERY,  UNDER  THE  MODERN 

NAME  WHITBY. REINFRID  THE  PRIOR— STEPHEN— SERLO— 

HACKNESS  AND  LESTINGHAM  RESTORED. 


THE  history  of  our  abbey  naturally  divides  itself 
into  two  periods ; — the  Saxon,  and  the  Norman  or 
English  period.  Between  these  periods  there  was  an 
interval  of  above  200  years  ; yet,  as  the  monastery  of 
Whitby,  erected  after  the  conquest,  was  founded  on 
the  site  of  lady  Hilda’s  monastery,  it  may  be  regarded 
as  a revival  of  that  ancient  establishment;  and  there- 
fore, the  history  of  the  one  is  here  given  as  a continu- 
ation of  the  history  of  the  other.  Perhaps,  however, 
it  would  be  more  correct,  to  view  them  as  two  distinct 
institutions;  for  there  are  many  particulars  in  which 
they  were  essentially  different.  Hilda’s  monastery  was 
of  the  order  of  Iona,  and  though  it  underwent  various 
modifications,  it  never,  as  far  as  can  be  ascertained, 
exchanged  its  original  form  for  the  discipline  of  any 
other  order;  but  the  monastery  whose  history  we  are 
now  to  recoid  was  wholly  Benedictine.  The  Saxon 
institution  was  a double  monastery,  comprehending 
both  monks  and  nuns,  and  was  at  first,  if  not  through- 
9ut  the  whole  of  its  duration,  governed  by  an  abbess ; 


ITS  RESTORATION . 


239 


the  Norman  establishment  admitted  monks  only,  and 
was  ruled  by  a prior,  and  afterwards  by  an  abbot. 
The  territory  of  Streoneshalh  abbey,  though  it  is 
known  to  have  been  extensive,  cannot  be  distinctly 
ascertained  ; but  the  possessions  of  the  monastery  of 
Whitby  are  well  defined,  and  we  have  satisfactory 
records  of  the  privileges  which  it  enjoyed. 

Though  our  district  was  200  years  without 
monasteries,  we  must  not  suppose  that  during  the 
whole  of  that  period  it  was  destitute  of  the  blessings 
of  Christianity.  The  Danish  invaders,  among  whom 
the  lands  were  parcelled  out,  were  indeed  pagans  ; 
but,  through  the  influence  of  the  surviving  natives, 
and  of  the  Christians  who  lived  in  other  parts  of  the 
island,  the  gospel  soon  found  its  way  among  those 
barbarians.  Guthred,  who  was  raised  to  the  throne  of 
Deira  in  882,  was  a Christian  prince,  and  a most 
liberal  contributor  to  the  patrimony  of  St.  Cuthbert;* 
and  though  some  of  his  successors  were  pagans,  it  is 
probable  that,  even  before  Northumbria  was  finally 
incorporated  with  the  rest  of  England  in  the  reign  of 
Edred,  the  greater  part  of  the  Danish  settlers  had  be- 
come Christians  in  profession.  Had  the  monkish 
writers  been  as  careful  to  relate  the  progress  of  the 
gospel,  as  to  record  the  benefactions  made  to  the 
church,  we  might  have  known  at  what  time,  and  by 
what  means,  the  Christian  religion  was  again  intro- 
duced into  this  quarter.  All  that  we  know  with 
certainty  on  the  subject,  is,  that  there  were  sixteen 

* Sim.  Dun.  c.  28.  Mat.  Westm.  I.  p,  332,  333.  Hoveden  Annal.  P.  L 


240 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


churches  in  our  district  when  Domesday  was  com- 
piled.* Several  of  them,  however,  were  without 
pastors;  which  might  be  owing  to  the  recent  devasta- 
tions which  the  country  had  suffered.  It  is  observable 
too,  that  almost  all  of  them  were  near  the  extreme 
limits  of  the  district : there  was  no  church  at  Streones- 
halh,  nor  in  the  vale  of  the  Esk  ; the  nearest  churches 
were  those  of  Seaton  and  Easington  on  the  one  hand, 
and  those  at  Ilackness  on  the  other. f 

From  this  circumstance  we  may  venture  to  infer, 
that  Streoneshalh,  with  its  immediate  vicinity,  was 
more  completely  ruined  by  the  Danish  irruption  than 
most  other  parts  of  the  district ; or,  at  least,  that  it 
was  longer  in  reviving:  and  this  idea  is  confirmed  by 
the  remarkable  fact,  that  while  Hackness  retained  its 
original  name,  that  of  Streoneshalh  was  completely 
lost.  The  town  that  was  built  on  the  spot  wa9  deno- 
minated Hwitebi,  Whitbi,  or  Whitby;  which  signifies 
White  village .§  The  occasion  of  this  name  it  is  not 

* See  p.  90.  f In  the  General  History  (p.  92),  I have 
hazarded  a conjecture  that  of  the  three  churches  then  belonging  to  the 
manor  of  tlackness,  the  two  that  were  without  priests  might  be  Whitby 
and  Lestingham  ; but  on  re-examining  the  subject  I am  inclined  to 
think,  that  all  the  three  might  be  situated  at  Hackness.  It  appears 
from  the  records  of  Whitby  abbey,  that  there  were  then  at  least  two 
churches  at  Hackness,  the  church  of  St.  Peter  and  that  of  St.  Mary: 
and  there  might  be  a third  in  some  part  of  that  manor  As  to  Whitby 
and  Lestingham,  though  there  were  habitations  for  monks  at  both, 
there  was  not  as  vet  any  regular  church,  or  place  of  public  worship 
constructed  at  either.  § From  the  Saxon  }3pir — white,  and  bi  or  bye 
— -a  village.  It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  notice  Charlton’s  etymology 
of  the  name.  The  termination  by  has  no  connection  w ith  the  word 
bay ; but  is  clearly  of  Saxon  or  Danish  origin.  The  w'ord  by  still 
signifies  village  in  the  Swedish  language ; and  a similar  word  is  used  in 
the  Icelandic;  as  in  the  following  instance:  “ Brendo  bsei  ok  kirkior” 
« — “ They  burned  villages  and  churches.” — Haco’s  Expedition,  p.  18. 


ITS  RESTORATION. 


241 


difficult  to  discover.  The  houses  of  that  period  were 
generally  built  of  wood,  which  throug’h  the  action  of 
the  atmosphere  soon  acquires  a dark  hue,  while  houses 
of  stone  retain  in  a great  measure  their  original  white- 
ness. Now,  as  the  village  of  Whitby  would  be  built 
out  of  the  ruins  of  the  ancient  Streoneshalh,  most,  if 
not  all,  of  the  houses  must  have  been  constructed  of 
stone;*  and  as  the  situation  is  elevated,  for  the  town 
then  stood  upon  the  high  ground  beside  the  abbey, 
its  whiteness  must  have  been  very  conspicuous,  and 
might  very  naturally  give  rise  to  its  new  name.f 

Had  the  colour  of  our  bay  given  a name  to  the  place  it  should  have 
been  called  Blackbay,  from  the  dark  colour  of  the  alum  rock,  rather 
than  Whitehall,  from  any  peculiar  whiteness  in  the  waves.  Here  I 
may  take  occasion  to  present  the  reader  with  another  conjecture  on 
the  etymology  of  the  name  Stjreouej~halh,  about  which  I am  not 
fully  satisfied.  Stpieoue  sometimes  signifies  stratum,  from  the  verb 
j-rjreopan— sternere.  Now  stratum  (street)  is  a term  used  by  our 
forefathers  to  express  any  Roman  road.  If  therefore  we  can  suppose 
that  Sinus  fari,  in  Bede,  is  a mistake  for  Sinus  strati,  the  name 
Stjreone]~halh  might  be  rendered  Street  Bay:  and  as  the  Roman 
road,  or  stratum,  which  terminates  in  our  bay,  would  be  much  more 
conspicuous  in  Hilda’s  time  than  it  is  at  present,  we  may  very  well 
suppose  it  to  have  given  a name  to  the  place. — It  may  be  proper  to 
notice  here,  that  the  observation  in  the  Note  on  page  143  is  expressed 
too  generally  : R Hoveden  quotes  the  translation  sinus  fari. 

* Though  the  monastery  of  Streoneshalh  was  originally  con- 
structed of  wood,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  church  and  other 
principal  buildings  would  be  rebuilt  with  stone;  when  the  wealth  of 
the  institution  increased  so  greatly  under  JElfleda.  It  is  probable 
that  the  church  was  dedicated  to  St.  Peter  at  the  time  when  it  was 
rebuilt,  as  may  be  inferred  from  the  parallel  instance  of  Lestingham. 
Bed.  L.  III.  c.  23.  f The  ancient  name  of  Kirkudbright,  Candida 
Casa,  which  in  the  Saxon  is  ppit-epine — White  House  or  White 
Hall,  is  derived  by  Bede  from  the  very  same  circumstance.  The 
church  there  was  so  called,  because  it  was  built  of  stone,  while  all  the 
houses  in  that  part  were  built  of  other  materials.  “ Vulgo  vocatur 
Ad  Candidam  Casam,  eo  quod  ibi  ecclesiam  de  lapide,  insolito  Brit- 
tonibus  more  fecerit.”  Bed.  L.  III.  c.  4.  The  word  epine  seems 
properly  to  mean  a Hall:  thus  we  find  oom-epine — the  judgment* 
hall,  or  prcetorium.  Evang.  Saxon.  Mat.  xxvii.  v.  27. 

II 


242 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


That  I may  not  need  to  recur  to  the  same  topic, 
it  may  be  proper  here  to  notice,  that  the  name  Prestebi, 
or  Priest’s  village,  has  also  been  applied  to  the  town 
which  arose  out  of  the  ruins  of  Streoneshalh.  A vil- 
lage of  that  name  is  mentioned  in  Domesday  as  one 
of  the  dependencies  of  the  manor  of  Whitby;  but  it 
is  evidently  distinct  from  Whitby  itself.*  Perhaps  it 
was  the  nearest  village  to  Whitby,  and  may  have  been 
built  on  some  place  that  had  been  an  appendage  to 
the  monastery  ; for  in  the  charter  of  William  Rufus, 
the  church  of  the  monastery  is  called  “ the  church  of 
St.  Peter  at  Presteby  and  at  Whiteby.”f 

After  these  introductory  remarks,  I proceed  to 
give  an  account  of  the  revival  of  our  monastery  in 
the  reign  of  William  the  conqueror. 

In  the  year  1074,  a presbyter  named  Aldwin, 
prior  of  the  monastery  of  Winchelcumb  in  Mercia, 
having  learned  from  the  history  of  England,  that  the 
province  of  Northumbria  once  abounded  with  monas- 
teries, all  of  which  were  now  desolate ; conceived  an 
ardent  desire  to  travel  into  that  province,  in  order  to 
revive  the  monastic  life.  For  this  purpose,  he  re- 
signed his  office,  and  proceeding  to  Evesham  abbey, 
which  was  also  in  Mercia,  he  prevailed  on  Elfwine, 
a deacon,  and  Reinfrid,  a monk  of  good  reputation 
but  of  no  learning,  to  enter  into  his  views.  The  three 
pilgrims  set  out  on  foot,  with  a little  ass  to  carry  their 
books  and  priestly  garments.  On  their  arrival  at 
York,  they  obtained  from  the  sheriff,  Hugh  the  son 
* Bawdwen’s  Domesday,  p.  64.  t Charlton’s  Hist.  p.  oS* 


ITS  RESTORATION. 


24$ 


of  Baldric,  a guide  to  Munecaceastre,  or  Monktown, 
which  was  on  the  north  bank  of  the  Tyne.*  Here 
they  began  to  take  up  their  abode;  but,  as  the  place 
did  not  answer  their  expectations,  and  as  Walcher, 
bishop  of  Durham,  invited  them  to  reside  under  his 
jurisdiction,  they  resolved  to  accept  his  invitation; 
and,  after  being  hospitably  entertained  by  the  bishop, 
they  settled  under  his  patronage  at  the  ancient  monas- 
tery of  Jarrow.  Having  built  themselves  huts  among 
the  ruins,  and  erected  a temporary  place  of  worship, 
they  led  a life  of  poverty,  supported  only  by  the  alms 
of  the  pious.  Their  high  reputation  for  sanctity  soon 
brought  an  accession  to  their  numbers  ; and  Walcher, 
overjoyed  at  their  increase,  gave  them  some  lands  for 
their  support.  But  Aldwin’s  views  were  not  confined 
to  the  restoration  of  one  monastery,  and  perceiving 
the  flourishing  state  of  Jarrow,  he  left  it  to  the  charge 
of  Elfwine,  and  set  out  in  quest  of  another  station ; 
while  Reinfrid,  on  the  same  principle,  travelled  south- 
ward to  revive  the  ancient  monastery  of  St.  Hilda. f 
According  to  a memorial  in  the  records  of  Whitby 
abbey,  Reinfrid  had  formerly  been  a soldier  in  the 
Conqueror’s  army,  and  being  with  him  in  his  northern 
expedition,  had  turned  aside  to  visit  the  ancient 
Streoneshalc,§  when  his  heart  was  greatly  affected 

* Now  called  Newcastle.  Its  name  CQunecaeeaprjie  is  obviously 
Saxon;  from  COunuc — a monk , and  Leayrjie — a city,  or  town:  and 
this  name  appears  to  have  been  the  chief  reason  why  our  three  monks 
wished  to  be  conducted  thither.  Hugh,  the  son  of  Baldric,  was  the 
proprietor  of  Danby  and  Lealholm.  See  Bawd  wen’s  Domesday,  p.  199. 
X R.  Hoveden  Annal.  P.  1.  Sim.  Dunelm.  c.  56, 57  Lei.  Coll.  I.  382. 
| Fol.  139.  Charlton  says,  that  he  went  to  pay  a visit  to  William  de 

ii  2 


244 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


at  beholding  its  ruins;  and  under  this  impression  he 
had  entered  the  monastery  of  Evesham,  that  he  might 
be  qualified  to  take  a part  in  its  restoration.  This 
statement  does  not  seem  to  correspond  with  the  ac- 
count of  Hoveden  and  Simeon  of  Durham,  whose 
authority  I have  followed.  Yet  we  may  believe,  that, 
according  to  the  memorial,  Reinfrid  was  favourably 
received  by  William  de  Percy,  an  eminent  Norman 
baron,  who  then  held  the  manor  of  Whitby  and 
Sneaton  under  Hugh,  earl  of  Chester;  and  who  was 
himself  the  proprietor  of  large  estates  in  other  parts 
of  Yorkshire.*  This  illustrious  baron,  from  whom 
the  noble  family  of  Percy  is  descended,  gave  to  Rein- 
frid and  his  companions  the  site  of  the  ancient 
monastery,  with  two  carucates  of  land  in  Presteby 
for  their  support.  The  ruins  of  the  abbey  still  bore 
the  marks  of  its  former  greatness;  for,  says  the  me- 
morial, “ there  were  then  in  that  tow  n,  as  some  old 
inhabitants  haye  told  us,  about  forty  cells  or  oratories, 
of  which  nothing  was  left  but  bare  walls  and  empty 
altars. Among  these  ruins,  Reinfrid  and  his  com- 

Percy  at  Sneton  : (p.  51.)  bat  this  is  a gross  mistake:  none  of  the 
Norman  barons  can  be  supposed  to  have  lived  at  Wlntby  or  the  neigh- 
bourhood tili  some  years  after  the  expedition  in  1069,  when  the  whole 
country  was  laid  waste.  The  memorial  gives  no  countenance  to  his 
assertion. 

* Bawdwen’s  Domesday,  p.  64,  161,  &c.  t Many  of  the 
Saxon  churches  were  surrounded  with  porches,  or  oratories,  each 
dedicated  to  some  saint,  and  furnished  with  its  particular  altar.  In 
these  porches  or  chapels,  which  in  the  memorial  are  called  “monasteria 
vel  oratoria.”  divine  worship  was  per  ormed.  Bed.  L II  c 3.  Hist, 
abbat.  Wirem.  et  Gyr.  Lingard’s  Antiqu.  p 481.  The  number  of 
these  chapels,  reported  to  have  been  at  Streoneshalh,  is  surely 
exaggerated.  Charlton  quotes  this  part  of  the  memorial  very  incor- 
rectly, p.  51.  • 


REINFRID  THE  PRIOR. 


245 


panions  took  up  their  abode ; and  while  they  formed 
habitations  for  themselves,  they  probably,  as  at  Jar  row, 
repaired  some  part  of  the  church,  or  some  one  of  its 
oratories,  for  public  worship.  Here  this  prior  lived 
with  his  brethren,  “in  humility,  patience,  and  charity; 
affording  an  example  of  virtue  and  piety  to  all  around: 
so  that  in  a short  time  he  collected  a number  of  re- 
spectable men,  who  assumed  the  monastic  habit  as  a 
part  of  his  fraternity.” 

It  is  not  certainly  known  in  what  year  Reinfrid 
settled  at  Whitby  ; but  it  could  not  be  later  than 
1078  ; for  in  that  year  he  was  joined  by  one  Stephen, 
who  afterwards  became  abbot  of  York,  and  is  usually 
called  Stephen  IVhithy,  because  Whitby  was  the 
place  where  he  began  the  monastic  life,  and  perhaps 
the  place  of  his  nativity.  This  Stephen,  who  super- 
seded Reinfrid  in  the  government  of  the  priory,  has 
left  us  a tedious  narrative  of  his  proceedings  at 
Whitby,  and  of  his  removal  to  Lestingham,  and  after- 
wards to  York.  From  this  narrative,  which  is  pub- 
lished in  the  Monasticon,*  we  may  form  some  idea 
of  Stephen’s  character.  He  seems  to  have  been 
another  Wilfrid,  constantly  at  variance  with  his 
neighbours,  ever  striving  for  power  or  for  emolument. 
At  Whitby,  he  was  always  contending  with  the  lord  of 
the  manor;  at  York,  he  was  continually  at  war  with 
the  archbishop.  We  can  see  in  his  story  the  spirit  of 
pride  and  selfishness,  lurking  under  a disgusting 
affectation  of  humility.  The  following  specimen  of 
* I.  p.  383,  &c. 


246 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY, 


his  history,  being  that  part  which  relates  to  Whitby, 
will  enable  the  reader  to  judge  for  himself. 

After  relating  how  Reinfrid,  having  lived  some 
time  at  Jar  row,  removed  from  thence  to  Whitby,  and 
how  he  himself,  with  several  others,  who  heard  of  his 
fame,  entered  his  monastery,  and  submitted  to  his 
discipline,  Stephen  thus  proceeds  with  his  narrative: 
" In  the  course  of  a few  days,  Reinfrid  and  all  the 
congregation,  who  yielded  to  his  advice  and  command, 
laid  upon  me  the  management  of  the  whole  monastery; 
and,  at  length,  I know  not  by  what  judgment  of 
God,  they  chose  me  to  be  over  them,  both  by  the 
command  of  the  king,  and  in  obedience  to  the  vener- 
able archbishops,  Lanfranc  of  Can  ter  bury,  and  Tho- 
mas of  York,  though  I was  very  unwilling  and  long 
reluctant.” 

"Being  thus  elected  abbot,  and  seeing  the  place 
to  be  in  its  infancy,  and  possessed  of  no  worldly  re- 
venues, 1 wished,  by  the  divine  assistance,  to  restore 
it  to  its  former  glory;  but  many  obstacles  arose  in 
my  way,  and  hindered  the  completion  of  my  designs. 
For  one  of  the  king’s  barons,  called  William  de 
Percy,  who  had  given  us  this  place  when  it  was 
desert,  seeing  the  spot  so  greatly  improved,  opposed 
us  both  by  himself  and  by  his  men ; and  repenting  of 
his  good  deed,  he  used  every  method  to  expel  us.  At 
the  same  time,  pirates  from  the  sea,  and  robbers  from 
the  country,  of  whom  there  were  then  great  numbers, 
spreading  themselves  abroad  in  every  direction,  at- 
tacked us,  and  plundered  our  property  ; and  at  last. 


STEPHEN. 


247 


they  assaulted  us  one  night  in  a body,  and  putting  us 
all  to  flight,  they  seized  all  our  goods,  took  every 
thing  away,  and  even  carried  some  of  us  captives  into 
strange  lands.  Being  therefore  sorrowful  even  unto 
death,  and  desiring  by  any  means  to  escape  impend- 
ing ruin,  we  resolved  to  make  known  our  troubles  to 
the  king,  who  in  the  exercise  of  his  clemency,  had 
compassion  on  our  distresses  for  God’s  sake,  and 
shewed  himself  a ready  and  a willing  friend.” 

" Now  there  was  in  the  king’s  own  demesnes, 
not  far  from  Wytteby,  a place  which  is  called  Lest- 
ingham,  then  indeed  vacant,  but  formerly  noted  for 
the  number  and  piety  of  the  monks  who  lived  there. 
This  place  was  given  us  by  the  king,  and  we  began 
to  restore  it  by  degrees,  and  to  erect  such  buildings 
as  were  necessary  for  a habitation  for  monkc  ; that 
neither  the  aforesaid  William  de  Percy,  in  whose 
manor  we  dwelt,  nor  any  others,  might  think  of  op- 
pressing us,  when  they  knew  that  we  had  a convenient 
retreat  under  the  hand  and  power  of  the  king  himself.” 
“ After  these  things,  while  an  opportunity  drew 
nigh,  when  I should  receive  episcopal  ordination  and 
benediction,  as  an  abbot,  it  came  into  my  mind,  that 
I should  go  to  Lestingham,  and  be  consecrated  abbot 
of  that  place  also;  since  a professed  monk  is  subject 
only  to  the  royal  authority.  This  thing  seemed  good 
and  proper  both  to  our  congregation,  and  to  the  king 
himself,  and  to  lord  Thomas  our  archbishop,  as  well 
as  to  all  whom  I consulted  ; and  at  length,  by  God’s 
appointment  and  with  their  consent,  it  was  carried 


24& 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


into  effect.  But  the  often-named  William,  as  he  was 
wont  both  before  and  after,  continued  to  disturb  and 
oppose  us  violently ; and,  as  has  been  said,  he  strove 
by  every  means  to  drive  us  from  his  manor,  where 
our  conventicle  still  abode.  Being  therefore  bowed 
down  with  sorrow,  I was  often  forced  to  go  to  the 
justices  of  the  kingdom,  to  make  known  our  misery 
and  oppression,  and  to  beg  their  assistance  against 
our  oppressors.  This  proving  ineffectual,  I crossed 
the  sea  into  Normandy,  where  the  king  and  William 
de  Percy  then  happened  to  be,  and  I exerted  myself, 
by  entreaties  with  the  king  and  by  every  other  means 
in  my  power,  to  secure  for  us  in  future  the  peace- 
able possession  of  our  property;  and  at  last,  having 
received  a writing  of  peace,  I returned  home,  and  for 
a short,j4ime  obtained  peace  for  us  and  ours.  But 
now  the  hostility  of  W illiam  became  more  violent 
than  ever,  nor  did  he  sutler  us  to  enjoy  any  settled 
peace,  till  he  had  wholly  driven  us  from  Witteby.  In 
short,  being  compelled  by  these  causes,  the  pressure 
of  long  and  accumulating  misfortunes,  and  the  im- 
placable enmity  of  the  often-mentioned  William, 
Wytteby  being  now  taken  from  us  openly  and  un- 
justly, we  retired  by  the  king’s  order*,  to  the  foresaid 
place  called  Lestingeam  ; hoping  to  find  this,  at  least, 
a place  of  rest.  But,  fas  the  way  of  man  is  not  in  his 
own  power,’  almighty  God  disposed  of  us  otherwise, 
and  graciously  provided  better  things,  both  for  our 
bodies  and  for  our  souls  for  ever.” 

Stephen  then  goes  on  to  tell,  how  he  and  his 


STEPHEN. 


249 


fraternity  were  harassed  by  robbers  at  Lestingham 
also;  how  he  made  known  their  case  to  Alan,  earl  of 
Richmond,  of  the  noble  family  of  Bretagne,  with 
whom  he  had  formerly  been  intimate;  how  this  earl, 
taking  compassion  on  them,  gave  him  some  land  at 
York,  where  he  founded  St.  Mary’s  abbey;  and  what 
violent  disputes  he  had  there  with  the  archbishop. 

The  grand  object  of  Stephen,  in  this  narrative, 
is  to  exalt  himself;  and  this  object  he  seeks  to  pro- 
mote, not  only  at  the  expence  of  William  de  Percy 
and  others,  but  at  the  expence  of  truth  itself.  I can 
easily  believe  that  he  was  not  long  in  our  monastery 
till  he  got  himself  placed  at  the  head  of  it;  that  he 
was  not  satisfied  with  the  humble  title  of  prior,  but 
assumed  that  of  abbot;  and  that,  not  content  with 
being  abbot  of  Whitby,  he  wished  to  be  abbot  of 
Lestingham  also:  but  who  will  believe,  that  he  was 
extremely  averse  to  preferment,  and  regarded  it  as  a 
judgment  of  God ; that  the  king  and  the  two  arch- 
bishops procured  his  election  at  Whitby;  that  they 
felt  a similar  interest  in  his  appointment  to  Lesting- 
ham ; and  that  it  was  by  the  king’s  orders  that  he 
finally  removed  thither,  to  avoid  a cruel  persecution  ? 
These,  and  other  improbable  stories  in  the  narrative, 
would  have  led  me  to  reject  the  whole  as  a fable,  had 
not  some  parts  of  it  been  corroborated  by  the  evidence 
of  Domesday.  In  that  invaluable  record,  the  abbot 
of  York,  who  was  this  very  Stephen,  is  mentioned  as 
the  holder  of  one  carucate  of  land  at  Lestingham,  and 
six  at  Spaunton,  with  other  lands  at  Kirkby  and  Dalby, 


S50 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


all  which  he  held  under  Berenger  de  Todeni ; and  the 
holder  also  of  the  lands  of  Prestebi  and  Sourebi,  be- 
longing to  Whitby  and  Sneaton,  which  he  had  of 
William  de  Percy. * The  lands  of  Prestebi,  consisting 
of  two  carucates,  are  obviously  the  same  which  Wil- 
liam d£  Percy  first  gave  to  Reinfrid  and  hk  fraternity, 
as  stated  in  the  memorial;  and  unto  these  had  been 
added  the  lands  of  Sourebi, f consisting  of  four 
carucates. 

By  this  it  appears,  that  though  Stephen  removed 
from  Whitby,  and  from  Lestingham,  he  still  retained 
possession  of  the  lands  which  he  held  as  abbot  of  those 
places.  Indeed  he  never  parted  with  the  lands  at 
Lestingham  ; the  monastery  there  was  abolished,  and 
its  possessions  were  given  by  William  the  conqueror, 
and  Berenger  de  Todeni,  to  St.  Mary’s  abbey.§  But 
the  lands  of  Prestebi  and  Soureby  soon  reverted  to 
the  monastery  of  Whitby,  and  perhaps  at  the  time  of 
the  survey,  Stephen  was  only  the  nominal  holder. 

We  may  easily  perceive  from  Stephen’s  narrative, 
that  his  own  ambition  was  the  chief  cause  of  the  diffe- 
rence between  him  and  William  de  Percy.  He  found 
that  the  monastery  “ had  no  worldly  revenues,  and 
wished  to  restore  it  to  its  ancient  grandeur in  other 
words,  he  wished  to  claim,  as  the  patrimony  of  St. 
Hilda,  the  lands  formerly  belonging  to  it.  These 
lands,  or  at  least  a great  portion  of  them,  belonged 
to  William  de  Percy;  and  though  he  was  willing  to 
bestow  a few  carucates  for  the  support  of  the  monks, 

* Bawd  wen’s  Domesday,  p.  119,  64,  65.  f Supposed  to  be 
Sneaton-Thorp.  § Dugd.  Mftnast,  I.  p.  3S7,  390. 


STEPHEN. 


251 


he  was  not  yet  prepared  to  part  with  the  whole. 
Aware  of  the  intrigues  of  Stephen,  and  observing  him 
to  be  an  ambitious,  designing  man,  Percy  could  not 
but  view  him  with  a jealous  eye,  and  desire  to  get  rid 
of  so  troublesome  a neighbour. 

Amidst  these  quarrels  and  removals,  it  is  hard  to 
say  what  became  of  Reinfrid.  Stephen  takes  no 
further  notice  of  him  ; and  it  is  observable,  that  the 
Whitby  memorial  above-mentioned,  takes  no  notice 
at  all  of  Stephen  ; but  seems  to  intimate,  that  Reinfrid 
continued  to  hold  the  office  of  prior  till  his  death. 

When  several  years  had  elapsed,  he  was  performing 
a journey  on  the  business  of  his  monastery,  and  came 
to  Ormesbricge,  where  workmen  were  making  a 
bridge  over  the  Derwent;  and  leaping  from  his  horse 
to  assist  them,  without  being  on  his  guard,  a beam 
fell  upon  him,  and  his  skull  being  fractured,  he  im- 
mediately expired.  His  little  body*  was  brought  to 
Hachanos,  and  buried  in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Peter 
the  apostle,  in  the  middle  of  the  east  wall,  opposite 
the  altar.” 

As  Reinfrid  was  buried  at  Hackness,  and  as  at 
the  time  of  the  conqueror's  survey  there  were  three 
churches  at  that  place,  and  six  carucates  of  land  be- 
longing to  St.  Hilda,  it  is  probable  that,  during  the 
disputes  between  Stephen  and  William  de  Percy, 
Reinfrid  with  the  more  peaceable  part  of  the  convent 
retired  to  Hackness. f If  the  convent  was  then  at 
Whitby,  it  is  strange  that  his  body  was  not  conveyed 

* “ Corpusculum.” — It  seems  he  was  of  small  statwre.  -j-  See 
General  History,  p.  91,  92.  Domesday,  p.  173. 

KK  2 


252 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


thither,  especially  as  it  was  but  a little  one ; unless 
we  suppose,  which  is  not  improbable,  that  the  church 
of  Whitby  was  not  yet  sufficiently  repaired  to  be 
adapted  for  interment.  The  church  of  St.  Peter  at 
Whitby,  had  been  granted  by  earl  Hugh  to  Reinfrid 
and  his  convent,  along  With  the  church  of  Fleinesburg, 
or  Flambrough,  according  to  a charter  in  the  Whitby 
records  ;*  yet,  it  might  still  be  ruinous,  and  earl 
Hugh,  being  the  proper  lord  of  the  manor,  may  be 
supposed  to  have  the  best  right  to  give  a grant  of  the 
ruins. 

Reinfrid  was  succeeded  in  the  office  of  prior  by 
Serlo  de  Percy,  a brother  of  William  de  Percy ; but 
at  what  time  this  change  occurred  we  have  no  means 
of  ascertaining.  According  to  Simeon  of  Durham, 
Reinfrid  died  before  any  of  his  brethren  settled  at 
York;  and  the  abbot  Stephen  was  still  living  when 
Simeon  wrote  that  passage. f On  the  contrary,  the 
memorial  above-quoted  intimates  that  Reinfrid  was 
prior  for  many  years  § But,  if  he  died  before  Ste- 
phen’s removal  to  York,  his  priorship  could  not  last 
more  than  eight  or  ten  years,  even  including  the  time 

* Fol.  7.  Dugd.  Mon.  p.  73.  The  authenticity  of  this  charter  is 
partly  confirmed  by  Domesday,  where  we  find  (p.  66.)  that  Flane- 
burg,  or  Flambrough,  belonged  to  earl  Hugh;  yet  it  must  be  observed, 
that  no  mention  is  made  of  a church  there.  Independent  of  this  cir- 
cumstance, the  charter  is  a little  suspicious,  both  because  no  notice 
is  afterwards  taken  in  our  records  of  the  church  of  Flambrough,  which 
is  known  to  have  been  given  by  one  Wm.  Fit? -Nigel  to  the  priory  of 
Bridlington;  and  because  the  charter  in  question  has  not  been  among 
those  that  were  first  written  in  the  Whitby  Register,  but  has  after- 
wards been  inserted  in  a different  handwriting  on  a blank  space  that 
had  been  left  at  the  bottom  of  a page.  In  regard  to  the  antiquity  of 
the  name  Flambrough,  see  Gen.  History,  p.  20.  Note.  f Sim. 
Dunelm.  c.  57.  § Transacts  igitur  plurimis  annorum  curriculis,  & c. 


SERLO. 


253 


in  which  he  was  superseded  by  Stephen  ; for  the  latter 
was  abbot  of  York  previous  to  the  completion  of 
Domesday  in  1086.  Were  we  to  suppose,  with 
Charlton,*  that  the  charter  of  king  William,  in  the 
47th  leaf  of  the  Whitby  register,  is  a charter  of  the 
conqueror,  then  Serlo  must  have  been  prior  before 
the  year  1087  : but  that  charter,  compared  with  other 
authentic  documents,  contains  intrinsic  evidence,  that 
it  was  obtained  after  the  possessions  of  the  monastery 
were  far  more  considerable  than  they  were  in  the 
conqueror’s  reign,  and  that  it  must  therefore  have 
been  given  by  William  Rufus.  It  is  true,  that  in 
another  memorial  in  our  records,f  the  gift  of  Whitby 
Strand  to  the  monastery  is  placed  in  the  reign  of  the 
conqueror:  but  that  writing  is  obviously  incorrect; 
for,  it  was  not  by  William  de  Percy,  but  by  his  son 
Alan,  that  Whitby  Strand  was  granted  to  the  monas- 
tery ; and,  though  William  granted  some  part  of  that 
benefaction,  his  charter  was  not  given  till  the  reign 
of  William  Rufus. § 

As  the  time  when  Serlo  became  prior  is  uncer- 
tain, as  well  as  the  time  when  he  first  assumed  the 
religious  habit,  so  we  are  no  less  in  the  dark  respect- 
ing the  period  of  his  death.  Some  transactions, 
however,  which  occurred  during  his  priorship,  are 
recorded  in  another  of  our  memorials,^  of  which  the 
following  is  a literal  translation  : 

“ In  the  time  of  AYilliam  II  king  of  England,  son 
of  William  the  bastard  king  of  England,  there  arose 

* P.  56.  f Pol.  129.  Monast.  I.  p.  72.  § Fol.  8.  Monast.  I. 

p.  72.  £ Ibid.  p.  414. 


254  HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY, 

to  the  monastery  of  Whiteby,  and  to  Serlo  the  prior, 
and  to  the  brethren  of  the  same  place,  great  tribula- 
tion, and  distress,  and  persecution,  such  as  they  had 
in  past  years,  in  the  days  of  Rainfrid  our  prior  of 
Whitby.  For  there  came  robbers  and  plunderers,  by 
day  and  by  night,  from  the  woods  and  from  the 
hiding-places  where  they  lurked,  and  plundered  all 
their  substance,  and  laid  waste  that  holy  place.  In 
like  manner,  pirates  also  came  and  wasted  that  place, 
as  they  had  compassion  on  none.  For  which  cause, 
Serlo  the  prior,  and  the  monks  of  Whitby,  shewed 
William  de  Percy  their  calamity  and  misery,  and 
begged  him  to  give  them  a place  of  abode  at  Hackenas; 
and  he  gave  them  the  church  of  St.  Mary  of  Hacke- 
nas,  that  they  might  build  a monastery  there  ; because 
in  the  same  town  St.  Hilda  the  abbess  had  built  a 
monastery.  He  also  willingly  granted  their  petition, 
that,  when  peace  was  procured,  they  might  return 
again  to  Whitby,  to  the  aforesaid  monastery.  They 
began,  therefore,  to  build  a monastery  at  the  afore- 
said church  of  St.  Mary  ; and  there  they  remained 
some  time,  and  led  a very  religious  life.  Afterwards 
there  arose  a great  strife  between  the  said  two  bro- 
thers, William  de  Percy,  and  Serlo  de  Percy  his 
brother,  the  prior  of  Whitby;  because  William  de 
Percy  bad  given  the  towns  of  Scaxby  and  of  Everley 
to  Ralph  de  Everley,  his  esquire,  who  had  served  him 
many  years.  Then  William  de  Percy  wished  to  take 
away  fiom  Serlo  his  brother,  all  the  lands  and  towns 
which  he  had  given  to  the  said  monastery  of  W hiteby 


.HACKNESS  RESTORED. 


235 


W1  ten  Serlo  the  prior  learned  this,  he  came  in  haste 
to  William  king  of  England  ; because  he  was  his 
friend  and  most  loving  companion,  when  they  were 
young  soldiers,  in  the  house  and  at  the  court  of  king 
William  his  father;  and  he  shewed  him  all  these 
things.  And  king  William  charged  and  commanded 
'William  de  Percy,  to  keep  the  peace  strictly,  and  in 
all  respects,  with  his  brother  Serlo,  prior  of  Whilby 
and  of  Hackenas,  and  with  the  monks  serving  God 
there,  and  to  give  them  no  further  molestation.  But 
Serlo  the  prior,  wishing  to  withdraw  himself  from  his 
brother  William  de  Percy,  and,  to  reside  in  the  de- 
mesnes of  his  lord  the  king,  that  his  brother  might  no 
more  injure  and  insult  him,  begged  king  William,  to 
give  him  and  his  monks,  for  a perpetual  alms,  six 
carucates  of  land,  that  were  in  his  domain,  two  in 
Hackenas,  and  four  in  Northfield,  with  their  appur- 
tenances.”* 

From  this  paper  it  would  appear,  tlratthe  reflec- 
tions which  Stephen  made  on  William  de  Percy  were 
not  altogether  groundless;  unless  we  suppose  that 
Serlo  discovered  the  same  temper  as  Stephen,  and  by 
this  means  provoked  his  brother’s  resentment.  It  is 
remarkable,  that  here  again  our  records  take  no 
notice  of  Stephen,  but  refer  the  calamities  which  he 

* The  memorial  closes  with  a latiu  couplet  iti  the  sty  lc  of  that  age: 
“ Gliscens  ultorem  regi  fert  Serlo  merorem 
In  fuudatorem  sumeus  huuc  posteriorem.” 

These  barbarous  lines  are  rather  obscure — They  may  mean; “ Seeking 
a protestor  against  the  fouuder  [of  the  monastery],  Serlo  brings  his 
complaint  to  the  king;  having  recourse  to  him  as  his  last  refuge:”  or 
they  may  he  rendered;  “Seeking  a protector,  Serlo  brings  his  com- 
plaint to  the  king,  taking  him  fora  second  founder  [of  the  monastery.]” 


256 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


describes,  to  the  days  of  Rainfrid  the  prior.  Those 
calamities,  which  were  now  repeated,  furnish  a proof 
of  the  unhappy  slate  of  the  country  at  that  period ; 
when  robbers  and  pirates  swarmed  in  every  quarter, 
and,  bidding  defiance  to  the  laws,  committed  the 
most  daring  crimes. 

Domesday  gives  us  much  assistance  for  under- 
standing the  transactions  here  recorded.  At  the  time 
of  the  survey.  Hack  ness,  Suffield,  and  Everley  were 
in  the  lordship  of  William  de  Percy,  and  contained  in 
all  eight  carucates.  Of  those  carucates,  however,  two 
were  in  the  soke  of  Walsgrave,  which  was  a royal 
manor;  and  of  course  belonged  to  the  king,  though 
William  de  Percy  seems  to  have  then  occupied  them. 
The  other  six  carucates  are  called  the  land  of  St. 
Hilda,  that  is,  of  St.  Hilda’s  monastery;  in  the  same 
manner  as  the  lands  of  the  church  of  York  are  called 
in  Domesday  the  lands  of  St.  Peter,  and  those  of  the 
church  of  Durham  the  lands  of  St.  Cuthbert.  Hence 
it  is  obvious,  that  previous  to  the  survey,  William  de 
Percy  had  not  only  given  our  monastery  six  carucates 
of  land  in  Presteby  and  Soureby,  near  Whitby,  but 
also  the  same  number  of  carucates  at  Hackness,  Suf- 
field, and  Everley.  Now,  however,  he  recalled  a 
part  of  this  grant;  and  gave,  out  of  these  six  caru- 
cates, the  towns  of  Everley  and  Scaxby  to  Ralph  his 
esquire.  Scaxby  must  be  the  name  of  some  small 
village,  or  farm,  near  Everley;  and  cannot  be  a mis- 
take for  Stakesby  (then  called  Staxeby ) ; for  the  latter 
was  not  given  to  the  monastery  till  some  years  after 


HACKNESS  RESTORED. 


257 


(his  period.  The  lands  which  Serlo  begged  of  the 
king,  consisted  of  the  two  carucates  above-mentioned, 
which,  though  lying  in  Hack  ness,  were  in  the  soke  of 
the  royal  manor  of  Walsgrave ; and  four  carucates  in 
Northfield,  which  was  a royal  berewick  : and  it  ap- 
pears from  the  charter  of  William  Rufus,  that  he  not 
only  granted  those  six  carucates,  but  added  other  two 
in  Burniston,  another  appendage  to  Walsgrave.* 

Of  the  lands  of  Everley,  a part  only  was  given 
by  lord  William  to  his  friend  Ralph,  whose  family 
from  that  time  had  the  name  De  Everley.  The  grant 
made  to  him  was  never  recalled;  yet  William  made 
ample  amends  for  the  alienation,  by  his  subsequent 
grants  to  Serlo  and  the  monastery. 

From  this  memorial  we  may  infer,  that  if  the 
convent  retired  to  Hackness  in  the  time  of  Reinfrid, 
it  soon  returned  to  Whitby.  The  residence  of  Serlo 
at  Hackness  was  also  temporary;  for  we  learn  from 
other  documents,  that  he  and  his  convent  afterwards 
resided  at  Whitby  ; where  he  seems  to  have  died  soon 
after  the  year  1100.  Yet  Hackness  was  not  wholly  de- 
serted, but  became  a cell  to  the  monastery  of  Whitby. 

Serlo  was  succeeded  by  his  nephew,  William  de 
Percy,  who  obtained  the  title  of  abbot.  Under  him 
our  monastery  became  great  and  flourishing. — And 
now,  having  thus  far  traced  its  progress,  it  is  not  my 
design  in  the  sequel,  to  place  every  thing  in  chrono- 
logical order,  but  to  give  a short  account  of  the  suc- 
cession of  abbots,  and  then  present  the  reader  with  a 
view  of  different  interesting  subjects,  relating  to  the 

monastery,  arranged  under  their  proper  heads. 

* Domesday,  p.  10,  173.  Charlton,  p,  58. 

LL 


258 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


CHAP.  VIII. 

WILLIAM  THE  ABBOT NICHOLAS — BENEDICT AND  THEIR 

SUCCESSORS,  UNTO  THE  DISSOLUTION  OF  THE  MONASTERY. 


WILLIAM,  the  first  abbot  of  Whitby,  was  of 
the  noble  family  of  Percy.  His  uncle  of  the  same 
name,  who  was  the  head  of  the  family,  engaged  in 
the  memorable  crusade,  in  1096  and  1097,  under 
Robert  duke  of  Normandy,  brother  to  William  Rufus  ; 
and,  like  the  greater  part  of  the  crusaders,  he  never 
returned  from  that  mad  expedition ; for  he  died  near 
Jerusalem,  at  a place  called  Mount-Joy,  where  he 
was  honourably  interred.*  Besides  his  brother  Serlo 
the  prior,  he  must  have  had  another  brother,  who  was 
father  to  William  the  abbot ; but  the  name  of  that 
brother  is  not  recorded. 

* Registrum  Whitbiense,  Fol.  139. — The  family  name  Percy 
is  derived  from  a town  so  called  in  the  Lower  Normandy,  where  the 
original  seat  of  the  Percies  was,  and  where  a branch  of  them  still  re- 
mains. Ridpath’s  Hist.  p.  70.  Note.  The  first  William  de  Percy  was 
surnamed  Asgernuns,  Algernuns,  or  Ohtlegernuns,  which  some 
render  With  the  Whiskers,  while  others  translate  it  With  the  clear 
eyes.  His  wife  was  called  Emma  de  Port.  Charlton’s  conceit  that  she 
derived  her  name  from  the  Port  of  Whitby,  is  scarcely  worth  noticing. 
The  family  of  De  Port,  to  which  she  belonged,  was  an  illustrious 
Norman  family  of  that  age.  Dugd.  Baronage,  I.  p.  463,  465.  The 
idea  that  Sneatou  was  the  chief  residence  of  the  Percy  family  is 
equally  groundless.  They  might  have  a manor  house  in  that  place, 
®r  at  Whitby,  which  they  might  occasionally  visit,  and  a branch  of 
the  family  lived  there  about  the  year  1300;  but  their  chief  seats  were 
at  Topcliff  and  Spofforth.  Dugd.  Baron.  I,  p.  269,  270. 


SUCCESSION  OF  ABBOTS. 


239 


At  what  time  William  tie  Percy  assumed  the 
religious  habit,  or  when  he  was  appointed  abbot  of 
Whitby,  is  not  known ; but,  from  a memorial  in  our 
records,*  we  find  that  he  was  abbot  in  1109.  He 
governed  our  monastery  for  about  twenty  years,  if 
not  more ; and  during  that  period  the  wealth  of  the 
establishment  rapidly  increased,  through  the  liberality 
of  his  cousin  Alan  de  Percy,  son  and  successor  of  his 
uncle  William,  and  that  of  the  other  branches  of  that 
numerous  and  flourishing  family.  It  was  in  the  time 
of  the  abbot  William,  that  the  whole  of  Whitby  Strand 
became  the  property  of  the  monastery ; a part  of  it 
had  been  previously  granted  to  Serlo  and  his  convent. 

William  was  succeeded  by  Nicholas ; who  must 
have  entered  on  the  office  of  abbot  previous  to  the 
year  1129:  for,  through  the  influence  of  Thurstan 
archbishop  of  York,  he  obtained  from  pope  Honorius 
II,  who  died  in  the  month  of  June  in  that  year,  a 
bull  to  confirm  the  possessions  and  privileges  granted 
to  the  abbey  ; and,  as  that  bull  is  dated  in  Decem- 
ber^ it  must  have  been  granted  in  the  year  1 128,  at 
the  latest.  He  appears  to  have  governed  the  monas- 
tery about  ten  or  twelve  years ; during  which  time  its 
possessions  were  still  increasing. 

The  third  abbot  of  Whitby  was  Benedict.  He 
presided  in  our  monastery,  at  the  time  when  Roger 
Hoveden  wrote  the  passage  relating  to  its  revival.§ 
He  obtained  a bull  from  pope  Eugenius  III.  in  favour 
of  his  abbey,  more  full  and  particular  than  that  of 

* Fol.  136.  f Fol.  31.  § Nunc  Withebi  appellatur, —hodie 

habet  Benedictum  abbatem.  Annal.  P.  I. 

LL  2 


260 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


Honorius.*  Charlton  calls  him  & foreign  ecclesia$tic,f 
Ibut  upon  what  authority  I have  not  discovered.  It  is 
more  certain  that,  owing  to  some  disturbance  in  the 
monastery,  he  was  compelled,  after  some  years,  to 
relinquish  his  charge.  The  following  memorial  in  our 
records§  furnishes  an  account  of  his  resignation,  with 
some  interesting  particulars  relating  to  his  successor, 
and  to  the  affairs  of  the  abbey  at  that  period  : 

“In  the  year  of  our  Lord  M.c.xl.viii.  Benedict, 
abbot  of  the  monastery  of  St.  Peter  the  apostle  and 
St.  Hylda  the  abbess  at  Witebi,  unable  to  bear  the 
troubles  that  were  brought  on  him  by  some  of  his 
adversaries,  voluntarily  resigned  his  office,  with  the 
consent  of  the  whole  convent,  in  a chapter  held  at 
Beverley,  in  the  presence  of  lord  Henry,  archbishop 
of  York.  Yet  the  same  Benedict,  with  the  consent 
of  the  whole  chapter,  continued  in  the  church  of  All- 
Saints,  in  Fischergate  at  York.*  Then  the  monks 

* Reg.  Whitb.  fol.  31.  f P-  96.  According  to  Charlton,  he 
succeeded  Nicholas  in  1139;  but  I do  not  find  sufficient  data  for  fixing 
the  precise  year.  § Fol.  141.  J On  the  top  of  the  page  where 
these  transactions  are  recorded,  (fol.  141.)  we  have  the  questions 
usually  put  to  the  abbot  at  his  ordination,  which  will  be  afterwards 
noticed  particularly.  One  of  those  questions  relates  to  the  care  of 
church  property,  both  in  recovering  what  had  been  lost,  aad  preserv- 
ing what  remained.  Hence  Charlton,  imagining  that  those  questions 
were  only  put  to  Benedict’s  successor,  accuses  that  abbot  of  “squan- 
dering away  the  abbey  revenues,”  and  “ heaping  favours  on  his  three 
nephews,  Richard,  Hugh,  and  Benedict.”  P.  110.  But  this  reflec- 
tion on  Benedict  appears  to  have  no  foundation.  The  possessions  of 
the  monastery,  so  far  from  being  injured  under  his  government,  were 
considerably  increased;  and  it  is  clearly  implied  in  the  memorial,  that, 
whatever  may  have  been  the  origin  of  his  troubles,  he  had  suffered 
unmerited  persecution.  Among  the  witnesses  to  the  charter  of  Thor- 
fine,  (fol.  96.)  granting  the  church  of  Crossby  Ravensworth  to  our 
abbey,  we  find  “Richard,  a deacon;  Hugh,  a Clergyman,  and 
Benedict,  nephews  to  the  abbot  Benedict:”  but  the  first  does  not 
appear  to  be  of  the  number  of  the  nephews,  and  we  have  no  account 
whatever  of  any  favours  heaped  on  any  one  of  them. 


SUCCESSION  OF  ABBOTS. 


261 


of  Witebi,  being  at  a loss  whom  to  choose  for  their 
abbot,  came  to  their  archbishop  Henry  Murdac,  to 
obtain  his  advice  and  assistance.  He  answered  them, 
that  he  would  not  permit  them  to  elect,  nor  to  have, 
any  other  abbot,  besides  Mr.  Benedict,  unless  the 
whole  convent  would  submit  to  bis  counsel,  and  choose 
one  of  three  persons  whom  he  should  nominate  to 
them  : viz.  Mr.  Thomas  the  grammarian,  a monk  of 
the  monastery  of  St.  Alban’s,  his  own  nephew;  Mr. 
Richard,  prior  of  the  monastery  of  St.  Peter  of 
Burgh ; and  Mr.  German,  prior  of  the  monastery  of 
St.  Oswine  the  king,  of  Tinemue  [Tynemouth],  who 
was  afterwards  made  abbot  of  Selebi  [Selby].  The 
brethren  of  Witebi,  after  consulting  their  friends,  re- 
gularly elected,  for  their  abbot,  the  prior  Richard  ; 
because  they  had  learned,  that  he  was  a very  prudent 
man,  and  was  of  noble  extraction.  They  sent,  there- 
fore, to  the  monastery  of  Burgh,  Walter  their  prior,* 
and  Mr.  Martin  a monk,  respectable  men,  who  from 
youth  to  old  age  had  spent  their  life  in  the  service  of 
their  monastery.  The  brethren  of  Burgh  received 
them  honourably,  on  St.  Dunstan’s  day,  which  wTas 
on  the  octaves  of  the  Ascension  ; for  in  the  same  year 
both  these  festivals  fell  on  one  day.  The  monks  of 
Burgh,  unwilling  to  lose  the  company  of  their  prior, 
would  scarcely  consent  to  his  promotion  : but  at  length, 
on  the  second  day  of  pentecost  [whit-monday],  he 
was  honourably  dismissed  by  his  abbot  and  convent, 
with  his  attendants,  and  with  the  two  monks  above- 

* Osbert  was  prior  during  the  first  part  of  Benedict’s  time,  Reg 
Whitb.  f.  9,  96.  Mr.  Martin  was  the  cellarist,  Ibid.  f.  16,  55. 


262 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


named.  At  York,  they  were  introduced  to  Stephen, 
king  of  England,  by  whom  they  were  graciously  re- 
ceived; and  when  the  king  heard  of  Mr.  Richard's 
being  elected  by  the  monks  of  Witebi,  and  of  the 
character  of  the  man  himself,  he  was  made  abbot 
of  Witebi  by  his  orders,  and  the  king  received  his 
homage.”* 

"Mr.  Richard,  the  abbot,  entered  the  monastery 
of  Whitebi  committed  to  him,  on  the  first  Sunday  after 
the  octaves  of  pentecost,  being  the  nones  of  June.f 
There  were  then  in  the  same  monastery  xxxvi  monks, 
who  received  him  honourably,  and  congratulated  him 
in  the  Lord.  In  what  manner  he  lived,  how  he  im- 
proved the  house  of  the  Lord,  in  adding  to  its  reve- 
nues, and  buildings,  and  churches,  and  possessions; 
how  kind,  how  humble,  how  bountiful,  how  discreet, 
how  merciful  he  was,  I am  wholly  unable  to  tell.  At 
length,  having  spent  xxvi  years,  vii  months,  and  fif- 
teen days,  in  his  pastoral  charge,  he  arrived  after  long 
and  great  afflictions,  at  the  period  of  his  dissolution  ; 
when,  having  received,  after  cockcrowing,  the  sacred 
viaticum  of  the  holy  communion,  at  break  of  day, 
while  there  stood  by  him  Mr.  Thomas  the  prior  and 
the  rest  of  the  brethren,  whom,  like  a pious  father, 
he  had  cherished,  taught,  and  regulated,  he  slept 
with  his  fathers,  on  the  kalends  of  January^  in  the 
year  of  our  Lord  m.c.Ixxv.  and  was  buried,  on  the 

* Here,  as  in  some  other  passages,  Charlton  takes  an  unwar- 
rantable liberty  with  the  memorial,  by  inserting  an  account  of  Richard’s 
ordination,  and  putting  into  the  archbishop’s  mouth  the  questions  which 
I have  mentioned  in  a former  note.  T That  is,  the  oth  day  of  June. 
§ The  1st  of  January. 


SUCCESSION  OF  ABBOTS. 


263 


fourth  day,  by  the  same  brethren,  in  the  chapter- 
house  which  he  himself  had  built,  near  to  lord  abbot 
William.*” 

“ He  left  in  the  same  monastery  xxxviii  monks, 
whose  names  are  these:  Thomas  (he  prior,  Ralph  i, 
Martin,  Aschetine,  Richard  i,  Bartholomew,  Wil- 
liam i,  Gregory,  William  ii,  Walter  i,  Constantine, 
Maurice,  Odo,  Alexander,  Ralph  ii,  Richard  ii, 
Robert,  William  iii,  Hervey,  Geoffrey  i,  Walter  ii, 
John  i,  Henry,  Roger,  Peter,  Hugh,  Thomas  ii, 
Geoffrey  ii,  Henry  ii,  Nicholas,  Adam,  John  ii, 
Ralph  iii,  Ralph  iiii,  Eve  raid,  Reginald,  Rannulf, 
Michael.” 

In  the  second  year  after  the  death  of  the  abbot 
Richard,  Mr.  Richard  prior  of  Kirchebi,f  a monk  of 
the  monastery  of  St.  Nicholas  of  Angiers,  was  chosen 
abbot  of  Witebi ; and  he  entered  the  said  monastery 
committed  to  him,  on  the  day  of  the  passion  of  the 
apostles  Peter  and  Paul.§  There  were  then  in  the 
same  monastery  thirty-eight  monks,  who  received  him 
honourably  ; on  whom  may  the  Lord  bestow  his  grace, 
that  they  may  reign  with  him  for  ever.  Amen.” 

From  the  close  of  this  curious  record,  we  per- 
ceive that  it  was  written  soon  after  the  accession  of 
this  second  Richard,  in  the  year  1176.  Had  the 
monks,  at  other  periods,  been  as  particular  in  re- 
cording their  transactions,  the  history  of  the  monastery 

* Either  the  chapter-house  had  been  built  near  William’s  grave, 
or  the  remains  of  that  abbot  had  been  deposited  in  the  building  after 
its  erection,  and  those  of  the  abbot  Richard  placed  beside  them, 
•f  Monks  Kirkby,  in  Warwickshire,  a cell  to  the  monastery  of  St. 
Nicholas  of  Angiers.  See  Tanner’s  Notitia,  p.  569.  § June  29Un 


264 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


would  not  have  been  attended  with  so  much  uncer- 
tainty, and  would  not  have  required  such  close 
investigation. 

One  event,  however,  in  the  life  of  the  first 
Richard,  is  omitted  in  this  memorial,  which  it  would 
not  be  proper  to  pass  over.  During  his  time,  the 
king  of  Norway  entered  the  port  of  Whitby  with 
many  ships,  ransacked  the  goods  of  the  monks,  laid 
waste  every  thing,  both  within  doors  and  without  ; 
and,  though  he  shed  no  blood,  yet  he  carried  off  with 
him  whatever  he  could  find  : so  that  they  who,  by  the 
management  of  their  abbot,  had  grown  very  rich, 
now  became  very  poor;  the  rapacious  Norwegians 
having  left  them  nothing.* 

Richard  II,  surnamed  De  Waterville,  was  the 
abbot  who  gave  the  town  of  Whitby  a charter,  erect- 
ing it  into  a free  burgh  ; but  this  charter  was  rendered 
void,  in  the  time  of  Peter  his  successor,  through  the 
jealousy  of  the  monks  and  venality  of  the  court;  as 
will  be  noticed  more  fully  ?n  the  following  Book. 

Peter,  the  sixth  abbot,  succeeded  Richard  pre- 
vious to  the  year  1190.f  He  appears  to  have  died  in 
1211  ; when  king  John,  who  was  vainly  attempting 
to  throw  off  the  papal  yoke,  took  possession  of  our 
abbey  with  its  revenues,  and  it  remained  in  his  hands, 
without  an  abbot,  for  three  years. § At  the  end  of 
that  period,  Nicholas  the  pope’s  legate,  after  his 

* Lei.  Coll.  I.  p.  17.  From  this  passage  we  also  learn,  that 
Martin  was  abbot  of  Burgh,  when  Richard  was  prior  there.  Burgh 
was  afterwards  called  Peterborough : it  is  in  Northamptonshire, 
f Burton’s  Monasticon,  p.  80.  Charlton,  p.  147.  § Reg.  AYhitfe 

f.  10,  11,  &c.  Charlton,  p.  155,  156,  &c. 


SUCCESSION  OF  ABBOTS. 


265 


master  had  triumphed  over  the  weak  monarch,  ap- 
pointed John  de  Evesham  to  be  abbot  of  Whitby  ;* 
and  he  held  the  office  till  the  year  1222. f The  eighth 
abbot  of  Whitby  was  Roger  de  Scarborough,  who  is 
said  to  have  spent  some  of  his  younger  years  in  the 
cell  at  Middleburgh.  In  his  time  the  abbey  received 
a great  accession  of  territory  and  wealth,  and  was  then 
in  the  zenith  of  its  grandeur.  He  died  in  1244.§ 

Of  the  abbots  who  succeeded  Roger,  nothing 
memorable  is  recorded,  except  what  may  be  intro- 
duced with  propriety  in  the  following  chapters.  A 
list  of  those  abbots  is  subjoined  in  the  note.  || 

* An  abbey -warden,  appointed  by  the  king,  had  superintended 
the  monastery  during  the  vacancy.  Fol.  68.  f Charlton,  p.  158 — 169. 
Reg.  Whitb.  passim.  This  abbot  is  omitted,  both  in  Burton’s  Mo- 
nasticon,  and  in  the  appendix  to  Tanner.  § Reg.  Whitb.  passim. 
Charlton  p.  169 — 203.  Our  historian  represents  him  as  a man  of 
singular  talents  and  respectability  ; but  upon  what  authority  I have 
not  found.  |]  John  de  Steyngreve,  who  died  in  1258  ; William  de 
Briniston,  who  died  in  1265  ; Robert  de  Langtoft,  who  was  the  first 
abbot  of  Whitby  summoned  up  to  Parliament,  and  died  in  1278 ; 
William  de  Kirkham,  who  died  in  1304 ; Thomas  de  Malton,  who 
resigned  in  1322,  on  account  of  his  age  and  infirmities;  Thomas  de 
Hawkesgarth,  a monk  of  Whitbyr,  who,  like  his  predecessor,  resigned 
in  his  old  age,  in  1352;  William  de  Burton,  also  a monk  of  Whitby, 
who  was  elected  in  1355,  and  died  in  1374;  John  de  Richmond,  another 
monk  of  Whitby,  who  died  in  1393 ; Peter  de  Hertilpole,  a monk, 
of  Whitby,  and  bursar  or  treasurer  of  the  abbey,  who  died  in  1394 ; 
Thomas  de  Bolton,  who  died  in  1413  ; John  de  Skelton,  who  died  in 
1437 ; Dr.  Hugh  Elerton,  who  died  in  1462  ; Thomas  Pickering, 
who  died  in  1475;  William  Colson,  who  died  in  1499;  John  Lovel, 
a monk  of  Whitby,  who  died  in  1501 ; William  de  Evesham,  who  died 
in  1505;  John  Benestede,  who  died  in  1514;  Thomas  Bydnell,  who 
died  in  1516 ; John  Whitby,  a native  of  this  place,  who  died  next 
year;  Thomas  York,  presbyter  of  Myton,  who  died  in  1527;  John 
Topcliffe,  alias  Hexham,  a native  of  Topcliffe,  and  canon  of  the  priory 
of  Hexham,  who,  amidst  the  troubles  preceding  the  dissolution  of  the 
monastery,  resigned  his  office,  in  1538 ; and  Henry  de  Vail,  the 
prior  of  Whitby,  succeeding  him,  was  the  last  of  the  abbots  : he  sur- 
rendered the  monastery,  Dec.  14,  1540.  See  Burton’s  Monast.  p.  80. 
Appendix  to  Tanner’s  Notitia,  last  page.  Charlton,  p.  203,  208,  &c. 

MM 


266 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY, 


CH/\P.  IX. 

POSSESSIONS,  PRIVILEGES,  AND  IMMUNITIES  OF  THE 
MONASTERY.  ITS  REVENUES  TEMPORAL  AND  SPIRITUAL. 
MANAGEMENT  OF  ITS  PROPERTY. 


THE  territory  of  the  ancient  monastery  of 
Streoneshalh  was  of  great  extent ; but,  where  its 
boundaries  were  fixed,  and  what  were  the  revenues 
which  it  yielded,  cannot  be  ascertained.  We  are  not 
left  in  the  same  uncertainty  in  regard  to  the  abbey  of 
Whitby  that  succeeded  it;  for  the  possessions  of  the 
latter  are  well  known  from  authentic  documents  still 
extant. 

The  principal  source  of  our  information  on  this 
subject,  is  the  book  which  has  been  already  quoted 
under  the  name  of  the  Whitby  Register  or  Records, 
and  which  is  sometimes  called  The  Abbot’s  Book  * It 
is  a small  folio  volume  containing  1441eavesf  of  vellum, 
with  an  appendix  of  strong  paper,  the  leaves  of  which 
are  not  numbered.  It  is  strongly  bound  in  oak  boards; 
and  has  a clasp  of  a very  simple  construction : one 
end  of  a strap  of  leather  is  fixed  on  the  outside  of  the 
one  board,  and  the  other  end,  being  perforated  at 

* In  the  possession  of  Mrs.  Katherine  Cholmley  of  Howsham, 
lady  of  the  manor  of  Whitby  ; through  whose  goodness  I have  been 
repeatedly  allowed  to  consult  the  book,  and  to  make  extracts,  f The 
highest  number  is  only  143,  two  of  the  leaves  having  been  marked  20. 


ABBOT’S  BOOK. 


267 


different  distances,  is  fastened  by  means  of  one  of  its 
holes,  to  a brass  tack  on  the  outside  of  the  other 
board.*  In  this  volume,  which  is  in  good  preserva- 
tion, are  recorded  almost  all  the  charters  and  securi- 
ties for  the  estates  of  the  abbey,  with  a variety  of 
memorials  and  other  interesting’  papers.  The  greater 
part  of  it  is  beautifully  written,  with  the  initial  capitals 
illuminated,  or  painted.  About  70  leaves  have  been 
written  in  one  hand,  beginning  with  the  charter  of 
the  first  William  de  Percy,  in  the  leaf  marked  8 :f 
the  remainder,  including  the  blank  leaves  left  at  the 
beginning,  have  been  filled  up  at  various  times,  and 
in  different  hands.  The  seven  leaves  immediately  pre- 
ceding the  one  marked  8,  have  been  filled  up  before 
the  leaves  were  numbered,  and  are  chiefly  occupied 
with  small  charters.  Six  blank  leaves  still  remained 
in  the  front  of  the  book.  Of  these,  the  two  next  be- 
fore that  marked  1,  contain  an  ancient  index  to  the 
volume:  in  the  other  four  we  find  a catalogue  of  the 
library,  a long  memorial  of  the  founding  of  the  abbey 
and  of  its  possessions,  a copy  of  the  questions  put  to 
the  abbot  at  his  consecration,  and  the  memorial  re- 
specting Benedict  and  his  successors,  formerly  quoted. § 

* In  the  east  window  of  St.  Peter’s  church  at  Barton-upon- 
Huniber,  is  a representation,  in  painted  glass,  of  Henry  lord  Beaumont, 
habited  as  a pilgrim,  bearing  in  his  left  hand  a book  which  is  fastened 
by  a clasp  of  the  same  kind.  He  lived  about  the  year  1296.  His 
portrait,  taken  from  the  painted  glass,  has  been  beautifully  engraved 
by  Mr.  William  Fowler  of  Winterton.  y That  this  has  been  originally 
intended  to  be  the  first  leaf,  is  obvious,  not  only  from  the  handwriting, 
but  from  the  following  notice  at  the  top  of  the  leaf : lncipit  transcrip- 
tum  omnium  cartarum  pertinentium  ad  abbaeiam  de  Wyteby — “ Here 
begins  a copy  of  all  the  charters  belonging  to  Wyteby  abbey.”  This 
notice,  like  most  of  the  titles  of  the  charters,  has  been  inserted  in  red 
ink.  § See  p.  260.  The  first  six  leaves,  originally  left  blank,  are 

MM  2 


268 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


The  charters  in  this  valuable  register  are  not  arranged 
in  the  order  of  time;  the  plan  pursued  is,  to  place  to- 
gether the  documents  relating  to  the  same  subject. 
Hence  blanks  have  been  left  in  various  parts,  for  the 
insertion  of  future  charters;  and  some  of  these  blanks 
have  been  filled  up  with  matter  of  a different  descrip- 
tion. A few  of  the  documents  are  left  in  an  imperfect 
state,  and  a great  many  are  repeated  ; especially  in 
the  appendix,  which,  along  with  these  duplicates, 
contains  several  papers  of  a more  recent  date  than 
those  in  the  body  of  the  volume.  After  all,  a number 
of  the  charters  belonging  to  the  abbey  are  not  to  be 
found  in  this  volume  ; for,  besides  charters  that  ap- 
pear to  have  been  lost,  there  are  others  yet  extant  which 
neither  occur  in  the  register,  nor  in  the  appendix.* 
It  may  be  proper  to  add,  that  several  mistakes  have 
been  committed  in  copying  the  charters  into  the  re- 
gister, some  of  which  will  be  noticed  and  corrected  ; 
as  well  as  some  mistakes  in  Charlton’s  translations.  1 
admire  the  patience  of  Charlton  in  translating  nearly 
the  whole  register,  besides  a number  of  other  docu- 
ments ; and  it  is  more  surprising,  that  he  should 

now  numbered  139,  139,  140,  141,  142,  143:  so  that  the  book  begins 
•with  fol.  138,  containing  the  catalogue.  This  is  accounted  for  by  the 
following  curious  notice  on  a blank  leaf  next  the  board  : “ I founde  this 
Booke  figured  137,  and  these  sixe  first  leafes  left  unfigured,  and 
therefore  rather  chuse  to  figure  these  vi  first  leafes  after  the  137 : 
then  to  Blott  out  the  olde  figures  and  refigure  the  Booke  a newe.” 
Whether  this  notice  was  written  by  Dodsworth  or  Dugdale,  or  some 
other  person,  I cannot  say  ; but  the  memorial  is  quoted  in  the  Mo- 
nasticon  according  to  this  numbering.  I.  p.  73. 

* This  book  is  not  the  only  Whitby  Register  : for  we  find  in 
Tanner’s  Notitia  (p.  632),  that  there  was  another  bought  at  a sale 
by  the  earl- of  Kent;  besides  others  consulted  by  Dodsworth. 


POSSESSIONS  AND  PRIVILEGES. 


269 


accomplish  the  task  so  well,  than  that  he  should  oc- 
casionally fall  Into  errors.  Yet  I do  not  mean  to 
follow  his  example,  in  fatiguing'  the  reader  with 
string’s  of  charters  and  memorials : the  most  interest- 
ing  of  those  documents  will  be  inserted  in  the  appen- 
dix, together  with  an  abstract  of  the  remainder.  Here 
it  will  be  sufficient  to  take  a cursory  view  of  the  lands, 
possessions,  and  privileges  of  our  monastery. 

It  is  necessary  further  to  premise,  that  the  quan- 
tity of  land  given  to  the,  monks  cannot  be  exactly 
determined  ; because  the  measures  by  which  their 
lands  are  reckoned  are  very  uncertain.  The  measures 
which  occur  in  the  register  are  perches,  rods,  acres, 
oxgangs,  carucates,  and  knight’s  fees;  to  which  may 
be  added  tofts,  crofts,  and  other  vague  terms.  All 
those  measures  varied  so  considerably,  in  different 
places,  or  even  in  the  same  place,  that  it  would  be 
vain  to  attempt  to  reduce  them  to  any  fixed  standard. 
Even  the  perches,  rods,  and  acres,  cannot  be  pre- 
cisely defined ; much  less  the  higher  denominations. 
Thus  in  the  charter  of  John  of  Ayton,  we  read  of  “o. 
toft  in  Wicham,  16  perches  broad,  and  33  perches 
long,  measured  by  the  perch  of  Martun which 
implies  that  there  were  perches  of  another  standard:* 
and  from  a charter  of  Anfrid  de  Chancy,  it  would 
appear  that,  at  Skirpenbeck,  rods  were  sometimes 
called  perches.-f  Thus  also,  Henry  I gave  to  the 
brethren  in  Godeland  ffone  carucate  of  arable  land, 
according  to  the  carucates  of  Pickering, •”§  which 

* Regist.  f.  56.  Charlton,  p.  162.  f R.  f.  120.  Ch.  p.  121. 
§ Unam  carruccatam  terrae  harandam  secundum  caruccatas  de  phic- 
rinc.  R.  f.  52.  Ch.  p.  75. 


270 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


intimates  that  the  carucates  there  were  not  the  same 
as  in  some  other  places.  The  most  distinct  account, 
in  our  records,  of  the  relative  value  of  oxgangs  and 
carucates,  is  that  which  is  contained  in  a survey  of 
the  abbey  lands  at  Skirpenbeck,  made  in  the  year 
1446  : “ In  this  town,  ten  carucates  make  a knight’s 
fee,  and  eight  or  ten  oxgangs  make  a carucate  of 
land,  and  twelve  acres  make  an  oxgang  of  land.”* 
By  this  it  appears,  that  a carucate,  at  Skirpenbeck, 
contained  from  96  to  120  acres;  but  I suspect  that 
many  of  the  carucates,  mentioned  in  the  register, 
were  much  smaller  : and  indeed  the  passage  implies, 
that  the  measures  at  Skirpenbeck  were  not  the  same 
with  those  made-  use  of  in  Whitby  Strand. f The 
relative  proporti  cm  between  perches,  rods,  and  acres, 
may  be  presumed  to  have  been,  in  general,  much  the 
same  as  in  the  piresent  day. 

The  lands  belonging  to  our  monastery  were  of 
small  extent  in  the  time  of  Reinfrid,  consisting  only 
of  six  carucates  at  Whitby,  and  the  same  number  at 
Heickness:§  but,  in  the  days  of  Serlo,  after  his  recon- 
ciliation with  his  brother  William,  the  latter  made 
some  important  additions  to  the  territory  at  both 
pla.ces ; granting  unto  Serlo  and  the  monks  “the 
towns  of  Wyteby,  and  Stainskar,  and  Neuharn,  and 
Stachesby  with  “Nordfeld,  and  Sudfcld,  Everlaye, 

* R.  f.  133.  Cli.  p.  272.  f Yet  I cannot  subscribe  to  the 
opinion  of  some,  that  the  carucate  was  tiie  same  with  the  oxgang',  or 
borate  : it  is  manifest  from  the  whole  of  our  register,  as  well  as  from 
the  charters  of  other  abbeys,  that  the  bovate  was  much  smaller  than 
the.',  carucate.  § See  p.  250,  256. 


POSSESSIONS  AND  PRIVILEGES. 


271 


and  Brokesay,  and  Tornelaye,”  near  Hackness  ; be- 
sides the  tithes  of  several  of  his  manors,  the  church  of 
Whitby,  two  churches  at  Hackness,  and  the  port  of 
Whitby.*  A much  greater  accession  of  property  was 
acquired  under  the  -abbot  William,  who  purchased 
north  and  south  Fyling,  with  Normanby  and  Havvs- 
ker,  from  Tancred  the  Fleming  ; and  who  obtained 
a charter  from  his  cousin  Alan  de  Percy,  not  only 
confirming  this  purchase,  but  adding  to  it  all  those 
lands  that  were  wanting  to  compleat  the  territory  since 
called  Whitby  Strand.  The  boundaries  of  this  terri- 
tory are  described  in  that  charter,  and  in  many 
others  ; and  they  have  remained  unaltered  from  that 
period  unto  the  present  times.  It  comprehended  the 
port  of  Whitby,  with  the  seacoast  from  thence  to 
Blawych,  a small-creek  near  Peak  allum-works  ; from 
this  creek  the  boundary  proceeded  to  Greendike,  an 
ancient  ditch  or  trench,  crossing  the  moor  beside 
Stoupe  Brow  beacon  nearly  in  a S.  W.  direction  ;f 
from  thence  it  went  on  to  Swinestyshag,  and  to 
Thornley,  including  all  Thornley;  and  to  Kirkley, 
and  Copkeldbrook,  and  thence  along  the  brow  of  the 
hill,  beyond  Thievesdikes,  to  Staincrossgate,  near  the 
town  of  Suffeld;  and  to  Gretahead,  and  to  Elsicroft, 
and  to  the  moss,  as  far  as  the  middle  of  the  moss, 
and  thence  to  the  river  Derwent:  from  thence  the 
boundary  returned  along  the  Derwent  (including  half 
the  stream)  even  to  its  source ; it  then  proceeded  in 
a N.  W.  direction,  along  the  moors,  to  Lillacross, 

* Reg.  f.  8.  Mona&t.  I.  72.  -J-  Tradition  ascribes  this  ditch  to 

lady  Hilda  ; but  it  is  probably  of  a much  older  date. 


272 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


Scotgrainshoues,  and  Silhoue  ;*  from  whence  it  de- 
scended to  Lithebeck,  proceeding  along-  that  stream 
to  where  it  falls  into  the  Esk,  and  then  along  the  Esk 
(including  half  the  river)  to  where  it  receives  Brock- 
holebeck,  a rivulet  which  separates  Whitby  parish 
from  Egton ; ascending  this  rivulet,  it  proceeded 
northward  to  Swart  houecross,  beside  Hilda’s  wTell  ; 
and  from  thence  to  Merhoue,  near  the  corner  of  the 
Horsecroft,  and  to  Thordisa  (the  ancient  name  of 
East  Row  beck,  and  of  a village  which  stood  on  it)  ; 
and,  proceeding  eastward  to  the  sea,  returned  along 
the  shore  to  Whitby.f 

This  extensive  territory  the  monks  of  Whitby 
denominated  their  liberty;  and  their  other  lands 
and  possessions  were  said  to  be  extra  libertatem — 
,,c  w'ithout  the  liberty.”  These  possessions,  acquired 
at  various  times,  were  also  very  considerable.  They 
were  chiefly  situated  near  those  cells  and  churches 
which  belonged  to  the  monastery,  and  which  will  be 
noticed  more  particularly  in  a subsequent  chapter. 
They  had  considerable  estates  at  Middleburgh,  Ayton, 
Ingleby,  Liverton,  llinderwell,  and  other  parts  in 
Cleveland;  and  atllutlon-Bushell,  Cay  ton,  Burniston, 
and  other  places  in  Pickering- Lythe.  Of  their  dis- 
tant possessions,  the  chief  part  lay  at  New  ton  on  the 
Wolds,  Skirpenbeck  near  Stamfordbridge,  Bustard- 
Thorp  near  York,  Crossby-Ravenswarth,  in  West- 
moreland, and  at  lletune  and  Oxnam  near  Jedburgh, 
in  Scotland. 

* The  Sil-houc  is  situated  on  the  whinstone  ridge.  f R.  f.  8, 
&c.  Ch.  p.  G3,  &c. 


POSSESSIONS  AND  PRIVILEGES. 


Besides  grants  of  lands,  with  the  buildings  erected 
on  those  lands,  donations  of  dwelling-houses  were 
frequently  made  to  the  monastery.  Most  of  these 
houses  were  in  the  city  of  York  ; a few  of  them  were 
in  Scarborough,  and  some  in  other  towns. 

In  several  instances,  the  lands  or  houses  granted 
by  charter,  were  not  wholly  alienated  from  their 
original  possessors,  but  merely  burdened  with  an 
annual  rent,  payable  to  the  abbey;  and,  in  some 
cases,  only  a certain  proportion  of  the  rent  was 
allotted  to  the  monks.  Thus  Ace,  the  son  of  Wimund 
of  Lochinton,  nephew  to  the  abbot  William,  granted 
a yearly  revenue  of  3 shillings,  out  of  an  oxgang  of 
land  at  Middleton,  near  Pickering;  and  the  same 
gentleman  granted  half  a carucate  of  land  at  Thou- 
thorp  under  Gautris,  but  in  such  form,  that  Walter 
who  held  that  land  of  him,  should  continue  (and  his 
heirs  after  him,)  to  hold  it  of  the  abbey,  at  the  annual 
rent  of  6 shillings.*  In  like  manner,  Walter  de  Percy 
de  Rugemund  granted  two  carucates  of  land  at  New- 
ton on  the  Wolds,  to  Hervise,  the  son  of  Besing,  and 
his  heirs,  for  an  annual  rent  of  26s.  8d.  to  be  paid  to 

* R.  f.  20,  43,  61,  62,  63.  Ch.  p.  101,  102,  103.— I have 
selected  this  instance,  to  have  an  opportunity  of  correcting  a mistake 
in  the  charters  of  Ace  and  of  Walter,  respecting  this  half  carucate. 
It  is  described  by  Ace  as  that  half  carucate — “ quatn  Walterus  filius 
Roberti  quondam  tenuit  de  me,  ubi  capitate  mallvagium  ejus  est  in 
eadem  villa.”  Charlton  renders  this  last  clause,  which  occurs  also 
in  Walter’s  charter, — “ where  he  had  his  principal  brasier’s  shop 
taking  mallvagium  for  maignagium.  If  mallvagium  or  malwagiuni 
(for  it  may  be  so  read)  is  the  true  reading,  it  would  be  better  to 
translate  it  forge,  or  smith’s  shop,  from  malleus;  or  orchard  from 
malum ; for  it  can  scarcely  be  supposed  that  there  was  any  brasier’s 
shop  at  such  a place  as  Towthorp,  much  less,  that  this  Walter  had 

NN 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


274 

himself,  during  his  life,  and  to  be  paid  to  the  abbey 
of  Whitby  after  his  death,  without  any  addition.* 
Many  of  the  smaller  benefactions,  especially 
money-rents,  were  appropriated  by  the  donors  to  par- 
ticular uses;  of  which  some  instances  will  be  after- 
wards given.  Limitations  of  a different  kind  were 
annexed  unto  others  of  the  grants.  Thus  Robert  of 
Liverton,  along  with  two  oxgangs  of  land  in  Livertun, 
and  one  toft,  gave  the  monks  of  Whitby  the  right  of 
pasturage  in  his  common  ; but  with  this  restriction, 
that  they  should  not  burden  him  and  his  men  with 
putting  on  too  many  cattle,  nor  take  timber  or  pan- 
nage from  his  inclosed  woods,  without  his  leave. f 
Some  of  the  donations  consisted  in  the  homage, 
or  service,  which  small  tenants  performed  for  their 
lands,  in  lieu  of  rent.  Baldwin  of  lrton,  with  his 
wife  and  sons,  gave  six  oxgangs  in  Fieling,  together 
with  the  homage  of  Hugh  Brun,  who  held  that  land 
of  them.§  Everard  de  Ros  restored  those  two  caru- 
cates  in  Burniston,  which  he  held  of  the  abbey;  and 

more  brasier’s  shops  than  one:  but  I strongly  suspect,  that  mallva- 
gium  is  an  error  in  the  Register,  and  that  the  reading  in  the  original 
charter  was  messuagiui * — messuage,  or  dwelling-house.  Such 
phrases  as  capitale  messuagium,  capitate  manerium,  See.  are  not 
uncommon  in  ancient  charters. — From  the  Compotus,  or  Rent-roll  of 
the  abbey,  for  1460,  I find  thatfin  that  year,  which  was  above  300 
years  after  the  grant  of  Ace,  this  rent  of  6 sh.  was  received  from 
Towthorp. 

* R.  f.  54.  Ch.  p.  89.  Yet  it  would  seem,  from  the  Compotus 
for  1396,  and  for  1460,  that  this  rent  was  afterwards  more  than  don- 
bled.  f R.  f.  57.  Ch.  p.  132.  Here  there  is  another  erratum  in 
the  Register,  which  reads  the  restrictive  clause:  “Ita  cum  quod  ni- 
mietate  pecuniae  suae  nec  gravent  me  nec  homines  meos.  &&.”  I can 
make  no  sense  of  the  passage,  without  considering  pecuniae  suae  as  a 
mistake  for  pecudis  suae,  or  pecoris  sui.  § R.  f.  61.  Ch.  p.  141. 


POSSESSIONS  AND  PRIVILEGES, 


275 


also  one  homager  called  Norman  of  Brochessey,  with 
three  oxgangs  of  land,  and  the  same  service  which  he 
had  been  wont  to  perform  for  it.*  John  of  Aton  gave 
to  the  monastery  the  homage  and  service  of  Nichol  of 
Aton  and  his  heirs,  with  the  toft  and  land  which  he 
had  granted  to  Nichol  and  his  heirs,  for  that  homage 
and  service.f  On  the  other  hand,  Hugh  Malet,  when 
he  made  a gift  of  his  lordship  of  Rowelle,  reserved 
the  villanes,  with  their  tenure,  to  himself.§ 

The  villanes  mentioned  in  this  last  charter  ap- 
pear, however,  to  be  of  an  inferior  order  to  the 
homagers  above-named;  for  while  the  homagers , 
such  as  Nichol  of  Aton,  could  possess  property  which 
descended  to  their  heirs,  the  villanes  held  every  thing 
at  the  will  of  their  lord.  They  were  a species  of 
slaves,  attached  to  the  soil ; and  not  only  the  cottages 
in  which  they  dwelt,  and  the  small  parcels  of  land 
which  they  had  for  their  support,  but  their  services, 
their  goods,  their  persons,  and  even  their  children, 
all  belonged  to  the  proprietor,  and  were  at  his  dispo- 
sal. In  some  of  our  charters,  four  classes  of  inferior 
tenants  are  named,  viz.  bondmen,  cottagers,  grass- 
men,  and  herdmen;  [|  but  the  bondmen  were  a kind 
of  homagers  superior  to  villanes,  their  services  being 
limited  by  voluntary  contract.];  Sometimes  villanes 
were  allowed  to  hold  land  to  the  amount  of  two  ox- 
gangs  or  more.  Thus,  William  de  Percy  of  Kildale 
granted,  by  his  charter,  to  the  nunnery  of  Basedale, 

* R.  f.  63.  Ch.  p.  103.  t R-  f.  116.  Ch.  p.  190.  § R.  f. 
13.  Ch.  p.  123.  ||  R.  f.  6,  7.  Ch.  p.  221,  231,  + See  Bawdwea’s 
Domesday,  Glossary,  p.  2,  4,  21. 

HN  2 


276 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


fC  two  oxgangs  of  land  in  the  town  of  Upsale,  with  a 
toft  and  croft,  and  all  their  appurtenances ; namely 
those  [oxgangs]  which  Stephen,  the  son  of  Usting, 
held;”  and  gave  them  also  “the  same  Stephen,  the 
son  of  Usting,  with  his  goods,  and  all  his  offspring, 
without  any  reserve.”*  In  one  of  the  grants  to  cur 
abbey,  we  find  a carucate  of  land  occupied  by  six 
families  of  villanes,  which  was  nearly  at  the  rate  of 
two  oxgangs  to  each  family  : " Richard  de  Boshale 
(or  Bushell)  gave  one  carucate  of  land  in  the  town  of 
Fordun — with  all  the  men  that  possessed  that  land, 
and  with  all  their  suites  (or  families)  ;f  viz.  Robert 
the  son  of  Walter,  with  all  his  family ; William  his 
son,  with  all  his  family  ; Thomas  the  son  of  William 
[not  the  former  William],  with  all  his  family  ; John 
the  son  of  Suain,  with  all  his  family  ; William  the 
son  of  Levine,  with  all  his  family ; and  Agnes  a widow, 
with  all  her  family. Ӥ  Among  the  benefactions  to 
Guisbrough  priory,  there  is  a gift,  from  Picot  de 
Lasceles,  of  “ one  oxgang  of  land  in  the  town  of 
Alesby;  and  Ralph,  the  son  of  William,  the  son  of 
Turgis,  with  all  his  offspring,  and  Gunnilda  his  mo- 
ther, with  all  their  goods.”  \\ 

* Dugd.  Mon.  I.  p.  840.  + The  terms  secta  and  sequela  are 

used  indiscriminately  to  denote  young  cattle  following  their  mothers 
in  the  field.  Thus  we  find  grants  of  pasturage  for  so  many  cattle, 
“ cum  sequela  sua  unius  anni — with  their  offspring  of  one  year,”  or 
“ cum  sua  secta  de  duobus  annis — with  their  offspring  of  two  years.” 
Mon.  I.  p.  508,  841.  As  the  villanes  were  considered  as  a kind  of 
cattle,  there  is  something  appropriate  in  applying  the  same  terms  to 
their  offspring.  Yet,  perhaps,  secta  or  sequela,  when  cum  catallis 
is  not  added,  may  include  the  goods,  as  well  as  the  family,  of  the 
villane.  § R.  f.  45.  Ch.  p.  177.  ||  Recited  in  a charter  of  Hem 

VIII.  in  the  possession  of  Robert  Chaloner,  Esq.  M.  P. 


POSSESSIONS  AND  PRIVILEGES. 


277 


In  some  instances,  donations  of  villanes,  or 
slaves,  were  made,  without  mentioning'  any  lands  to 
which  they  were  attached.  Thus,  in  the  record  last 
quoted,  we  learn,  that  Theobald  de  Lasceles  gave  to 
the  priory  of  Guisbrough  “ Robert  the  son  of  Retell, 
Godwin  the  overseer,*  Ervise  the  son  of  Aslac,  Wigan 
the  son  of  Gamell,  Robert  the  son  of  Ralph,  Ralph 
the  son  of  Godwin,  Ingeberg  the  son  of  Aslac,  Alice 
the  wife  of  Serlo,  John  the  son  of  William  Dodde  ; 
with  all  their  offspring,  and  their  effects.”  In  the 
same  manner,  Stephen  de  BJaby  gave  to  our  abbey, 
“as  a pure  and  perpetual  alms,  the  homage  of  the  son 
of  Thomas,  with  all  his  offspring,  for  ever,  so  that  into 
whatever  part  of  the  world  they  might  come,  they 
should  always  remain  free  from  the  said  Stephen  and 
his  heirs :”f  and  Stephen  de  Meinell  granted,  “'as 
a pure  and  perpetual  alms,- William  Cokelun  of  Aton, 
with  all  his  offspring.”^ 

* “ Praepositum” — He  was  probaljly  so  called  from  his  having; 
been  employed  as  a foreman,  or  under-steward,  on  some  farm,  f R. 
f.  25.  Ch.  p.  186.  § R.  114.  Ch.  p.  190. 

The  odious  traffic  in  human  flesh,  now  so  deservedly  reprobated 
in  this  land  of  freedom,  was  carried  on  in  Ibis  country  for  a long  course 
of  years.  So  early  as  the  days  of  king  Ella,  some  of  the  youth  of 
Deira  were  exported  to  be  sold  at  Rome.  Bed.  L.  II.  c.  1.  In  the 
reign  of  Edgar,  a law  was  passed,  to  prevent  the  sale  of  any  Christian 
unto  a heathen.  Wilk.  Coneil.  1.  p.  235.  At  the  council  of  London, 
held  in  the  time  of  Henry  I,  it  was  ordained,  " That  no  one  should 
any  longer  presume  to  carry  on  that  nefarious  trade,  by  which  men  in 
England  were  wont  to  be  exposed  to  sale,  like  brute  beasts.”  Ibid, 
p.  383.  Slavery,  however,  with  its  attendant  evils,  prevailed  for  some 
ages  longer.  It  appears  to  have  received  its  most  deadly  blow  during 
the  violent  struggles  between  the  houses  ofYork  and  Lancaster;  when 
the  barons  on  each  side  manumitted  their  slaves,  in  order  to  employ 
them  in  the  wars. 


27  5 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


The  value  of  the  monastic  possessions  was 
greatly  enhanced  by  the  immunities  and  privileges 
usually  attached  to  them.  It  was  no  small  matter  to 
be  exempted  from  those  burdensome  feudal  services 
which  the  holders  of  land  owed  to  their  superiors  ; 
and  most  of  the  grants  made  to  religious  houses  were 
accompanied  with  this  immunity,  or  at  least  with  some 
abatement  of  the  services  required.  But  besides  those 
exemptions,  which  were  the  gift  of  private  donors, 
our  monastery  enjoyed  other  important  privileges, 
granted  by  the  king,  or  by  the  archbishop. 

Bv  the  charter  ascribed  to  William  the  con- 
queror,* which  appears  to  have  been  given  by  William 
Rufus,  the  monks  of  Whitby  were  invested  with  great 
power  over  their  lands  and  homagers;  and  exempted 
“from  all  customs  and  demands,  of  kings,  earls, 
barons,  and  lords,  or  their  bailiffs,  wherever  they 
might  go  to  buy  or  sen.”  By  a charter  of  William 
Rufus, f two  charters  of  Henry  1,§  and  the  charters 
of  Stephen,  Henry  II,  and  Richard  I,  (]  they  obtained 
the  .privileges  termed  sock,  and  sack,  an Hthol,  and 
thcam,  and  infangcnthcoj ; together  with  all  the’ 
liberties  and  immunities  enjoyed  by  the  church  of  St. 
John  at  Beverley,  the  church  of  St.  Wilfrid  at  Ri- 
pon,  and  the  church  of  St.  Peter  at  York;  which  last 

* See  p.  253.  The  clinrters  of  Henry  I.  (R.  f.  67.  Ch.  p.  92.) 
Stephen  (Ch  p.  114)  and  Richard  I.  (R.  f.  48,  49.  Ch.  p.  147, 
14S.)  refer  to  Home  charter,  granted  by  William  the  conqueror:  bat 
this  cannot  he  the  charter  referred  to,  for  the  port  of  Whitby,  con- 
finned  bv  this  charter,  was  not  granted  by  William  de  Percy  till  the 
time  of  William  Rufus,  to  whom  therefore  it  ought  to  be  assigned. 
R.  f.  47.  t Ch.  p.  58.  $ R.  f.  5«,  67.  Ch.  p.  66.  92.  ||  Ch 

p.  115,  136,  137,  147.  R.  f.  47,  48,  49. 


POSSESSIONS  AND  PRIVILEGES. 


279 


were  also  granted  them  by  the  charters  of  the  arch- 
bishops Thurstan  and  Henry.* 

The  privileges  of  sock,  sack,  &c.  were  first 
granted  by  William  Rufus  to  the  church  of  Hackness, 
that  place  being  then  the  chief  seat  of  the  monastery, 
but  they  were  afterwards  extended  to  the  church  and 
convent  of  Whitby,  and  likewise  to  their  cell  at  the 
churcli  of  All  Saints  in  York,  where  also  they  were 
allowed  by  the  charter  of  Henry  II,  all  the  liberties, 
privileges,  and  customs  which  the  lands  and  homagers 
of  St.  Peter  and  Si.  Cuthbert  enjoyed  in  that  city. 
The  terms  sock,  sack.  &c.  are  of  Saxon  origin,  and 
have  been  variously  defined.  According  to  the  most 
probable  interpretation,  sock,  o,r  soc,  is  the  power  of 
holding  courts  to  settle  disputes,  or  take  cognizance 
of  offences,  arising  within  the  bounds  of  the  manor 
or  district  where  it  is  enjoyed,  including  the  power  of 
summoning  the  tenants  or  vassals  to  attend  in  such 
courts;  sack,  or  sac,  is  the  power  of  imposing  fines 
or  forfeitures  in  such  courts ; tliol  or  tol  is  the  right 
of  buying  and  selling,  and  of  taking  custom  or  toll 
of  such  as  buy  or  sell,  within  the  territory ; and,  as 
applied  to  the  port  of  Whitby,  it  included  the  right 
of  imposing  a duty  on  vessels  entering  the  harbour, 
and  goods  imported  in  them  ; theam,  or  them,  is  the 
privilege  of  having  villanes,  or  slaves,  and  of  dis- 
posing of  them  at  pleasure;  infangentheof  is  the 
power  of  judging  thieves,  or  robbers,  when  found 
within  the  manor  or  territory. f 

* R.  f.  54,  52,  78.  Ch.  p.  86,  117.  f Bawdwen’s  Domesday, 
Glossary,  p.  18,  19,  20.  Wilkin’s  Concil.  I.  p.  312,  313.  The 


280 


ill  STORY  OF  THE  ABBEY, 


The  liberties  of  the  church  of  St.  John  at  Bever- 
ley, &c.  are  explained  in  the  charter  of  Thurstan,  to 
be  einodus  quieta,  sacrurd  cristna , ferrunx  judiciale, 
an d fossa;  and  the  last  two,  with  their  appurtenances, 
are  mentioned  also  in  the  charter  of  archbishop  Henry. 
The  siuodus  quieta  is  thought  to  have  been  an  ex- 
emption from  attending  the  synods,  or  convocations, 
held  by  the  archbishop;  by  the  grant  of  sacrum  .cris- 
ma  the  abbots  had  the  privilege  of  making  the  holy 
chrism  or  anointing  oil,  used  in  extreme  unction  and 
other  popish  rites;  the  for  rum,  judiciale  was  the  right 
of  trying  by  fire  ordeal,  and  the  fossa  that  of  trying 
by  water  ordeal ; both  of  which  were  performed  in 
various  ways.* 

By  the  royal  charters  referred  to,  the  monks  of 
Whitby  held  of  the  crown  eight  carucates  of  land  at 
Hackness,  Northheld,  and  Burniston,  free  of  all  taxes; 
and  obtained  a grant  of  the  wreck  of  the  sea  at  Whit- 
by, and  all  the  liberties  belonging  to  a sea-port : and 
by  the  charters  of  the  archbishops,  their  churches  of 
St.  Mary  at  Whitby,  of  All  Saints  at  York,  and  of 
St.  Hilda  at  Middleburgh,  were  exempted  from  the 
dues  called  synodals  and  episcopal  usages.  They 
also  obtained  from  Henry  II,  and  Richard  I,  the 

explanations  in  these  two  authorities  by  no  means  coincide ; I have 
selected  from  both  what  appears  to  me  the  most  natural  meaning. 

* Ch.  p 87.  Rap  in,  p.  160.  The  right  of  trying  by  hot  iron  and 
by  water  ordeal  was  granted  to  St.  Wilfrid’s  at  Ripon,  by  king  Athel- 
stan.  Monast.  I.  p.  172.  Possibly  the  sinodus  quieta,  granted  to 
the  monks  of  Whitby,  might  also  include  the  privilege  of  choosing 
their  own  abbots : at  least,  we  know  that  this  important  privilege, 
which  they  possessed,  *yas  not  enjoyed  by  all  the  abbevs. 


POSSESSIONS  AND  PRIVILEGES. 


281 


right  of  burgage  in  the  town  of  Whitby,  and  the 
privilege  of  holding  an  annual  fair  there,  on  the  feast 
of  St.  Hilda,  with  an  assurance  of  the  king’s  peace  to 
such  as  resorted  thither,  and  to  ajl  their  effects,  both 
in  going  and  returning. 

In  addition  to  these  immunities,  the  brethren  of 
Whitby  possessed,  by  royal  charters  from  Richard  I, 
John,  and  Henry  III,  the  right  of  appointing  their 
own  foresters,  and  verdurers,  and  of  excluding  all 
manner  of  persons  from  hunting  in  their  forests,  or 
on  any  part  of  their  lands : and,  though  Henry  I,  in 
bis  charter  for  Whitby  Strand,  had  reserved  the  game 
to  himself,  that  right  was  abandoned  by  king  John, 
and  others  of  his  successors.* 

The  privileges  of  the  abbots  of  Whitby  were 
greatly  increased  by  Henry  VI,  who  granted  them, 
the  return  of  all  writs  and  orders  from  the  king  or  his 
sheriffs  or  other  officers,  to  be  executed  in  their  ter- 
ritory, and  the  execution  of  all  such  writs ; that  they 
might  not  be  disturbed  by  the  intrusion  of  any  bailiff, 
or  other  officer  of  the  king; — all  manner  of  forfeited 
effects  of  felons,  or  others,  whose  goods  were  confis- 
cated within  their  liberty; — all  found  treasure;  the 
wreck  of  the  sea,  whether  lying  or  floating;  the  waif 
and  straif  [lost  cattle  or  goods  unclaimed]  on  their 
premises  ; — all  fines  and  amercements  ; — all  waste 

* R.  f.  48,  49,  50.  Ch.  p.  66,  148,  152,  218.  The  right  of 
exclusive  hunting  in  their  own  territory  was  called  free-warren.  The 
same  right  was  given  to  the  canons  of  Guisbrough  in  their  territory ; 
besides  the  privileges  of  soch,  sack,  &c.;  as  appears  from  the  charter 
©f  Henry  VIII,  formerly  quoted. — In  the  copy  of  the  charter  of  Henry 
III,  from  which  Charlton  made  his  translation  (p.  218),  the  abbot 

00 


282 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


grounds,  waste  woods,  deodands,  and  every  thing  else 
which  ought  to  pertain  to  the  king; — exemption  from 
all  suits  of  shires,  cities,  hundreds,  wapentakes,  and 
tithings  ot  the  king,  and  from  all  general  mulcts  and 
amercements; — power  to  appoint  their  own  market- 
clerks,  and  to  have  their  own  prisons  or  jails; — free 
warren  in  all  their  lands,  with  such  rights  as  their 
predecessors  were  wont  to  have  in  Pickering  forest; — 
a right  of  resuming  any  of  their  privileges  which  had 
fallen  into  disuse  ; — and  liberty  to  hold  a weekly  market 
throughout  the  year,  as  had  been  done  from  time 
immemorial.* 

Privileges  so  extensive  raised  our  abbots  to  the 
rank  of  powerful  barons,  and  invested  them  with  a 
kind  of  sovereign  authority  over  the  territory  of  the 
abbey.  The  right  of  infangcntheof,  and  the  privi- 
lege of  having  their  own  prisons,  presented  a formid- 
able barrier  to  depredators  who  might  wish  to  invade 
their  property,  and  must  have  contributed  greatly  to 
the  security  of  their  possessions. 

Yet  I cannot  subscribe  to  the  commonly  received 
notion,  that  our  abbots  had  the  power  of  life  and 
death  over  their  vassals,  or  over  the  criminals  appre- 
hended in  their  jurisdiction.  They  had  power  to 
incarcerate  offenders,  and  to  inflict  punishments,  wot 

William  deBriniston  is  called  Christopher.  It  is  easy  to  account  for 
the  mistake:  the  abbot’s  name  has  not  been  mentioned  in  the  original 
charter,  but  the  transcriber  has  changed  Christo  into  Christophero ; 
so  that,  instead  of  “our  well  beloved  in  Christ”,  he  has  made  it 
“ our  well  beloved  Christopher.” 

* Ch.  p.  267 — 271.  The  day  on  which  the  weekly  market  was 
held  will  be  adverted  to  in  a subsequent  Chapter. 


POSSESSIONS  AND  PRIVILEGES. 


283 


affecting  life  or  limb;  but  felons,  or  notorious  crimi- 
nals, were  removed  from  the  jails  of  the  abbots  to 
those  of  the  king,  under  custody  of  the  sheriff,  or  his 
officers,  to  be  tried  by  the  justices  of  gaol-delivery,  or 
the  justices  of  assize,  appointed  by  royal  authority. 
There  is  a field  adjoining  to  Spital-bridge,  which 
bears  the  name  of  the  gallows-close , where  the  crimi- 
nals condemned  by  the  abbot’s  court  are  supposed  to 
have  been  executed;  but  that  name  most  probably 
took  its  rise  long  after  the  dissolution  of  the  monastery. 
The  following  remarks  on  the  judicial  power  of  our 
abbots,  written  by  the  late  Mr.  William  Chapman  of 
this  place,  who  was  born  in  1713  and  died  at  New- 
castle in  1793,  furnish  the  fact  from  which  the  name 
appears  to  have  been  derived,  though  Mr.  Chapman, 
falling  into  the  common  error,  produces  that  fact  as 
a proof  of  the  great  power  which  the  abbots  exercised  : 
“The  abbot  of  Whitby,  whose  domains  were 
twenty  miles  in  length  and  from  five  to  seven  in 
breadth,  was  almost  an  absolute  prince.  He  nomi- 
nated his  own  sheriff  (to  whom  the  high  sheriff  of  the 
county  directed  his  writs),  who  continues  to  this  day 
to  be  appointed  by  the  lord  of  the  manor,  as  well  as 
the  grand  jury  of  twelve,  who  are  now  called  bur- 
gesses, and  assist  at  the  court-leet.*  He  had  haul  ct 
has  justice , which  was  exercised  so  late  as  the  year 
16G0  o.n  two  men,  by  the  authority  of  the  lord  of  the 
manor.  The  name  of  one  of  them  was  Lumley,  but 

* The  appointment  of  burgesses  is  now  laid  aside;  that  of  the 
sheriff,  or  rather  the  high  constable,  of  Whitby  Strand,  still  continues. 

oo  2 


284 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


I have  forgotten  that  of  the  other.  A song  was  made 
on  their  death,  part  of  which  was  repeated  to  me  by 
an  old  man,  who  said  he  had  the  whole  relation  from 
his  grandfather  who  was  an  eye-witness  of  the  execu- 
tion, which  was  performed  in  a field  near  Whitby, 
now  part  of  the  estate  of  my  cousin  Abel  Chapman, 
and  known  to  this  day  by  the  name  of  gallows-close. 
I have  heard  several  old  men  say  they  remembered 
the  gallows,  and  have  been  shewn  by  some  of  them 
the  place  where  it  stood ; but  there  was  not  then  any 
remains  ot  it  to  be  discovered.” 

This  narrative  clearly  establishes  the  fact,  that 
two  men  were  executed  at  the  time  and  place  men- 
tioned ; and  that  fact  was  sufficient  to  give  a name  to 
the  field,  though  no  gallows  had  stood  there  before. 
But  we  must  not  suppose,  that  these  offenders  were 
condemned  and  executed  by  the  authority  of  the  lord 
of  the  manor  of  Whitby  ; much  less,  that  this  judicial 
power  descended  to  him  from  the  abbots.  Sir  William 
Cholmley,  then  lord  of  the  manor,  might  indeed  take 
a part  in  the  trial  of  the  criminals;  but  this  could  not 
be  through  any  right  which  devolved  on  him  as  lord 
of  Whitby,  but  in  virtue  of  a special  commission  of 
oyer  and  terminer,  granted  to  him  and  other  justices 
in  the  North  Riding.  His  father,  the  celebrated  Sir 
Hugh  Cholmley,  was  invested  by  Charles  I,  with  a 
commission  of  this  nature,  before  the  year  1640;* 
and  the  same  special  commission  might  be  given  to 
Sir  William,  and  other  neighbouring  justices,  in 

* Memoirs  of  Sir  Hugh  Cholmley,  Knt.  and  Bart.  p.  61 


POSSESSIONS  AND  PRIVILEGES. 


285 


1660;  to  repress  the  disorders  which  prevailed  at  the 
restoration  of  Charles  II.  It  is  not  even  certain  that 
the  trial  took  place  at  Whitby  ; the  culprits  might  be 
brought  hither  for  execution  from  York  or  Malton  * 
In  the  days  of  feudal  tyranny,  the  lawless  barons  often 
assumed  the  power  of  life  and  death  over  their  vassals, 
and  the  crown  was  sometimes  forced  to  connive  at 
this  gross  abuse;  yet  it  is  not  likely  that  this  power 
was  usurped  by  the  abbots,  whose  conduct  was  so 
narrowly  watched  by  the  king  and  by  the  nobles. 
The  right  of  trying  by  fire  or  water  ordeal,  belonged, 
indeed,  to  the  spiritual  dignitaries,  being  regarded  as 
an  immediate  appeal  to  heaven ; but,  if  this  species 
of  trial  was  ever  used  in  cases  of  felony,  it  does  not 
follow',  that  the  sentence  was  carried  into  execution 
by  the  same  authority  that  conducted  the  trial.  It 
was  expressly  ordained,  by  several  councils,  that  no 
clergymen  should  be  secular  judges,  or  ministers  of 
justice,  and  that  they  should  not  even  be  present  at 
criminal  trials,  nor  take  any  part  whatever  in  matters 
of  blood;  and  the  reasons  for  this  prohibition  apply 
with  double  force  to  abbots  and  monks. f Besides,  in 
the  Statutes  at  large,  the  administration  of  justice,  in 
criminal  cases,  is  uniformly  claimed  as  the  prerogative 
of  the  crown,  to  be  exercised  only  by  the  king,  or  by 
judges  holding  their  commission  from  him.§  In  short, 

* In  the  year  1793,  when  Wm.  Atkinson  was  condemned  at  the 
York  assizes,  for  taking  part  in  a riot  at  Whitby,  some  thoughts  were 
entertained  of  bringing  him  to  Whitby  for  execution,  to  make  the 
example  more  striking:  had  this  plan  been  adopted  we  might  have 
had  another  gallows-close.  f Wilkins  Concil.  II.  p 4,  5,  146,  &c. 
| 18  Edw.  3.  Stat.  2.  c.  2.-34  Edw.  3.  c.  1.— 2 Hen.  5.  Stat.  I. 
c.  4,  5.  &c.  It  is  observable,  that  though  spiritual  persons  were 


•285 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


whether  we  examine  the  records  of  our  abbe}-,  the 
constitutions  of  the  church,  or  the  laws  of  the  realm, 
we  may  be  convinced  that  the  judicial  power  of  the 
abbots  was  circumscribed  within  narrow  limits. 

With  regard  to  the  management  of  their  estates, 
and  the  various  sources  from  whence  their  revenue 
was  derived,  much  information  is  obtained  from  the 
rolls  of  their  receipts  and  disbursements,  some  of 
which  are  yet  extant ; as  well  as  from  several  of  the 
charters  and  memorials  in  the  Register.  As  copious 
extracts  from  the  rolls  will  be  given  in  the  Appendix,* 
it  will  be  sufficient  in  Ibis  place  to  take  a general  view 
of  their  economy. 

A considerable  portion  of  the  lands  of  the  abbey 

was  kept  in  the  hands  of  the  monks  themselves,  for  the 

support  of  the  convent  and  of  their  servants.  They 

occasionally  appointed  justices  of  assize,  none  but  laymen  -were  em- 
ployed in  gaol-delivery , or  the  trial  of  felons.  2 Edw.  3.  c.  2.  Care 
was  taken  to  restrain  the  power  of  spiritual  courts,  and  of  feudal  lords. 
13  Edw.  I.  Stat.  I.  c.  43. — 9 Edw.  2.  Stat.  I.  c.  6 — 15  Ric.  2.  c.  12. 
— 16  Bic.  2.  c.  2.  Abbots,  and  other  spiritual  dignitaries,  were 
liable  to  be  summoned  before  the  sheriff’s  courts;  and  it  was  deemed 
a privilege  to  be  allowed  attornies  to  appear  on  their  behalf,  instead  of 
personal  attendance.  3 Hen.  5.  Stat.  2 c.  2. — 15  Hen.  6.  c.  7. 

* Several  of  the  most  entire  of  the  abbey  rolls,  to  which  Charl- 
ton had  access,  have  unfortunately  fallen  aside.  Mrs.  Cholmley  kindly 
lent  me  such  as  she  could  find ; viz.  the  compotus  receptuum,  or 
rent-roll,  for  the  half-year  from  Whitsunday  to  Martinmas  1396;  the 
rent-roll  for  the  year  commencing  at  Whitsunday  1460  and  ending  at 
Whitsunday  1461,  partly  mutilated;  and  an  imperfect  roll  of  disburse- 
ments, which  appears  to  belong  to  the  year  1395,  or  1396.  Each 
roll  consists  of  several  pieces  of  parchment,  about  6 iuches  broad,  and 
of  different  lengths,  tacked  together  with  thread.  The  roll  of  expen- 
diture, though  greatly  defective,  is  7 feet  5 inches  long,  and  closely 
written  on  both  side$.  The  rent  roll  for  1460  is  6 feet  10  inches  long, 
though  a part  of  it  has  been  lost j that  for  1396  is  about  4 feet  and  a 
half,  in  some  part  of  these  last,  the  outside  of  the  roll  is  written  upon, 
as  well  as  the  inside. 


POSSESSIONS  AND  PRIVILEGES. 


287 


had  in  their  own  occupation  part  of  their  lands  at 
Semar,  at  Hackness,  at  Fyling,  at  Whitby  Lathes 
(including  Lath-Garth),  and  at  Aton  and  Ingleby  in 
Cleveland ; at  each  of  which  places  there  was  an 
overseer  ( prcepositus) , who  managed  their  concerns, 
and  gave  in  his  accounts  to  them  at  stated  periods. 
They  had  also  their  granges  at  Stakesby,  Dunsley, 
and  perhaps  a few  places  more.  But  the  greater  part 
of  their  estates  were  occupied  by  tenants  of  various 
descriptions,  who  paid  their  rents  twice  in  the  year, 
generally  at  Whitsunday  and  at  Martinmas.  The 
rent-rolls  for  Whitby  Strand  begin  at  the  south-east 
part,  and  end  at  the  opposite  extremity.  The  soke 
or  liberty  of  Hackness  yielded  a large  revenue;  for, 
besides  the  lands  which  were  let  at  Hackness  itself, 
with  the  dwelling-houses,  mills,  and  moor,  the  soke 
comprehended  the  farms  of  Broxay,  Everley,  Suffield, 
Silfhow,  Dales,  Langdale,  and  Harwood  ; together 
with  the  cow-gaits  at  Kysbeck.  The  Fyling-Dales 
district,  which  was  next  in  order,  included  the  farms 
of  Stoupe,  Thirnhow,  South-Fyling,  Middlewood, 
Thorpe,  and  Normanby  : with  the  smaller  farms  of 
Ilastgatrig,  and  Wragby,  near  Thirnhow;  the  mill, 
and  other  appendages,  of  South-Fyling;  the  small 
farms  of  Langthwait,  and  Carling,  in  North-Fyling ; 
and  the  farm  of  Bothom,  adjoining  to  Normanby, 
which  seems  to  be  that  which  is  now  called  Hazcsker 
Bottoms.  To  these  succeeded  the  farms  of  Hawsker, 
Stainsacre,  and  Lairpool ; with  Rigcote,  Cockmiln, 
and  several  tenements,  gardens,  &c.  at  Hasvsker, 


288 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


Whitby  Lathes,  Lath-Garth,  and  the  neighbourhood. 
The  revenues  arising*  from  Whitby  itself  consisted  in 
the  rents  of  lands  belonging*  to  it,  the  rents  of  several 
dwelling-houses,  with  the  custom,  toll,  and  burgage 
of  the  town  ; the  whole  of  which  in  1460  did  not 
amount  to  £20  a year,  and  scarcely  exceeded  that 
sum  in  1396.  The  farms  of  Sneton,  Ugglebarnby, 
Sleights  (including  Yburn),  Eskdaieside,  Ruswarp, 
with  the  mill  and  water  of  the  Esk,  Stakesby,  with  its 
mill  and  appendages,  Brecca,  Newholm,  and  Dunsley, 
closed  the  list  of  the  possessions  in  Whitby  Strand. 

Though  several  of  the  farms  now  enumerated 
were  very  extensive,  yet  the  value  of  land  was  so 
small,  or  rather  the  value  of  money  was  so  great,  that 
none  of  them,  even  including  all  their  appendages, 
produced  £12  a year,  except  Whitby  and  Hackness  : 
and  the  whole  rental  of  Whitby  Strand,  in  1396, 
yielded  little  more  than  £250  per  annum,  and  in 
1460,  it  was  only  £203  16s.  34d.  At  the  same  time, 
we  must  recollect,  that  a considerable  portion  of  land 
was  iu  the  occupation  of  the  monks  themselves. 

Along*  with  the  rents  of  the  different  farms  in 
Whitby  Strand,  several  small  sums  are  entered  under 
the  name  of  days-works  ;*  which  appear  to  have  been 
rent-services  due  by  the  tenants,  which  they  chose 
rather  to  pay  in  money  than  in  labour.  These  dues 
were  of  three  kinds,  viz.  days-icoi'ks  ot‘ ploughers,  of 
mowers , and  of  reapers. f The  first  included  the 

* Generally  called  precarice , and  sometimes  precationes. 
y Caruciailium,  falcantium,  etmetentium.  To  these  may  be  added 
preearice  circulantium,  which  occurs  in  one  instance ; but  lam  in= 
eiined  to  think  that  circulantium  is  a mistake  for  carucantiurH. 


REVENUES . 


239 


services  of  the  plough  and  horses  (or  oxen),  as  well 
as  of  the  ploughman,  and  were  estimated  at  one 
shilling  each  : the  other  two,  being  only  the  services 
of  the  individual,  were  reckoned  at  three  pence  each. 
And  they  were  not  under-rated  at  this  estimation;  for 
common  labourers  in  that  period  received  but  two 
pence  per  day,  and  only  one  penny,  if  they  got  their 
meat  in  addition  ; a penny  being  the  usual  allowance 
for  one  day’s  provision. — From  the  roll  of  disburse- 
ments, I find  that  the  monks  paid  days-works  for  some 
of  the  lands  which  they  held,  after  the  very  same  rate. 

The  lands  which  lay  without  the  liberty  of 
Whitby  Strand  were  for  the  most  part  in  lease  : and 
some  of  the  more  distant  farms  were  disposed  of  to 
other  monasteries  for  a fixed  yearly  rent.  Thus  the 
the  land  at  Bustard-Thorp  was  resigned  to  the  priory 
of  Hexham,  who  had  other  lands  in  that  place,  on 
their  agreeing  to  pay  an  annual  rent  of  20  sh.,  out  of 
the  rent  which  they  themselves  should  receive  from 
Osbert  and  his  heirs,  who  occupied  that  land  :*  and 
the  land  of  the  abbey  at  Honentun,  or  Huntington, 
near  York,  was  let  to  the  convent  of  Rievaux,  who 
had  other  property  there,  for  6 sh.  yearly  :f  which 
rents  seem  to  have  been  paid  regularly,  from  the  time 
of  the  conveyances  to  the  dissolution  of  the  monastery. 
On  the  same  principle,  the  church  of  Huntington  was 
conveyed  to  our  monastery  by  the  brethren  of  Eves- 
ham, at  an  yearly  rent  of  10  shillings  ;§  and  was 
afterwards  made  over  by  the  abbot  and  convent  to  the 

* R.  f.  72.  Ch.  p.  124,  125.  f R.  f.  136.  Ch.  p.  68.  § R. 
f.  54.  Ch.  p.  136. 

PP 


290 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


vicars  choral  of  York,  the  latter  agreeing  to  pay  1 3s, 
4d  .per  annum  for  it  to  the  abbey  of  Whitby;  besides 
the  10s.  to  that  of  Evesham.* 

Several  farms  in  Whitby  Strand,  and  other 
places,  were  let,  or  conveyed,  to  the  tenants  and  their 
heirs  for  ever,  on  condition  of  their  paying  a fixed 
annual  rent,  with  the  customary  services.  Some  of 
them,  indeed,  appear  to  have  obtained  their  right  to 
those  lands,  previous  to  the  grant  of  Whitby  Strand 
to  the  monastery.  This  was  probably  the  case  with 
the  Percies  of  Dunsley;  and  the  same  remark  will 
apply  to  the  family  of  Arundel,  who  had  possessions 
at  Sneaton  and  other  parts;  to  that  of  Everley,  who 
possessed  Everley  and  Ugglebarnby;  and  perhaps 
also  to  some  other  homagers,  who  held  their  estates 
of  the  abbey  by  hereditary  right.  This  accounts  for 
the  numerous  grants  of  lands,  as  well  as  houses,  in 
Whitby  Strand,  made  to  the  abbot  and  convent,  long 
after  the  whole  of  that  territory  had  been  given  them 
as  lords  paramount.  It  seems,  however,  to  have  been 
the  policy  of  the  monks  to  buy  in  those  freehold  lands; 
and  there  is  reason  to  believe  that,  long  before  the 
dissolution,  they  succeeded  in  obtaining  the  whole, 
either  by  purchase  or  by  gift,  so  that  not  one  of  the 
families  now  mentioned  remained  within  the  liberty. 
On  the  other  hand,  they  found  it  to  their  account  to 
sell  off  some  of  their  distant  possessions;  such  as  the 
land  at  Towlston  near  Tadcaster,  their  property  at 
Ysleham  and  Sneileswell  in  the  same  quarter,  and 
their  possessions  in  Scotland;  all  which  were  alienated 
* Burton’s  Monast.  p.  73.  Ch.  p.  266,  267. 


REVENUES. 


291 


before  the  year  1396,  being  probably  sold  or  ex- 
changed, on  account  of  the  expence  of  attending  to 
them  : though  the  Scotish  estates  may  have  been  for- 
cibly seized,  during  the  wars  with  king  Robert  Bruce.* 
Next  to  the  rent  of  lands,  the  sale  of  cattle,  fish, 
hides,  and  wool,  was  one  of  the  most  productive 
sources  of  revenue.  In  1396,  there  was  received, 
within  half  a year,  for  wool,  £ 37  3s.  hides,  about 
30  sh.  fish,  £2  13s.  8d.  and  beasts,  nearly  £21 : and, 
in  1460,  there  was  received  for  wool,  £33  16s.  2d. 
hides,  22s.  2d.  fish,  <£12  lid.  beasts,  £67  10s.  lOd. 
Under  this  last  article  the  monks  included  "meat  left 
in  the  kitchen;”  which  produced  about  7 or  8£  a year.f 
Such  were  the  temporal  revenues  of  the  abbey. 
Its  spiritual  revenues  also  proceeded  from  various 
sources,  among  which  the  tithes  held  the  most  con- 
spicuous place,  and  above  all  the  tithe  of  fish  landed 
in  the  port  of  Whitby.  In  1396,  this  last  article,  in- 
cluding net-money  and  other  dues,  produced  £52 
13s.  lid.  in  half  a year;  being  considerably  more 
than  the  half  of  all  the  spiritual  income  for  that  period. 

* Many  of  the  writings  in  the  Register  consist  of  grants  or 
leases,  from  the  abbot  and  convent,  obtained  by  their  tenants.  Besides 
the  perpetual  leases,  or  hereditary  grants,  there  are  several  life-rent 
leases,  and  some  leases  for  the  term  of  forty  years  : and  we  learn  from 
the  rolls,  that  there  were  lands  let,  especially  small  parcels,  for  much 
shorter  terms;  as  for  15,  10,  6,  and  even  3 years;  and  that  premiums 
or  fines  (gersumce)  were  paid  at  entering  on  the  lease,  f The  prices 
of  cattle  appear  to  us  exceeding  low,  and  shew  the  vast  disproportion 
between  the  value  of  money  in  that  age,  and  its  present  value.  Horses 
brought  from  16s.  to  20s.  each,  though  in  one  instance  we  find  o£6 
given  for  a riding  horse  for  the  abbot;  oxen  and  cows,  from  5s.  6d.  to 
10s.  each;  hogs,  3s.  to  3s.  4d. ; calves,  16d.  to  20d. ; sheep.  Is.  to 
Is.  6d. ; lambs  and  pigs,  4d.  each.  Fish,  at  least  salt  fish,  was  dearey 
in  proportion : a salt  cod  or  ling  usually  sold  at  one  shilling, 

PP  2 


292 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


The  other  tithes  yielded  but  a small  sum  in  money  ; 
for,  except  the  tithe  of  hay,  which  seems  to  have 
been  always  commuted,  they  were  generally  paid  in 
kind;  and  a g’reat  part  of  them,  instead  of  being  sold, 
was  retained  for  the  use  of  the  convent,  and  of  their 
servants  and  dependants.  The  rest  of  the  spiritual 
proceeds  consisted  in  offerings,  or  dues,  paid  to  the 
different  churches;  and  the  rents  of  the  glebes  be- 
longing to  some  of  them.  The  more  distant  churches 
generally  paid  a stated  annual  sum,  or  pension,  as  it 
was  called,  in  lieu  of  all  demands.  The  largest  sum 
of  this  kind  was  received  from  Nafferton,  near  Drif- 
field; being  £3  6s.  8d.  in  one  half  year.* 

The  annual  amount  of  the  revenues  of  our 
abbey,  both  temporal  and  spiritual,  has  been  variously 
estimated  ; for,  indeed,  it  varied  at  different  periods. 
At  the  time  of  the  dissolution  it  was  £505  9s.  Id., 
according  to  Speed;  but  only  £437  2s.  9d.  according 
to  Dugdale.  The  difference  is  usually  accounted  for, 
by  supposing  that  the  former  gives  the  gross  rent,  and 
the  latter  the  net  income,  deducting  pensions,  and 
other  outpayments  ;f  but  as  this  deduction,  amounting 
to  no  less  than  £68  6s.  4d.  seems  far  too  great,  I 
should  rather  suppose  that  Speed  allows  for  the  rent 

* This  was  paid  for  the  tithes  of  Nafferton.  Possibly  it  was  a 
whole  year’s  pension ; for  I find  that  the  church  of  Crossby  is  not  in 
the  roll  for  the  half  year  in  1396,  perhaps  because,  on  account  of  the 
distance,  it  paid  but  once  a year : yet  the  sums  paid  by  the  other 
churches  are  exactly  Half  the  annual  pension.  The  tithes  of  Nafferton 
were  granted  by  the  Percy  family,  with  the  tithes  of  several  places  in 
Lincolnshire,  which  last  appear  to  have  been  sold  off,  as  well  as  the 
tithes  of  some  places  in  the  East-Riding. — That  part  of  the  roll  for 
1460  which  contained  the  pensions  is  wanting,  f Burton’s  Mon.  p.  81, 


REVENUES. 


293 


of  the  lands  in  the  occupation  of  the  monks  them- 
selves, for  which  no  entry  was  made  in  the  compotus  * 
A variation  might  also  be  produced,  if  the  income  was 
stated,  in  the  one  account,  according  to  its  amount 
in  the  year  of  the  survey  (1534),  and  was  taken,  in 
the  other,  from  an  average  of  several  years.  During 
the  age  that  immediately  preceded  the  dissolution,  the 
revenues  of  the  monastery  were  on  the  decline.  In 

1395,  as  Charlton  stales,  the  neat  income  was  £654 
4s.  24d.  The  temporal  revenue  from  whitsunday  to 
martinmas,  in  1396,  was  £205  19s.  4d.;  the  spirit- 
ual revenue  for  the  same  period,  £92  18s.  9d.  ; 
making  together  £298  18s.  Id.  If  the  following  half 
year  produced  as  much,  the  whole  income  for  that 
year  would  be  about  £600.  But  there  is  a sad  de- 
falcation in  the  rent-roll  sixty-four  years  after,  when 
the  whole  temporal  proceeds,  from  whitsunday  1460 
to  whitsunday  1461,  were  only  £325  2s.  8f . ; and 
the  falling  off  is  much  greater  in  the  spiritual  income, 
for  where  we  find  above  £20  for  the  half-year  in 

1396,  the  amount  for  the  whole  year,  in  1460-1,  is 
less  than  £14;  and  if  the  remainder  (which  is  wanting) 
was  in  proportion,  the  whole  spiritual  proceeds  for 
that  year,  even  supposing  the  pensions  to  be  undi- 
minished, w^ould  not  reach  £65;  and  the  whole 
revenue  for  the  year  would  be  only  about  £390.f 

* Not  having  an  opportunity  at  present  to  consult  Speed,  or  to 
ascertain  his  mode  of  computation,  I give  this  solution  merely  as  a 
conjecture,  j-  The  offerings  at  Whitby,  in  1396,  amounted  to  £ 9 
17s.  4d.  for  half  a year. ; and,  in  1460 — l,  they  were  only  £\  5s. 
lOd.  for  the  whole  year ! At  Hackness,  however,  the  spiritual  re- 
venue had  increased. 


294 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY'. 


The  civil  wars.,  which  then  raged  with  great  fury, 
may  serve  to  account  for  this  vast  diminution.  The 
funds  of  the  abbey  would  naturally  revive  on  the 
return  of  peace  ; yet  they  do  not  appear  to  have  ever 
risen  to  their  former  prosperity. 

From  the  rolls  of  disbursements  we  find  that  the 
monks  lived  up  to  their  income.  In  1394,  they  ex- 
pended £ 306  4s.  7d.  between  whitsunday  and  mar- 
tin mas  ; and,  between  this  last  term  and  the  martinmas 
following,  the  expenditure  exceeded  £664.*  A very 
large  proportion  of  this  sum  was  laid  out  in  procuring 
supplies  for  the  kitchen  : above  £64  was  paid  for 
malt,  which  cost  only  4s.  per  quarter;  so  that  they 
appear  to  have  used  a large  quantity  of  ale  and  beer. 
The  charge  for  wine  is  only  about  £19;  but  a pipe 
cost  them  no  more  than  £2  11s.  8d.  The  amount 
for  servants’  wages  is  only  about  £17  17s.:  some 
received  5s.  per  annum;  some  6s.  8d.;  some  10s.; 
some  of  the  higher  servants  13s.  4d.,  and  some  23s. : 
but  where  (he  wages  are  so  high,  board  is  generally 
included.  Such  of  the  lower  servants  as  boarded 
themselves  were  allowed  10s.  7^d.  for  board  and 
wages:  the  higher  servants  had  more,  according  to 
their  station.  The  pages,  however,  had  their  liveries 

* Charlton  (p.  260)  states  the  amount  at  =£664  Its.  6Jd.,  ex- 
clusive of  some  debts  discharged.  As  the  amount  of  the  roll  of  dis- 
bursements which  I have  examined  is  =£664  8s.  2d.,  and  some  items 
are  wanting  to  complete  it,  there  is  litlle  doubt  that  it  is  the  same  roll 
which  he  quotes  (containing  the  expenditure  from  martinmas  1394  to 
martinmas  1396)  ; especially  as  most  of  his  extracts  are  taken  from 
it.  That  part  which  contained  the  beginning  on  the  one  side,  and  the 
end  on  the  other  (for  the  writing  on  the  back  part  is  reversed),  must 
therefore  have  been  torn  off,  or  lost,  since  the  publication  of  his  work. 


REVENUES. 


*295 


besides;  and  some  others  had  also  allowances  for 
clothing'.  Several  sums  were  laid  out  in  travelling 
expenses,  repairs  of  buildings,  fuel,  presents,  and 
other  items  which  it  would  be  tedious  to  enumerate.* 
In  closing  this  review  of  the  extensive  possessions 
of  our  abbey,  it  may  be  proper  to  glance  at  the  causes 
ot  those  vast  accumulations  of  monastic  property, 
which  took  place  between  the  conquest  and  the  middle 
of  the  13th  century.  Respect  for  the  monastic  cha- 
racter may  be  named  as  one  of  the  primary  causes. 
The  life  of  the  early  monks  was,  agreeably  to  their 
profession,  a life  of  poverty,  retirement,  and  devotion ; 
and  to  contribute  to  the  support  of  persons  so  heavenly 
was  therefore  regarded  as  a meritorious  service.  Long 
after  they  had  begun  to  degenerate,  this  favourable 
view  of  their  character  continued  to  prevail;  every 
person  who  had  property,  and  wished  to  be  thought 
pious,  was  ready  to  bestow  his  benefaction  for  the  en- 
couragement of  a religious  life;  not  considering,  that 
this  profusion  of  wealth  would  eventually  smother  that 
devotion  which  it  was  intended  to  cherish.  The 
notions  entertained  of  the  efficacy  of  their  prayers, 
especially  their  prayers  for  the  dead,  operated  power- 
fully in  their  behalf.  No  doctrine  of  the  Romish 
church  has  been  more  lucrative  than  that  of  purgatory. 
Most  of  the  property  granted  to  the  monks  was  de- 
signed to  secure  their  prayers  for  the  souls  of  the 
donors,  or  of  their  kindred ; and,  in  those  ages  of 

* The  cell  of  Middleburgh,  as  will  be  noticed  more  fully  in 
another  Chapter,  seems  to  have  kept  separate  accounts ; so  that  its 
receipts  and  disbursements  are  not  included  in  the  above  calculations. 


296 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


rapine  and  bloodshed,  it  was  no  wonder  that  sinners, 
laden  with  guilt,  should  adopt  this  method  of  appeas- 
ing their  conscience,  and  escaping  from  future  woe; 
while  their  spiritual  guides  were  at  pains  to  encourage 
the  gainful  delusion.  And  when  the  guilty  father  died 
in  his  iniquities,  the  son  who  inherited  the  fruits  of  his 
crimes,  would  deem  it  a most  laudable  act  to  contri- 
bute to  the  eternal  salvation  of  his  parent.  Hence 
the  multiplication  of  monasteries,  cells,  and  churches; 
hence  that  abundance  of  wealth  which  was  poured 
into  the  funds  of  the  religious. 

The  spirit  of  crusading  was  peculiarly  favourable 
to  monastic  establishments.  When  the  romantic  idea 
of  wresting  the  holy  land  from  the  grasp  of  pagans, 
caught  the  fancy  of  a chivalrous  age,  when  the  fiat 
of  the  sovereign  pontiff  made  the  path  of  blood  the 
road  to  heaven,  when  thousands  Hocked  to  the  east 
to  display  their  piety  by  gratifying  their  ruling  pas- 
sions, and  to  gain  a passport  to  eternal  bliss  by  rapine 
and  slaughter, — it  was  natural  to  expect,  that  such  as 
were  seized  with  this  mania  would  devote  to  religious 
uses  a portion  of  those  lands  which  they  left  behind 
them.  To  this  origin  may  be  traced  the  grant  of  the 
first  William  de  Percy ; for  it  was  not  till  he  was  sett- 
ing- out  for  the  holy  land,  that  his  liberality  became 
conspicuous.  This  cause  was  aided,  in  that  instance, 
by  the  ties  of  consanguinity,  which,  as  well  as  the 
bonds  of  friendship,  contributed  at  other  periods  to  the 
advancement  of  our  abbey.  Serlo  was  William’s  bro- 
ther ; the  abbot  William  was  Alan’s  cousin ; and  in 


REVENUES. 


297 


performing  an  act  of  piety  provision  was  made  for  a 
branch  of  the  family.  The  example  of  the  chiefs  was 
followed  by  their  relations  and  dependants ; even 
Fulco  the  sewer  of  Alan  de  Percy  cast  in  his  mite  into 
the  sacred  fund ; and  indeed  this  species  of  bounty 
became  so  fashionable  that  a stigma  was  fixed  on  such 
as  neglected  it.* 

Various  other  causes  concurred  to  swell  the 
spiritual  estates.  Some  of  the  lands  of  our  abbey 
were  purchased  with  money ; and  as  the  monks.,  when 
they  husbanded  their  resources,  were  seldom  at  a loss 
for  money,  they  were  able  to  take  advantage  of  the 
distresses  of  those  who  were  in  want  of  it.  Hence  a 
number  of  grants  of  lands  were  made  to  them,  in  con- 
sideration of  money  given  to  the  donor  “in  his  great 
necessity.”  Some  gave  their  property  to  the  monas- 
tery in  the  view  of  entering  it  themselves ; thus 
securing  a comfortable  retreat  in  their  old  age : some 
bequeathed  their  lands  to  the  monks  for  want  of  heirs, 
reserving  the  possession  of  it  during  their  lifetime  : 
and  others  bargained  for  an  annuity  to  be  paid  them.f 

Through  the  operation  of  these  and  similar  causes, 
the  spiritual  estates  rapidly  accumulated ; and  there 
is  no  knowing  what  extent  they  would  have  reached, 
had  not  their  progress  been  checked  by  the  statute  of 
mortmain. 

* “ Nil  dedit  nec  confirmavit”  is  the  remark  of  the  monks  on  Richard  de 
Percy  of  Dunsley.  R.  f.  129.  f A lady  called  Pagan  left  some  property  in  Blake 
Street,  York,  to  our  monastery,  on  condition  of  her  receiving  during  life 
such  provision  as  was  ordinarily  allowed  to  a monk,  as  also  provision  for 
one  servant ; and  of  being  clothed  every  two  years  alternately,  during  the  life 
of  her  son,  who  clothed  her  the  other  two ; and  clothed  altogether  by  the 
monastery  in  case  her  son  died  before  her.  R.  p.  65.  Charlton  (p.  94)  has 
mistaken  the  meaning  of  this  curious  charter. 

QQ 


298 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


CHAP.  X. 

SECURITIES  FOR  THE  MONASTIC  POSSESSIONS— FEUDAL 
SERVICES  GIVEN  OR  REQUIRED. 


NEXT  to  the  acquisition  of  property,  the  secur- 
ing of  what  was  already  acquired,  was  an  object  of 
high  importance  with  the  monks;  and  various  were 
the  means  adopted  for  that  purpose.  The  grants 
made  to  them  were  executed  with  much  solemnity. 
The  donor  usually  offered  up  his  benefaction  on  the 
altar,  and  deposited  there,  in  the  presence  of  wit- 
nesses, his  staff,  his  knife,  or  some  other  pledge,  in 
token  of  giving  seizin  of  the  estate  :*  the  conveyance 
was  then  signed,  sealed,  and  witnessed  in  due  form  ; 
warranting  the  premises  to  the  monks  against  all  men 
and  women  for  ever;  and  sometimes,  for  the  greater 

*■  Fulco,  the  son  of  Reynfrid,  offered  up  his  gift  of  lands  in 
Tolestun  by  his  staff  on  the  altar.  R.  f.  64.  Ch.  p.  62.  His  son 
Robert  confirmed  the  grant  by  the  same  ceremony . R.  f.  20.  Ch.  p.  80. 
Alan  Buscel  offered  his  gift  of  the  church  of  Hotou  (Hutton-Bushell) 
on  the  altar  of  St.  Peter  of  Wytebi  by  his  knife.  R.  f.  62.  Ch.  p.  84. 
Roger  de  Mowbray  gave  seizin  of  the  property  held  by  Reginald  Poer, 
by  the  same  staff,  or  piece  of  wood,  by  which  he  himself  received  it. 
“ £t  ego  reddidi  eis  et  saisivi  per  idem  lignum  per  quod  et  recepi 
illud.”  R.  f 62.  Ch.  p.  110.  Several  other  instances  of  the  same  kind 
might  be  added. — This  mode  of  confirming  grants  was  in  use  before 
the  conquest.  When  Edgar  conferred  some  privileges  on  the  church 
of  Glastonbury,  he  deposited  on  the  altar  a beautiful  ivory  staff 
adorned  with  gold.  Gul.  Malmes.  de  G.  R.  Angl.  L.  II.  c.  8.  The 
horn  of  Ulphus,  still  preserved  in  York  minster,  was  presented  to 
confirm  a valuable  grant  of  lands  to  the  church  of  St.  Peter. 


SECURITIES. 


299 


stability  of  the  deed.,  pronouncing  a blessing  on  all  who 
should  confirm  it,  and  a curse  on  all  by  whom  it 
should  be  infringed.  Sometimes  it  was  stated  in  the 
charter,,  that  the  donor  presented  the  offering  with  his 
own  hand  ;*  and  it  w as  also  a matter  of  great  moment 
to  have  the  deed  acknowledged  and  confirmed  by  his 
wife,  his  son,  or  his  heirs.  In  some  cases,  as  in  the 
surrender  of  a claim  that  had  been  revived,  the  deed 
was  confirmed  by  an  oath,  sworn  on  the  holy  evan- 
gelists, or  in  some  other  manner  equally  impressive. 
The  form  in  which  Robert  of  Egton  renounced  his 
claim  on  the  town  of  Fyling  is  aw  fully  solemn.  He 
restored  and  offered  up  the  possession  on  the  altar  at 
Whitby,  and  then  swore  upon  the  altar,  and  upon  all 
the  holy  reliques  laid  thereon,  that  he  would  never 
more  (nor  any  one  for  him)  claim  any  right  in  that 
town,  and  that  he  w holly  renounced  all  his  pretensions 
to  it : after  which,  the  abbot  Richard,  at  his  request, 
standing  by  the  holy  altar,  excommunicated  and  ana- 
thematized all  persons  of  w hatever  condition  or  rank, 
and  more  particularly  his  heirs,  if  ever  they  should 
attempt  to  alienate  the  premises  from  the  Lord’s  table, 

* This  I conceive  to  be  the  meaning  of  a phrase  in  the  charter 
of  Gernagot,  a canon  of  York,  which  Charlton  has  mistaken:  instead 
of  “per  meipsum  reddidi” — “ I have  surrendered  with  my  own  hand;” 
he  lias  read  “ qui  meipsum  reddidi” — “who  have  returned  myself;” 
and  has  invented  a story  to  explain  the  phrase,  by  informing  us  that 
Gernagot  had  been  a monk  at  Whitby,  had  absconded  during  the 
troubles  about  Benedict,  and  now  “ returned  himself.”  Ch.  p.  108, 
109.  I neglected  to  examine  in  the  Register  whether  there  is  a mis- 
take of  a q for  a p in  the  contraction  for  per,  which  might  mislead 
our  author  : but  it  is  clear  that  Gernagot,  who  is  stiled  a canon  of 
York,  both  in  his  own  charter  and  others  which  he  witnessed  at  York, 
had  not  been  a monk  of  Whitby. 

qq 


O 


•<300 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


or  give  the  church  of  Whitby  any  disturbance  re- 
specting them  : and  then  the  whole  assembly  present, 
both  clergy  and  laity,  answered.  Amen.* 

When  the  grant  was  made  by  a tenant  or 
homager,  care  was  taken  to  have  it  confirmed,  either 
at  the  time  or  shortly  after,  by  the  superior  under 
whom  he  held;  and  if  that  superior  was  himself  sub- 
ject to  some  higher  feudal  lord,  the  confirmation  of 
the  latter  was  also  requisite.  After  all,  a royal  char- 
ter was  necessary  to  give  permanent  possession  ; nay, 
if  churches  or  tithes  were  bestowed,  the  deed  was  not 
sufficiently  valid  without  the  charter  of  the  archbi- 
shop.+ To  crown  the  whole,  the  pope’s  bull  was 
sometimes  superadded,  as  the  highest  possible  sanc- 
tion. Thus,  by  securities  upon  securities,  the  property 
of  the  monks  was  defended,  as  with  a wall  of  triple 
brass,  that  no  sacrilegious  hand  might  presume  to 
touch  it. 

Several  of  the  ancient  monasteries  supported 
their  titles  to  their  possessions  and  privileges  by  forged 
charters,  pretended  to  have  been  received  from  Saxon 
kings.  Fables  of  miracles,  and  lying  wonders,  were 
also  resorted  to,  with  the  same  view.  This  policy  had 
been  practised  before  the  expiration  of  the  Saxon 
period.  It  was  not  against  such  traitors  as  Edric, 

* R.  f.  60.  Ch.  p.  134.  Notwithstanding  this  solemn  renunciation, 
it  was  thought  necessary  to  exact  a similar  oath  from  another  Robert 
of  Egton,  grandson  to  this  Robert.  R.  f.  43.  Ch.  p.  165.  33  hether  this 
family  had  a claim  on  Fyling,  as  the  heirs  of  Tancred  the  Fleming, 
who  disposed  of  it  to  the  abbot  337illiam,  or  whether  their  right  to  it 
was  prior  to  that  of  Tancred,  we  have  no  means  of  ascertaining, 
f Monks  were  not  to  receive  churches  without  the  consent  of  the 
bishops.  3Viik.  Con.  I.  p.  383. 


SECURITIES. 


303 


■or  such  monsters  as  Tosti,  that  the  thunderbolts  of 
heaven  were  pointed;  but  against  the  more  guilty 
wretches  who  dared  to  violate  the  patrimony  of  St. 
Peter,  St.  Cuthbert,  or  St.  John.  The  grand  tend- 
ency of  most  of  the  visions,  and  revelations,  and  other 
miraculous  phenomena  of  the  dark  ages,  was  to  enforce 
the  payment  of  tithes,  to  produce  veneration  for  the 
shrines  of  the  saints,  to  establish  the  lucrative  doctrine 
of  purgatory,  and  secure  abundant  offerings  to  the 
church.* 

We  have  no  proof  that  such  tricks  were  employed 
by  the  monks  of  Whitby,  but  we  find  them  very 
careful,  in  their  leases,  grants,  and  other  deeds,  to 
maintain  their  rights,  and  prevent  any  encroachment 
on  their  property.  William  earl  of  Albemarle  held 
some  land  of  them  in  Soureby,  and  lest  his  heirs  should 
put  in  a claim  to  it,  they  exacted  of  him  an  oath  and 
certificate,  that  he  did  not  possess  it  by  right  of  suc- 
cession, but  merely  held  it  of  them  as  a life  estate. f 
John  Arundel  encroached  on  a part  of  their  land, 
which  he  enclosed  with  a ditch,  and  the^  forced  him  to 
pay  them  2s.  yearly  for  the  encroach ment.§  In  the 
year  1381,  the  inhabitants  of  Ugglebarnby  and  Yburn, 
broke  into  the  abbot’s  enclosures  in  that  quarter,  at- 
tempting to  recover  by  force  the  right  of  common 

* The  visions  of  Thurcillus,  or  Thurkil,  recorded  by  M.  Paris 
(p.  207,  &c.)  may  be  named  as  a notable  specimen.  His  two  days’ 
journey  to  heaven,  hell,  and  purgatory,  is  a fable,  which  to  the 
monks,  would  be  not  less  profitable  than  entertaining.  + R.  f.  21. 
Ch.  p.  146,  141.  § R.  f.  21.  Ch.  p.  79.  As  the  constable  of  Scar- 

borough is  a witness  to  the  deed,  it  is  not  unlikely  that  some  legal 
steps  had  been  taken  to  obtain  redress;  yet  Mr.  Charlton  goes  too  far, 
in  asserting  that  Arundel  had  been  "prosecuted  and  taken  into  custody,’’ 


302 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


pasturage,  and  other  privileges  which  they  had  for- 
merly enjoyed  there,  and  which  William  de  Everley, 
lord  of  the  manor,  had  given  up  ; but  they  were  pro- 
secuted in  the  court  of  king’s  bench,  and  heavy 
damages  were  recovered.* 

When  the  convent  let  any  of  their  lands  to  the 
heirs,  or  relations,  of  those  who  had  granted  those 
lands,  great  care  was  taken  to  provide  that  the  property 
should  fully  revert  to  the  abbey  at  the  expiration  of  the 
lease. f The  same  jealousy  of  their  rights  appeared 
in  making  exchanges  of  land  whether  the  exchange 
was  made  with  their  own  homagers,  or  with  others. 
Ascatine,  who  possessed  Newholm,  where  he  had 
probably  been  homager  to  Alan  de  Percy,  received 
Hawsker  and  Normanby  from  the  abbot  William,  in 
exchange  for  Newholm ; and,  on  making  the  bargain, 
he  gave  two  teams  of  oxen  and  a set  of  harrows,  besides 
becoming  bound  for  an  annual  rent  of  24s.  and  two 
days’  service,  one  of  the  ploughs  and  another  of  the 
reapers.^  Ranulf,  another  homager,  received,  from 

* R.  f.  6.  Cli.  p.  252.  f As  in  the  case  of  William  of  Caytou, 
who  had  a life-rent  lease  of  the  lands  given  to  the  abbey  by  his  uncle 
Robert.  R.  f.  19  Cli.  [>.  151.  Hugh  de  Baliol,  after  confirming,  by 
his  charter,  to  the  monks  of  Whitby,  the  mill  oi  lnglebv,  and  other 
premises  formerly  granted  by  Adam  de  lnglebv,  obtained  a life-rent 
lease  of  the  mill,  with  the  necessary  provisions  and  restrictions.  R.  f. 
14,  118.  Cli.  p.  155.  § R.  f.  55.  This  record,  which  is  somewhat 

obscure,  Charlton  (p.  78)  has  greatly  misunderstood.  He  makes 
“ carueatas  bourn”  to  be  oxgangs  of  land,  and  “ hercatorium  ingres- 
siun”  he  supposes  to  mean  a icay  into  the  hermitage;  thinking 
“ hercatorium”  a mistake  for  “heremitorium.”  But  carucala  bourn  is 
a team  of  oxen: — liercatorius  or  hercintorius  may  be  derived  from 
the  verb  hereto — to  harrow,  and  ingressus  may  mean  a gang  or  set. 
At  the  same  time,  it  may  be  questioned,  whether  the  phrase  “ herca- 
torium ingressum”  means  the  harrows  themselves,  or  the  oxen  required 
to  draw  them,  or  both ; and  perhaps  a similar  doubt  may  arise  as  to 


SERVICES. 


303 


the  abbot  Richard  II,  some  lands  in  Sleights,  in  ex- 
change for  lands  in  Soureby;  on  which  occasion,  he 
became  bound  to  give  his  homage  and  service  for  the 
premises,  to  pay  16d.  yearly  rent,  to  send  a plougher 
and  a reaper  once  a year,  and  to  make  as  much  of  the 
horngarth  as  belonged  to  one  oxgang  of  land ; and 
further  engaged  not  to  sell  or  mortgage  his  land,  with- 
out leave  of  the  abbot  and  convent.* 

The  exaction  of  the  services  specified  in  these 
deeds,  which  were  required  of  the  tenants  in  general, 
formed  one  means  of  securing  the  estates  of  the  abbey. 
Under  the  feudal  system,  every  landholder  was  bound 
to  perform  homage  and  service  for  his  lands.  Some 
held  their  lands  of  the  crown,  but  most  proprietors 
owed  feudal  subjection  to  one  or  other  of  the  great 
barons,  or  those  who  held  under  them.  Several  ser- 
vices due  to  the  king  were  paid  in  money,  as  danegelt, 
socage,  escuage,  &c.  Others  consisted  in  military 
duty,  civil  employment,  or  manual  labour;  such  as 
serving  in  the  army,  assisting  in  keeping  the  peace, 
attending  in  the  king’s  courts,  repairing  castles, 
bridges,  or  highways,  &c.  In  addition  to  these,  there 
were  county  services,  wapentake  services,  and  seve- 
ral other  public  burdens.  The  services  due  to  the  king 
did  not  fall  on  those  only  who  held  of  the  king,  but 
also  on  their  vassals,  who  were  bound  to  bear  their 
proportion  of  public  burdens,  in  addition  to  all  the 

the  phrase  “carucatas  bourn.”  At  any  rate,  there  was  no  hermitage 
either  at  Hawsker  or  Newholm.  The  two  “precatioues” — days  works, 
in  this  charter,  may  perhaps  mean  two  days  service  of  all  Aschetine’s 
servants,  and  not  days  works  of  one  servant  only.  Precatio  seems 
to  include  more  than  a single  precaria.  * R.  f.  42.  CL  p.  129, 


304 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


feudal  duties  which  they  owed  to  their  immediate  lords. 
From  a great  part  of  the  public  services  the  abbies 
were  usually  exempted  ; and  hence,  to  have  the  benefit 
of  this  exemption,  several  persons  made  over  their 
lands  to  the  monasteries,  to  receive  them  back  again, 
as  tenants  or  homagers;  insomuch  that  it  became 
necessary  to  pass  an  act,  for  putting  an  end  to  this 
method  of  injuring  the  public  service.  I do  not  know 
that  any  instance  of  this  kind  occurred  at  Whitby. 

Yet  no  abbey  was  wholly  exempted  from  feudal 
services  and  dues;  and  the  abbot  and  convent  of 
Whitby  paid  danegelt,  and  king’s  socage,  for  several 
parcels  of  land  ;*  being  the  dues  that  were  paid  for 
such  lands,  before  they  were  granted  to  the  monastery. 
In  general  the  donor  of  an  estate  presented  it  clear 
from  all  services  due  to  himself,  or  such  as  were 
termed  joreign  services  and  left  it  to  bear  those 
burdens  only  which  were  imposed  by  an  authority 
paramount  to  his  own  : though  in  some  cases  the 
benefaction  was  warranted  free  from  all  services  and 
exactions  whatsoever. § 

* Thus  they  paid  for  their  lands  at  Hutton-Bushell  10s.  annually 
fbr  king’s  socage.  Yet  the  same  lands  were  free  from  wapentake  and 
shire  service,  and'  every  service  pertaining  to  the  sheriff.  R.  f.  61,  62. 
Ch.  p.  83,  84.  Their  lands  in  Butterwick  were  free  of  every  service, 
except  danegelt  R.  f.  55,  56.  Ch.  p.  79,  144.  f Forinsecum 
servitium — -foreign  service  is  debned  in  an  old  law  dictionary  to  be 
**  that  service  whereby  a mean  lord  holdeth  over  of  another  without 
the  compass  of  his  own  fee  ; or  else  that  which  a tenant  performeth, 
either  to  his  own  lord,  or  to  the  lord  paramount,  out  of  the  fee.”  I 
should  suppose  that  forense  servitium,  which  Charlton  considers  as 
synonimous,  must  mean  court  service.  § Robert  of  Irton  warranted 
and  ensured  his  donation  of  land  in  Irion  to  the  convent  of  4Y  hitby, 
against  lords,  and  kings,  and  all  men,  in  all  things  that  could  happen 
mth  regard  to  exactions  and  demands  for  ever.  R.  f.  42.  Ch.  p.  192, 


SERVICES. 


305 


The  services  imposed  on  homagers  were  often 
commuted;  in  which  case,,  the  name  of  the  service 
was  applied  to  the  money  paid  in  lieu  of  it : and  very 
frequently  along  with  this  money  service,  or  instead 
of  it,  some  article  of  merchandise  was  paid  as  a token 
of  feudal  subjection.  Thus,  when  Robert  of  Cayton 
sold  to  the  monks  of  Whitby  3 oxgangs  of  land  in 
Cayton,  Durand,  his  brother  and  lord,  confirmed  the 
grant,  but  reserved  to  himself  the  foreign  service 
which  was  wont  to  be  paid  for  that  land,  viz.  2s. 
yearly  and  the  mantel;  and  when  a fourth  oxgang 
was  afterwards  added  to  the  grant,  the  foreign  service 
was  increased  to  32d. ; being  at  the  rate  of  8d.  per 
oxgang.*  Durand,  at  the  same  time,  confirmed  the 
grant  of  2 oxgangs  in  Kilverdby,  sold  to  the  monks 
by  his  father-in-law,  Robert  Palmer;  but  secured  the 
foreign  service  to  himself  and  his  heirs.  The  goods, 
or  articles  of  merchandise,  rendered  under  the  name 
of  service,  varied  according  to  the  caprice  of  the  su- 
perior. Among  other  things,  we  find  a pound  of 
pepper,  half  a pound  of  cummin,  a pound  of  wax, 
a pound  of  incense,  two  pounds  ot  incense,  and  a 
pair  of  scarlet  garters, f paid  annually  for  lands  or 
tenements. 

* R.  f.  61,  62.  Ch.  p.  105,  106.  In  the  charters  referred  to  we 
find  the  words  the  mantel  in  English,  in  the  Register; — et  the  man- 
tel, quos  &c.”  In  a similar  way,  “ le  hornegarth”  occurs  in  some 
of  the  charters,  f R.  t.  63,  65,  69,  72,  121,  &c.  Ch.  p.  109,  122, 
134,  178,  & c.  I have  not  examined  the  words  which  Charlton  ren- 
ders “scarlet  garters;”  and  therefore  cannot  vouch  for  the  accuracy 
of  his  translation.  Another  phrase  denoting  an  annual  service,  which 
occurs  in  the  charters  of  Henry  de  Ormesby  and  Emma  Wasthose,  his 
wife,  (R.  f.  39.  Ch.  p.  201.)  is  rendered  by  Charlton  “half  of  a 


306 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


As  exemption  from  such  secular  services  was 
often  included  in  grants  of  land  to  the  abbey,*  so  this 
exemption  was  frequently  made  the  subject  of  a sepa- 
rate grant,  when  the  service  had  been  reserved  in  the 
first  grant.  Thus,  Roger  de  Mowbray  gave  up  to 
the  monks  of  Whitby  all  the  foreign  service,  due  to 
him  for  the  lands  in  Tolestun,  granted  them  by  Fulco 
the  sewer. f Robert  de  Livertun  resigned  12d.  ser- 
vice which  he  had  been  wont  to  receive  yearly,  from 
the  monks,  for  a toft  in  Livertun.^  Thomas  de  Hast- 
ings released  the  abbot  and  convent,  and  their  homagers 
and  tenants  in  Crossby-Ravenswarth,  from  their  obli- 
gation to  grind  their  corn  at  his  mill  in  Crossby, 
allowing  them  to  grind  it  where  they  thought  proper. J 
The  services  and  dues  demanded  by  the  abbot 
and  convent,  from  their  homagers  and  tenants,  were 

soaring  sparrow-hawk.”  He  reads  the  original  “ dimidium  sparveri- 
umsorum” — Sparverius  or  rather  spervarius,  is  indeed  used  in  old 
charters  to  signify  a spar roiv- hawk;  but  half  & sparrow-hawk  could 
be  of  no  value,  unless  we  understand  the  term  to  mean  half  the  price 
of  one.  Perhaps  “dimidium  spervariumsorum”  may  denote  “half  a 
flight  (or  set)  of  sparrow-hawks.”  After  all,  as  the  original  word  is 
much  contracted  (sp’uiiisorii)  and  may  be  read  various  ways,  it  very 
probably  has  another  meaning  which  remains  to  be  discovered. 

* William  de  Percy,  the  son  of  Alan,  acquitted  the  abbey — “ ab 
omni  equitatu,  et  forensi  servitio,  et  consuetudine  seculari  omnibus 
rebus” — from  all  horse  and  court  service,  and  secular  custom,  in  all 
things.  R.  f.  7.  The  coxirt  service  seems  to  have  consisted  in  the 
duty  of  attending  the  baronial  courts,  serving  on  juries,  &c.  The 
equitatus,  or  horse-service,  appears  to  signify,  the  gift  that  was  ren- 
dered by  homagers  to  every  new  lord  of  the  fee,  on  his  accession,  to 
provide  him  a palfrey,  or  horse;  he  being  then  obliged  to  contribute 
similar  gifts  to  the  officers  of  the  crown.  Gifts  of  the  same  kind  were 
exacted  of  every  new  abbot,  and  were  levied  in  like  manner  from  the 
tenants  of  the  monastery.  Fosbrooke’s  Brit.  Monachism,  I.  p.  79,  80. 
t R.  f.  19.  Ch.  p.  95.  § R.  f.  20.  Ch.  p.  133.  + R.  f.  100.  Ch. 

p.  207.  The  abbot  John,  and  the  convent  of  Whitby,  gave  a similar 
release  to  Roger  of  Irton.  R.  f.  119.  Ch.  p.  164. 


SERVICES . 


30? 


similar  to  those  which  were  required  of  themselves. 
The  public  burdens  which  were  occasionally  imposed 
by  the  crown,  under  the  name  of  subsidies,  or  gene- 
ral aids,  they  laid  on  such  as  held  lands  of  them,  and 
even  on  the  incumbents  of  churches ; so  that  whatever 
share  was  allotted  by  the  archbishop,  or  others,  to 
the  monks  of  Whitby,  was  apportioned  by  the  latter 
to  their  homagers  and  dependants.*  The  annual  and 
constant  services  rendered  to  the  abbey  consisted 
chiefly  in  precations,  court-service,  and  the  making 
up  of  the  horngarth.  These  services,  which  have 
already  been  occasionally  noticed,  are  specified  in 
many  of  the  charters  and  papers  in  the  Register. 
Thus,  Nicholas  de  Hastings,  the  homager  at  Broxay, 
in  addition  to  an  annual  rent  of  10s.,  was  bound  to 
give  one  day’s  ploughing  yearly,  for  every  plough- 
land in  Broxay,  to  plough  the  abbot’s  land;  and  a 
man  out  of  every  house  for  one  day,  to  reap  the 
abbot’s  corn,  on  being  summoned  by  the  abbot’s  ser- 
vant ; and  also  to  perform  such  suit  and  service  at  the 
abbot’s  court,  as  the  said  Nicholas  and  his  ancestors 
had  been  wont  to  perform. f Roger  Burrigan  of 

Fyling,  when  he  sold  one  oxgang  of  land,  and  other 
premises  in  Fyling,  for  four  marks  of  silver,  given 
him  by  the  abbot  and  convent  in  his  great  necessity, 
bound  himself  and  his  heirs,  to  perform,  out  of  his 
remaining  tenement  or  farm,  the  duty  and  service  of 
the  horngarth,  with  the  ploughing,  the  reaping,  and 
all  other  services  belonging  to  that  oxgang  of  land.§ 

* R.  f.  61,  90,  91.  Ch.  p.  106,  252,  254.  | R.  f.  101.  Ch 

p.  220,  221.  § R.  f.  40,  45.  Ch.  p.  202,  203. 

1 RR  2 


308 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


William  of  Everley,  on  receiving  from  the  abbot 
Richard  II  a grant  of  Ugglebarnby  and  Everley, 
agreed,  in  addition  to  bis  rent  of  11s.,  to  assist  the 
abbot  once  in  August  with  16  men  from  Ugglebarnby, 
and  8 from  Everley,  and  to  make  up  his  share  of  the 
horngarth.*  When  William  de  Percy  of  Dunsley 
was  released  by  the  abbot  Benedict  from  feudal  ser- 
vices, on  his  paying  two  marks  yearly  as  the  redemp- 
tion of  such  services,  the  making  up  of  the  horngarth 
was  expressly  excepted. f Some  other  instances  to 
the  same  effect  have  already  been  quoted. § 

It  is  not  necessary  to  say  any  thing  more  re- 
specting the  precations,  as  they  have  been  particularly 
mentioned  in  the  former  Chapter ; ||  nor  will  it  be 
needful  to  give  any  further  explanation  of  the  forense 
servitium,  or  court  service ; but  the  service  of  the 
horngarth  will  require  to  be  more  fully  illustrated, 
both  because  it  appears  to  have  been  of  a peculiar 
kind,  and  because  it  has  given  rise  to  a curious  fable. 

It  appears  from  a memorial  in  the  Register  re- 
lating to  the  disputes  between  the  abbot  Thomas  de 
Malton  and  Alexander  de  Percy  of  Sneaton,  about 
the  year  1315,  that  the  horngarth  was  made  at  the 
town  of  Whitby,  with  wood  taken  from  the  abbot’s 
forest ; for  one  subject  of  complaint  was,  that  Alex- 
ander de  Percy’s  men,  when  employed  on  this  service, 

* R.  f.  66.  Ch.  p.  129.  t R f-  66.  Ch.  p.  96.  § See  p.  302, 

303.  1|  Only  I may  here  observe,  that,  in  some  charters,  the  preca- 
tiones,  or  prccarioe,  are  expressly  given  to  the  abbey  by  the  grant 
of  the  donors.  Thus  Hugh  Malet  gave,  along  with  other  benefactions, 
the  service  which  he  had  been  used  to  receive  yearly  from  Croxebv, 
as  well  for  ploughers  as  reapers.  R.  f.  13.  Ch.  p.  123, 


SERVICES. 


309 


took  too  much  wood  out  of  the  forest,  and  after  mak- 
ing- up  the  horngarth,  sold  in  the  town  the  wood  that 
was  left;  in  consequence  of  which,  it  was  agreed,  that 
in  future  the  wood  should  be  delivered  to  them  by  the 
abbot’s  servants,  and  that  if  there  should  be  any  defect 
in  the  making  of  the  horngarth,  for  want  of  wood,  the 
blame  should  not  rest  with  Alexander’s  men,  but  with 
the  abbot’s  servants.  We  also  learn  from  the  same 
memorial,  that  the  horngarth  was  always  made  up  on 
ascension  eve,  unless  it  happened  to  be  the  feast  of 
St.  John  of  Beverley.*  The  horngarth,  therefore, 
must  have  been  some  garth,  yard,  or  inclosure,  fenced 
with  wood,  which  the  abbot’s  homagers  and  tenants, 
at  least  such  as  were  near  Whitby,  were  bound  to  re- 
pair every  year;  and  it  probably  received  the  name 
horng arth,  from  their  being  assembled  for  that  pur- 
pose at  the  blowing  of  a horn.  What  was  the  use  of 
this  garth  it  is  not  so  easy  to  ascertain.  Perhaps  it 
was  the  abbot’s  coal-yard,  where  the  coals  for  the 
monastery  were  delivered  and  laid  up ; or  it  might  be, 
as  Charlton  conjectures,  a kind  of  store-yard,  where 
goods  were  landed  and  deposited.  At  any  rate,  we 
find,  from  the  charter  given  by  the  abbot  Benedict  to 
William  de  Percy  of  Dunsley,  that  the  service  was 
performed  at  a very  early  period,  and  was  probably 
imposed  on  the  tenants  in  Whitby  Strand,  before  the 
port  of  Whitby  was  granted  to  the  abbey.  It  appears 
also,  that,  long  before  the  dissolution  of  the  monastery, 

* R.  f.  134,  135.  Charlton  in  his  translation  of  this  memorial 
(p.  240 — 243.)  has  used  some  unwarrantable  liberties,  and  at  the 
same  time  made  some  gross  blunders,  as  will  be  afterwards  noticed 
more  particularly. 


310 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


the  use  of  this  garth  Avas  superseded  by  the  erection 
of  better  yards  and  more  substantial  warehouses  : yet 
the  abbot  and  convent,  ever  jealous  of  their  rights, 
still  compelled  such  of  their  tenants  as  did  not  purchase 
an  exemption,  to  continue  this  annual  service,  or  at 
least  the  semblance  of  it;  and  thus  the  shadow  was 
retained,  while  the  substance  was  gone.  Hence,  in 
the  course  of  a generation  or  two,  the  origin  of  this 
service,  which  then  appeared  useless  and  frivolous, 
began  to  be  forgotten  ; and,  during  this  ignorance 
respecting  its  design,  an  opportunity  was  furnished 
to  the  monks,  or  some  one  for  them,  to  invent  a fable 
on  the  subject,  which  might  both  account  for  the 
practice,  and  serve  to  keep  it  up.  This  singular  fable 
is  here  presented  to  the  reader ; 

the  fifth  year  of  [the  reign  of  King]  Henry 
the  Second,  after  the  Conquest  of  England,  by  William, 
Duke  of  Normandy,  the  Lord  of  Ugglebarnby , then  called  Wil- 
liam de  Bruce,  the  Lord  of  Sneaton,  called  Ralph  de  Piercie, 
with  a Gentleman  and  Freeholder  [of  Fyliugdales],  called  Allatson, 
did,  in  the  Month  of  October , the  16th  Day  of  the  same  Manth,  ap- 
point to  meet  and  hunt  the  wild  Boar,  in  a certain  Wood  or  Desart, 
called  Eskdale-Side.  The  Wood  or  Place  did  belong  to  the  Abbot  of 
the  Monastery  of  Whitby,  who  was  called  Sedman.  Then  the  afore- 
said Gentlemen  did  meet  with  their  Boar-Staves  and  Hounds  in  the 
Place  aforenamed,  and  there  found  a great  wild  Boar,  and  the  Hounds 
did  run  him  very  well,  near  about  the  Chapel  and  Hermitage  of  Esk- 
dale-Sidc,  where  there  was  a Monk  of  Whitby,  who  was  an  Hermit. 
The  Boar  being  sore  [wounded,  and  liptly]  pursued,  and  dead-run,  took 
in  at  the  Chapel-Door,  and  there  laid  him  down  and  presently  died. 
The  Hermit  shut  the  Hounds  forth  of  the  Chapel,  aud  kept  himself 
within  at  his  Meditation  and  Prayers,  the  hounds  standing  at  Bay 
without.  The  Gentlemen  in  the  Thick  of  the  Wood,  put  behind  their 
Game,  following  the  Cry  of  their  Hounds,  came  to  the  Hermitage, 
and  found  the  Hounds  round  about  the  Chapel.  Then  came  the  Gen- 
tlemen to  the  Door  of  the  Chapel,  and  called  the  Hermit,  who  did 
open  the  Door,  and  come  forth,  and  within  lay  the  Boar  dead;  for 
the  which,  the  Gentlemen  in  a Fury,  because  fheir  Hounds  were  put 


SERVICES. 


311 


from  their  Game,  did  [most  violently  and  cruelly]  run  at  the  Hermit 
with  their  Boar-Staves,  whereof  he  died.  Then  the  Gentlemen,  know- 
ing and  perceiving  he  was  in  Peril  of  Death,  took  Sanctuary  at  Scar- 
borough; but  at  that  Time  the  Abbot,  in  great  Favour  with  the 
King,  did  remove  them  out  of  the  Sanctuary,  whereby  they  came  in 
danger  of  the  Law,  and  could  not  be  privileged,  but  like  to  have  the 
Severity  of  the  Law,  which  was  Deatli  for  Death.  But  the  Hermit 
being  a holy  Man,  and  being  very  sick,  and  at  the  Point  of  Death, 
sent  for  the  Abbot,  and  desired  him  to  send  for  the  Gentlemen,  who 
had  wounded  him  to  Death.  The  Abbot,  so  doing,  the  Gentlemen 
came,  and  the  Hermit  being  sore  sick,  said,  I am  sure  to  die  of  these 
Wounds.  The  Abbot  answered.  They  shall  die  for  thee.  But  the 
Hermit  said.  Not  so,  for  I freely  forgive  them  my  Death,  if  they 
be  content  to  be  enjoyned  to  this  Penance,  fur  the  Safeguard  of 
their  Souls.  The  Gentlemen  being  there  present,  [and  terrified  with 
the  fear  of  Death]  bid  him  enjoy n what  he  would,  so  he  saved  their 
Lives.  Then  said  the  Hermit,  ‘ You  and  yours  shall  hold  your  Lands 

* of  the  Abbot  of  Whitby,  and  his  Successors,  in  this  Manner; 
‘ That  upon  Ascension-eve,  you,  or  some  for  you,  shall  come  to  the 
‘ Wood  of  the  Stray-Head,  which  is  in  Eskdale-Sidc,  the  same  Day 
‘ at  Sun-rising,  and  there  shall  the  Officer  of  the  Abbot  blow  his 
‘ horn,  to  the  intent  that  you  may  know  how  to  find  him,  and  he  shall 
' deliver  unto  you  William  de  Bruce,  ten  Stakes , ten  Strout- 
T Stowers,  and  ten  Yedders,  to  be  cut  by  you,  or  those  that  come  for 
‘ you,  with  a Knife  of  a Penny  Price;  and  you  Ralph  de  Piercie, 

* shall  take  one  and  twenty  of  each  Sort,  to  be  cut  in  the  same  Man- 
‘ ner;  and  you  Allatson  shall  take  nine  of  each  Sort,  to  be  cut  as 
' aforesaid;  and  to  be  taken  on  your  Backs  and  carried  to  the  town  of 
‘ Whitby,  and  so  to  be  there  before  nine  of  the  Clock  of  the  same 
‘ Day  aforementioned.  And  at  the  Hour  of  nine  of  the  Clock,  (if  it  be 
5 full  Sea,  to  cease  that  Service)  as  long  as  it  is  low  Water,  at  nine 

* of  the  Clock,  the  same  Hour  each  of  you  shall  set  your  Stokes  at 
‘the  Brim  of  the  AVater,  each  Slake  a Yard  from  auolher,  and  so 
‘ Yedder  them,  as  with  your  Yedders,  and  so  stake  on  each  Side  with 
‘ your  Strout- Stowers,  that  they  stand  three  Tides  without  removing 

* by  the  Force  of  the  Water.  Each  of  you.  shall  make  them  in  several 

* Places  at  the  Hour  aforenamed,  (except  it  be  full  Sea  at  that  Hour, 
‘ which  when  it  shall  happen  to  pass,  that  Service  shall  cease)  and 
‘ you  shall  do  this  Service  in  Remembrance  that  you  did  [most  cruelly] 
‘ slay  me.  And  that  you  may  the  better  call  to  God  for  Repentance, 
' and  find  Mercy,  and  do  good  AVorks,  the  Officer  of  Eskdale-Side 
‘ shall  blow  his  Horn,  Out  on  you,  Out  on  you,  Out  on  you,  for  the 

* heinous  Crime  of  you.  And  if  you,  and  your  Successors  do  refuse 
‘ this  Service,  so  long  as  it  shall  not  be  full  Sea,  at  that  Hour  afore - 
‘ said,  you,  and  yours,  shall  forfeit  all  your  Lands  to  the  Abbot  [of 
‘ AVhitby],  or  his  Successors.  Thus  I do  intreat  the  Abbot,  that  you 
‘ may  have  your  Lives  and  Goods  for  this  Service,  and  you  to  promise 
' by  your  Parts  in  Heaven,  that  it  shall  be  done  by  you  and  your 


312 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


'Successors,  as  it  is  aforesaid.”  And  the  abbot  said,  I grant  all  that 
you  have  said , and  will  confirm  it  by  the  Faith  of  an  honest  Man 
Then  the  Hermit  said.  My  Soul  longeth  for  the  Lord,  and  I do  as 
freely  forgive  these  Gentlemen  my  Death,  us  Christ  forgave  the 
Thief  upon  the  Cross:  And  in  the  Presence  of  the  Abbot  and  the  rest, 
he  said.  In  manus  tuasDomine  cornmemlo  spiritual  meian : [a  vinculis 
enim  mortis ] redemisti  me,  Domine  veritatis .*  Amen. 

And  so  lie  yielded  up  the  Ghost,  the  18th  Day  of  December , 
upon  whose  Soul  God  haveMercy.  Amen.  AnnoDomini  1 160.[1159.]t 

There  is  something  so  romantic  in  this  monkish 
story , that  one  is  tempted  to  wish  that  it  were  true ; 
Grose  pleads  strongly  for  its  authenticity  :§  but  we 
must  not  please  the  imagination  at  the  expense  of 
truth;  and  1 have  no  hesitation  in  saying,  that  the 
arguments  which  demonstrate  the  story  to  be  fictitious 
are  altogether  incontrovertible.  There  never  was  an 
abbot  of  Whitby  called  Sedman ; the  name  in  the  tale 
is  borrowed  from  that  of  Cedmon  the  poet;  but  the 
abbot’s  name  in  the  year  1159  was  Richard.  There 
was  no  Ralph  de  Percy,  nor  any  other  Percy,  at  that 
time  lord  of  Sneaton  ; no  Bruce  that  was  lord  of  Ug- 
glebarnby  ; nor,  as  far  as  can  be  discovered,  any 
Allatson  then  in  Fylingdales.  Sneaton  was  then  held 
by  the  family  of  Arundel,  and  Ugglebarnby  by  that 
of  Everley;  and  in  the  time  of  the  abbot  Roger,  the 
family  of  Burrigan  made  up  the  horngarth  for  Fyling- 
dales. Above  all,  we  are  sure,  from  the  documents 
above  quoted,  that  the  service  of  the  horngarth  was 
performed  by  the  homagers  of  Dunsley,  Sleights,  and 
ether  parts,  as  well  as  by  those  of  Sneaton,  Uggle- 
barnby, and  Fyling  ; and  that  it  was  performed  long 
before  tiie  time  of  this  supposed  hermit.  Nor  can 

* Psa.  xxxi.  5.  f From  an  ancieut  copy  printed  on  vellum, 
with  a few  corrections  and  supplements  taken  from  other  copies 
^ Antiqu.  Yol.  VI.  p.92,  93. 


SERVICES. 


313 


there  be  a doubt  that  this  supposed  penance  is  a relic 

of  the  ancient  service  of  horngarth,  as  it  is  performed 

on  the  same  day,  and  as  the  following  memorandum, 

written  on  an  imperfect  leaf  at  the  beginning  of  the 

Register,  but  in  a much  more  modern  hand  than  the 

contents  of  the  book,  clearly  proves  their  identity: 

'■  Everie  yeer  the  Horngarth  service  ys  to  be  doone  upon 
“ Holiie  Thursday  evne.” 

“ Tho.  Cockrill  being-  Bayliil’  to  the  Abbot,  did  raeete  by  sonn- 
rise  the  Rymeres,  the  Strangwayes,  the  Eldringtenes,  and  Allettsons, 
(who  were  bound  to  this  service)  in  the  Strye  Head  End  by  Lvttel- 
Beck.  And  the  said  Cock’l  did  see  every  one  cutt  downe  with  a 
Knyfe  (he  appoynting  the  wood)  so  muche  as  shoulde  serve.  From 
thence  they  cam,  not  the  nearest  way;  but,  brinnging  them  upon  their 
backs,  went  a good  way  before  they  cam  into  the  way.  So  comminge 
to  the  water  at  the  towne,  and  there  maid  the  hedg,  which  should 
stand  three  tydes;  and  then  the  officer  did  blow,  Oute  upon  them.”* 

From  this  document  we  learn,  that  the  horngarth 
service  is  the  very  same  with  what  is  now  called  the 
planting  of  the  penny  hedge,  and  that  the  story  of  the 
hermit  existed  in  some  shape  prior  to  the  dissolution; 
only  the  service  was  then  performed  by  four  families, 
whereas  in  our  tale  there  are  but  three.  All  the 
homagers  have  long  ago  purchased  their  exemption 
from  this  service,  except  one  family,  viz.  that  which 
possesses  the  property  of  the  Allatsons  in  Fyiingdales; 
which  continued  in  the  family  of  Allatson  till  the  year 
1755,  and  has  now  for  many  years  belonged  to  a fa- 
mily called  Herbert.  Mr.  Robert  Herbert  duly  per- 
formed the  service  on  ascension-eve  (May  22)  in  this 
present  year,  1816.  It  cannot  be  expected  that  a 
penny,  in  the  present  day,  can  purchase  a knife  suffi- 

* Charlton,  (p.  131)  I know  not  on  what  grounds,  conceives 
this  memorandum  to  have  been  written  after  the  dissolution. 

ss 


314 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


cient  to  be  used  on  the  occasion,  nor  is  it  necessary 
to  fetch  the  wood  from  the  Straybead,  or  to  have  it  deli- 
vered by  the  bailiff;  but  the  bailiff  still  attends  to  see 
the  hedge  planted,  and  the  horn  continues  to  blow  Out 
on  them ! This  part  of  the  farce  has  long  been  acted 
by  Nathaniel  Wright,  a well-known  eccentric  charac- 
ter in  Whitby.  The  penny-hedge  is  always  planted 
on  the  south  side  of  the  Esk,  within  high  water  mark,* 
a little  below  Mr.  Smales’s  mast  yard;  where  the 
ancient  horngarth  was  probably  made.f 

* It  required  no  great  skill  to  foresee,  that  it  would  never  be  high 
water  on  ascension-eve  at  nine  in  the  morning:  for  the  time  of  ascen- 
sion-day  is  determined  by  that  of  easter  which  is  regulated  by  the 
moon,  and  the  moon  regulates  the  tides.  The  morning  of  this  day 
was  probably  chosen  for  making  the  horngarth,  because  it  was  most 
convenient  to  make  it  up  when  the  tide  was  low. 
f A story  so  romantic  could  not  escape  the  pen  of  a Scott.  It  is 
given  in  the  following  interesting  lines : 

Then  Whitby’s  nuns  exulting  told. 

How  to  their  house  three  barons  bold 
Must  menial  service  do ; 

While  horns  blow  out  a note  of  shame. 

And  monks  cry  “ Fye  upon  your  name  1 
In  wrath,  for  loss  of  sylvan  game. 

Saint  Hilda’s  priest  ye  slew.” 

“ This  on  ascension-day,  each  year. 

While  labouring  on  our  harbour-pier. 

Must  Herbert,  Bruce,  and  Percy  hear.” 

Maraaion,  Canto  II.  13. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


m 

CHAP.  XI. 

DISPUTES  AND  AGREEMENTS,  CONCERNING  THE  RIGHTS  AND 
POSSESSIONS  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


THE  numerous  securities  which  guarded  the 
property  of  the  monks,  were  by  no  means  sufficient  to 
prevent  disputes  and  litigations  concerning  their  pri- 
vileges and  their  estates;  and  a great  part  of  the 
Register  is  occupied  with  the  history  of  such  disputes, 
and  of  the  agreements  in  which  they  terminated. 

Some  of  the  differences  between  the  monks  and 
their  own  homagers  have  already  been  noticed; 
particularly,  their  dispute  with  John  Arundel,  who 
encroached  on  their  rights  by  inclosing  a part  of 
the  moor  above  Dunsley,  between  Buscohead  and 
Brusegarth,  for  which  he  was  compelled  to  make 
compensation  ; and  the  more  serious  disturbance  oc- 
casioned by  the  men  of  Ugglebarnby  and  Yburn„ 
In  the  year  1270,  above  a hundred  years  before  that 
riot,  the  abbot  Robert  and  his  convent  experienced 
some  trouble  in  the  same  quarter.  Alan  de  Everley, 
and  Milisant  his  sister,  then  proprietors  of  Uggle- 
barnby, brought  an  action  against  them  for  a sufficient 
allowance  of  timber  out  of  Yburn  wood;  and  it  was 
determined,  before  lord  John  de  Okenton,  the  king’s 

justiciary.  Sir  Adam  de  Seton,  knight,  and  other 

ss  2 


316 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


credible  men,  chosen  by  consent  of  the  parties,  that 
the  abbot  and  convent  were  bound  to  grant  Alan  and 
his  heirs  a sufficient  supply  of  timber,  both  for  building, 
fencing,  and  fuel,  but  not  to  waste,  sell,  or  give  away, 
nor  for  the  use  of  his  cottagers  or  villanes,  or  any 
other  besides  his  own  family.*  The  Everley  family 
afterwards  relinquished  their  right  to  free  pasture  in 
Eskdale  and  Yburn,  which  had  also  been  a subject  of 
dispute;  and  they  appear  to  have  at  last  sold  or  sur- 
rendered their  whole  property  there  to  the  abbot  and 
convent. f Our  monks  were  also  put  to  some  trouble 
respecting  their  possessions  at  Bustard-Thorp,  when 
Richard  Easy  married  the  widow  of  John  Bustard 
their  homager  there,  and  attempted  to  encroach  both 
on  their  privileges  and  those  of  Robert  Bustard  the 
heir;  but  the  matter  was  compromised,  on  the  abbot 
giving  up  his  right  to  the  arrears  of  rent  then  due.§ 

It  often  happened,  that  the  monks  were  involved 
in  bitter  quarrels  with  the  heirs  of  their  benefactors, 
who  repenting  of  the  good  deeds  of  their  ancestors, 
endeavoured  to  recover  a part  of  what  had  been 
alienated  from  the  family.  In  these  contentions,  the 
monastery  for  the  most  part  had  the  advantage.  Roger 
Saunt  of  Thormodeby,  took  away  a toft  in  that  town 
which  his  father  had  given,  but  he  gave  another  toft 
in  exchange.  ||  Anfrid  de  Chancy  of  Skirpenbeck, 
unjustly  took  from  the  church  of  Whitby  fifty  acres 

* R.  f.  6.  Oil.  p.  221.  t R.  f.  4,  5.  Ch.  p.  236,  237.  § R.  f.  73, 
74,  75.  Ch.  p.  245,  246,  247.  The  curious  French  indentures  on 
this  subject,  with  the  English  translation  of  one  of  them,  contained  in 
the  Register,  will  be  given  in  the  Appendix.  ||  R.  f.  26.  Ch.  p.  186. 


DISPUTES  AND  AGREEMENTS. 


317 


of  land,  out  of  an  hundred  which  bis  father  had 
granted,  but  he  afterwards  gave  half  a carucate  and 
other  premises  in  Skirpenbeck,  as  a compensation.* 
Above  a hundred  years  after  that  time,  Thomas  de 
Chancy,  lord  of  Skirpenbeck,  supported  his  kinsman 
Adam  de  Chancy,  in  claiming  a common  right  of 
pasturage  in  some  land  which  their  ancestors  had 
given  to  the  abbey,  and  which  was  then  in  culture: 
and  an  agreement  was  entered  into,  that  the  abbot 
should  raise  crops  on  that  land  while  the  adjacent 
fields  were  in  culture,  but  should  throw  it  into  common 
pasture,  when  they  were  laid  in  pasture. f A few 
years  after,  in  1274,  on  the  death  of  the  rector  of 
Skirpenbeck,  this  lord  Thomas  de  Chancy  had  a vio- 
lent quarrel  with  the  abbot  Robert,  about  the  right  of 
presentation  to  the  church.  Each  party  presented  a 
candidate  : the  matter  was  examined  before  the  official 
of  the  archdeaconate  of  the  East-Riding,  in  a full 
chapter  of  Buckrose,§  held  at  Scrayingham  ; who  re- 
ported to  the  archbishop  in  favour  of  the  abbot  of 
Whitby  ; whose  claim  to  the  right  of  patronage  was 
afterwards  fully  made  out,  before  the  king’s  justicia- 
ries at  Northallerton,  and  was  thereupon  confirmed 
by  royal  authority,  as  well  as  by  order  of  the  arch- 
bishop. ||  Michael  Noreys  of  Skirpenbeck,  had  also 
some  differences  with  the  abbot  and  convent,  respect- 
ing certain  ways  and  passages,  and  the  Chancy  family 

* R.  f.  54.  Ch.  p.  120.  t R-  f-  122.  Ch.  p.  222.  § A wapen- 
take of  the  East-Riding.  ||  R.  f.  123.  Ch.  p.  223,  224.  William  de 
Chancy,  his  descendant,  in  1366,  gave  up  to  the  abbot  and  convent 
all  his  claims  on  any  of  their  premises  at  Skirpenbeck.  R.  f.  124, 
Ch.  p.  25L 


318 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


seem  to  have  had  some  share  in  the  dispute  ; but  an 
agreement  was  at  last  made,,  in  which  the  rights  of 
the  contending  parties  were  properly  adjusted.* 

In  the  time  of  the  abbot  Richard  I,  Alan  de 
Alverstain  tried  to  recover  for  his  family  the  church 
of  Crossby-Ravenswarth,  which  his  father  Thorfine 
had  granted  to  our  abbey  : but  this  attempt,  like  that 
of  the  Chancy  family,  issued  in  the  confirmation  of 
the  rights  of  Whitby  church,  whose  claim  to  Crossby- 
Ravenswarth  was  fully  established,  both  by  Roger, 
archbishop  of  York,  at  that  time  the  pope’s  legate, 
and  by  Robert,  archdeacon  of  Carlisle;  and  at  last  by 
Alan  himself,  f Yet,  it  was  afterwards  found  neces- 
sary to  obtain  fresh  confirmations  of  their  right  to  this 
church,  from  Thomas  de  Hastings  of  Crossby-Ravens- 
vvarth,  brother  to  Nicholas  lord  of  Alverstain;  and, 
in  1268,  their  right  of  patronage  in  that  church  was 
again  ratified  by  lord  Nicholas  de  Hastings,  the  son 
of  Thomas  de  Hastings ; who  at  the  same  time  re- 
nounced his  claim  on  some  lands  belonging  to  the 
abbot  and  convent,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Lang- 
dale  and  Harewood-dale ; for  which  concessions,  he 
obtained  from  them  a surrender  of  the  lands  in 
Crossby-Ravenssvarth,  which  his  ancestor  Thorfine 
had  bestowed  on  the  monastery .§ 

Some  of  the  Percy  family  seem  to  have  been  not 
very  hearty  in  approving  and  confirming  the  donations 

* R.  f.  123.  Ch.  p.  195.  t R.  f.  9,  10.  Cb.  p.  141,  142,  143. 
The  ciicumstance  of  Roger’s  being  the  pope’s  legate  lias  led  Charlton 
to  fancy  that  application  had  been  made  lo  his  holiness  on  the  subject. 

§ R.  f.  9,  100,  101,  103.  Ch.  p.  167,  175,  220.  The  fierce  conten- 
tions between  our  monastery  and  the  church  of  Carlisle,  about  this 
same  church  will  be  noticed  presently. 


DISPUTES  AND  AGREEMENTS. 


319 


of  their  ancestors ; but  none  of  them,  as  far  as  we 
read,  had  any  open  dispute  with  the  monks,  except 
Alexander  de  Percy  of  Sneaton.  This  baron,  who 
belonged  to  the  Percies  of  Kildale,  was  often  at  vari- 
ance with  the  abbot  Thomas  de  Malton;  their  differ- 
ences, however,  were  at  last  compromised  by  mutual 
concessions.  The  memorial  in  our  Register,  relating 
to  this  subject,  is  so  curious,  that  I shall  present  the 
reader  with  a literal  translation  of  the  whole.* 

Memorable  Transactions  between  the  Abbot  of  Whitby  and 
Alexander  of  Sneton. 

BE  it  remembered,  that  when,  by  the  firebrands  of  satan  envious 
of  our  peaee,  by  the  instigation  of  the  sowers  of  strife,  trying  to  break 
the  bond  of  peace,  the  covenant  of  love, — peace,  love,  and  the  covenant 
of  the  Lord,  subsisting  between  the  abbot  Thomas  and  the  convent  of 
Whitebv  on  the  one  part,  and  lord  Alexander,  son  of  lord  )-  William 
de  Percy  of  Kyldale  on  the  other,  had  been  interrupted;  they  were 
restored  and  settled,  concerning  certain  articles  mentioned  below ; 
both  parties  agreeing  after  this  manner : 

In  the  first  place : When  a dispute  had  arisen  between  the  parties 
respecting  the  digging  and  pulling  up  of  turves  and  ling  § on  a certain 
moor,  whose  boundaries  extend  on  the  east  side,  by  the  rivulet  of 
Sourgryftj||  from  Katewikj  to  as  far  as  the  said  stream  appears  to  pro- 
ceed to  the  south;  and  thence  to  a certain  hill  near  the  southern  ex- 
tremity of  the  said  rivulet ; and  thence  to  a certain  cross  which  is 
named  John’s  cross ; and  thence  to  a certain  fountain;**  and  thence 
by  the  way  which  leads  to  the  north,  unto  the  farthest  houses  of 
Uglardby  [Ugglebarnby] : i.  Article,  viz.  That  the  abbot,  for  himself, 
and  his  monastery,  and  the  granges  of  Stakesby  and  Wdiitbilathis 

* I am  the  more  inclined  to  give  an  intire  translation  of  this  paper,  as 
Charlton’ s version  is,  in  some  instances,  grossly  erroneous.  The  language, 

however,  must  be  allowed  to  be  obscure ; and  I am  afraid  that  in  some  ex- 
pressions my  translation  will  also  be  found  objectionable,  fts  a copy  of  the 
original  will  be  given  in  the  Appendix,  the  learned  reader  will  have  an  op- 
portunity of  judging  for  himself,  f Or  Sir  Alexander,  and  Sir  William, 
the  word  dominus  being  equivocal.  § The  word  bruerium  may  signify  not 
only  heath,  but  furze,  broom,  and  other  shrubs  used  for  fuel.  ||  Sourgriff 
is  a small  valley  which  separates  between  the  lands  of  Sneaton  and  those  of 
Normanby  and  Hawsker.  From  the  first  part  of  the  name,  Sneaton-Thorpe 
was  anciently  called  Sourebi.  J Katewik,  or  Katedyke,  now  called  Catwick, 
is  the  name  of  a farm  a little  above  Sneaton-Thorp,  belonging  to  Mr.  George 
Burn.  **  In  all  probability,  it  is  Cock  Lake  Well ; but  Charlton  ought 
not  to  have  inserted  that  name  in  his  translation,  as  the  fountain  has  no 
name  in  the  original. 


320 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


after-named,*  may  dig  turves  and  pull  up  ling,  for  supplying  the 
said  places  with  fuel,  wheresoever,  whensoever,  and  whatsoever,  they 
please,  without  hindrance  from  the  said  Alexander  or  his  heirs,  for 
ever.  And  the  aforesaid  Alexander  may  dig  and  pull  up,  in  the  moors 
of  Steynsiker  and  Hakysgarth,  (for  his  own  private  use,  and  not  for 
the  use  of  his  tenants,  neither  in  Sneton  nor  Katedyk,)  if  he  pleases, 
what  he  can,  and  when  he  chooses, f without  hindrance  from  the  abbot 
or  his  people,  for  the  supply  of  his  own  manor  in  Sneton  only:  And 
thus  the  first  article  was  settled. 

ii.  Article.  When  the  said  abbot  had  inclosed  about  eight  or  nine 
acres  of  waste  on  the  south  part  of  Rethrig,§  the  said  Alexander  com- 
plained, that  the  said  close  was  very  injurious  to  his  men  in  Kate- 
dykys ; especially  as  by  reason  of  the  said  close  they  could  not  have 
free  liberty  to  drive  their  cattle,  either  in  taking  them  out  to  their  ne- 
cessary pasture  or  in  bringing  them  home.  At  length,  the  abbot, 
considering  that  this  complaint  sprung  from  a root  of  malice,  agreed, 
for  the  sake  of  peace,  that  he  should  obtain  free  egress  and  regress 
near  the  said  close,  if  it  was  so  troublesome  to  his  tenants;  which 
would  be  some  compensation  for  the  situation  of  the  place  :||  and  it 
was  settled  in  that  manner. 

Third  Article.  Whereas  it  is  contained  in  an  indenture  between 
the  abbot  and  the  predecessors  of  the  said  Alexander,  that  his  afore- 
said predecessors,  both  for  themselves  and  their  heirs,  granted  the 
abbot  and  convent  half  a mark  yearly,  for  all  the  land  from  Scalmerygt 
to  Katewik  in  length,  and  from  the  old  dike  of  the  arable  land  of 
Sneton,  which  is  called  Broad-dike ,**  unto  Rethryg,  in  breadth; 
together  with  the  keeping  up  of  the  pond  of  their  water-mill  between 
Setholhil  and  Rethrig ; — to  such  a degree  did  malice  prevail,  that, 
having  demolished,  and  wantonly  destroyed  the  aforesaid  water-mill, 
and  built  a wind-mill,  they  wholly  withdrew  the  said  rent  of  half  a 
mark,  for  eight  years,  or  thereabout  At  last,  however,  they  hum- 
bly begged  that  they  might  rebuild  the  said  mill  in  its  former  place, 

*■  Infradictis.  This  word  is  redundant.  f 1 have  here  followed  the 
original,,  though  there  is  reason  to  suspect  its  correctness.  § Now  called  the 
Ilig  or  Itighill ; lying  south  of  Rig -mill.  ||  This  sentence,  in  the  original, 
is'  obscure,  involved,  and  seemingly  imperfect.  I have  given  what  appears 
to  he  the  most  probable  interpretation.  J Shalmerig  is  the  ridge  opposite 
Cochmill.  By  this  clause  it  would  appear,  that  the  ancestors  of  Alexander 
itc  Percy  had  held  Sneaton  of  the  al/bot  and  convent  for  some  gene- 
rations before  this  time  : Charlton’s  conjecture  that  it  was  bought  for  this 
Alexander,  by  his  father,  about  the  year  1300,  is  therefore  erroneous  ; 
unless  we  understand  antecessores  to  mean  merely  his  predecessors  in  the 
occupation  of  the  lands,  and  not  his  progenitors.  **  In  the  copy  which  I 
have  taken  from  the  Register,  the  expression  is  “ qui  latus  dubicat”  which 
last  word  might  also  be  read  “ duvicat”  or  “dub  it  at the  phrase  might 
possibly  be  rendered  “ which  incloses  its  side”  or  “which  winds  along  its 
side;”  but  I strongly  suspect  that  the  true  reading  is  qui  latus  die  vocat’. 
Charlton  (p.  241}  has  read  it  qui  lacus  vocat’.  This  document  has  been 
very  incorrectly  entered  in  the  Register ; in  this  same  sentence  the  words  ia 
latitudine  occur  twice. 


DISPUTES  AND  AGREEMENTS. 


321 


and  pay  the  said  rent  for  ever,  as  bad  been  appointed;  which  was 
granted  them,  and  the  arrears  were  forgiven,  on  condition  that  they 
should  faithfully  pay  the  said  rent  at  the  feast  of  St.  Martin  in  winter 
[martinmas],  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand,  CCC,  and  sixteen.* 
Fourth  Article.  Whereas  the  said  Alexander’s  men,  when  making 
the  horngarth,  were  often  wont  to  take  more  than  was  necessary  out 
of  the  abbot’s  wood,  and  used  to  seU  the  remainder  or  overplus  in  the 
town,  ter  which  they  were  prosecuted  and  fined:  it  was  thus  agreed  ; 
That  the  said  men,  receiving  free  delivery  [of  the  wood]  to  them  from 
the  abbot’s  servants,  should  ask  neither  more  nor  less:  and  if  a defect 
should  be  found  in  the  making  of  the  said  horngarth,  by  1 eason  of 
there  being  too  little  delivered,  it  should  not  be  imputed  to  them;  but 
such  defect,  if  defect  there  should  be,  shall  be  ours,  and  not  theirs. 
But,  as  to  their  often  demanding  a fixed  day,  on  which  the  said  horn- 
garth should  be  made,  they  were  answered,  that  it  was  never  other- 
wise, but  when  they  were  legally  warned ; for  the  vigil  [or  eve]  of 
our  Lord’s  ascension  was  the  day  on  which  they  recpiired  that  it  should 
be  made,  and  when  it  was  made  otherwise,  it  was  because  the  feast- 
day  of  St.  John  of  Beverlac  [May  7th]  sometimes  fell  on  the  said 
vigil,  on  which  therefore  it  was  not  inade.f 

Fifth  Article.  Whereas  the  said  Alexander  claimed,  by  heredi- 
tary right,  a certain  liberty  of  selling  and  buying  in  the  town  of 
Whitby,  without  toll ; and  that  not  only  for  himself  but  also  for  his 
men;  at  length  this  controversy  was  thus  laid  at  rest;  That  the  abbot 

* Charlton  has  grossly  mistranslated  and  interpolated  the  concluding 
part  of  this  article  ; but  that  is  nothing  to  his  strange,  and  curious  blunder 
respecting  the  neiv  mill  erected  by  Percy's  men.  The  word  aurarium,  which 
is  derived  from  aura — the  wind,  he  conceives  to  be  from  aurum — gold;  and 
thus  converts  the  wind -mill  mto  a gold -mill ! ! ! Some  ridiculous  speculations 
are  thereupon  introduced  concerning  the  use  of  this  precious  mill ; p.  243. 
Oar  author  seems  resolved  to  shut  his  eyes  on  the  meaning  of  aurarium  molen- 
dinum,  by  overlooking  the  emphatic  repetition  of  aquaticum  molendinum, 
and  inserting  the  word  corn,  which  is  not  in  the  original;  nay,  he  even 
interpolates  his  quotation  from  the  Latin,  putting  in  the  words  loco  e jus, 
which  are  not  in  the  Register,  to  convey  the  idea  that  the  new  mill  was 
erected  on  the  site  of  the  old,  whereas  it  is  clear  from  the  memorial  that  it 
was  built  in  another  place.  The  spot  where  the  wind-mill  stood  was  probably 
an  eminence  about  a mile  above  Sneaton,  still  known  by  the  name  of  the 
Wind-mill-hill.  It  is  likely  that  though  the  water-mill,  (since  called  Rig - 
mill,)  was  restored,  the  wind-mill  was  also  retained  in  use  ; audit  may  be 
supposed  to  have  been  the  first  wind-mill  in  the  district,  the  invention  being 
then  very  recent.  The  first  introduction  of  wind-mills  is  usually  dated  in 
1299;  but  it  would  seem,  from  a passage  in  an  ancient  chronicle  quoted  by 
Leland,  (Coll.  I.  p.  181. J,  that  they  were  in  use  some  years  earlier  ; for  we 
there  learn,  that  when  king  Edward  I,  in  1297  or  1298,  was  riding  within 
the  battlements  of  Winchclsey,  his  horse  was  f rightened  with  the  noise  of  a 
wind-mill  (strepitu  ventimolae)  and  he  narrowly  escaped  being  thrown  over 
the  ramparts.  Of  course  the  new  machine  would  receive  various  names,  and 
we  need  not  wonder  to  find  it  called  by  our  ntonks  aurarium  molendinum, 
while  others  called  it  yentimola.  -j-  Here  again  the  memorial  is  perplexed 
and  incorrect,  and  Charlton  has  made  it  worse  by  mistaking  certum  diem 
Jor  tertium  diem,  as  well  as  by  mixing  it  up  with  his  wonted  supplements, 

TT 


322 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


allow  him  to  get  a measure  or  bushel  made  for  himself,  of  the  true 
quantity,  and  bring  it  to  his  bailiff,  who  shall  mark  the  said  bushel 
with  the  abbot's  mark;  it  having  been  examined  and  approved:  which 
bushel  the  said  Alexander  may  commit  to  the  custody  of  the  market- 
clerk,  and  if  he  shall  happen  to  sell  corn  which  has  grown  on  his  own 
land  of  the  manor  of  ISneton  lie  shall  not  pay  toll  or  custom,  or,  if  he 
buy  any  at  the  port  for  the  support  of  himself  and  his  manor  he  shall 
be  exempted  ; but  it  he  sell  there  what  was  bought  elsewhere,  or  sell 
elsewhere  what  was  bought  there,  he  shall  not  be  free  from  the  afore- 
said custom.  In  the  same  manner,  his  tenants  of  Sneton,  if  they  buy 
there  for  their  own  support  by  the  said  bushel-measure,  shall  also  pay 
no  toll;  but  if  they  shall  sell  elsewhere,  or  shall  be  convicted  of  having 
sold,  or  shall  buy  and  bring  to  Whiteby  for  sale  any  other  than  their 
own  corn,  belonging  to  or  growing  on  the  manor  of  Sneton,  in  these 
cases  they  shall  not  be  free,  but  shall  pay  toll  as  others  from  the 
country.  But,  in  regard  to  what  they  demanded  to  be  done,  concern- 
ing the  beasts  of  the  men  of  Sneton,  sold  in  the  said  town  of  Sneton, 
to  that  the  said  abbot  does  not  consent. 

Sixth  Article . The  said  Alexander  also  asked  for  himself  and 
his  men,  that  they  might  cut  fern  in  the  parts  of  Yburn,  and  on  its 
side,  without  hindrance;  which,  however,  was  neither  denied  nor 
granted  them,  but  they  were  to  be  permitted  according  as  they  con- 
ducted themselves;  so  that  if  they  behaved  well,  they  should  be  al- 
lowed, but  if  otherwise,  the  reverse. 

Seventh  Article.  The  same  Alexander  demanded  fealty  or  ser- 
vice as  due. from  the  abbot  for  certain  lands  in  Sneton  field : to  which 
answer  was  made ; ‘ That  we  obtained  no  lands  by  the  gift  of  his 
predecessors  but  such  as  were  clear  and  free.’  When  he  would  not 
believe  us,  we  produced  our  writings  ; and,  while  they  still  hesitated 
as  to  some  particulars,  demanding  more  certain  records,  and  pre- 
tending that  those  writings  were  forged,  we  satisfied  them  by  this 
reply,  ‘ That  it  was  very  difficult  to  find  all  the  records  so  quickly’ ; 
and  the  matter  was  deferred  to  another  time. 

Eighth  Article.  Whereas  our  foresters  always  prohibited  the 
messonary  of  the  said  Alexander,  or  the  keeper  of  his  woods,  from 
carrying  bow  and  arrows,  often  taking  them  from  him,  and  sometimes 
prosecuting  him  ; asserting  that  he  ought  not  to  be  called  a forester , 
but  a wood-icard : it  was  at  length  so  settled.* 

This  memorial  is  valuable,  not  only  as  it  furnishes 
a sufficient  specimen  of  the  quarrels  which  arose  be- 
tween the  abbot  and  his  homagers,  but  also  as  it 
throws  much  light  on  the  service  of  the  horngarth, 
and  other  matters  connected  with  the  history  of  our 
abbey. 


* R.  f.  134,  135. 


DISPUTES  AND  AGREEMENTS. 


323 


But  our  monastery  had  to  contend  more  fre- 
quently with  spiritual  brethren,  than  with  homagers, 
or  temporal  neighbours.  There  were  many  debates 
between  the  monks  and  those  ministers  who  supplied 
the  churches  under  their  patronage.  In  1328,  Mr. 
Robert  de  Heslerton,  rector  of  Kirkby  in  Cleveland, 
had  withheld  for  five  years  the  annual  pension  of  66s. 
Sd.due  from  that  church  to  the  abbotand  convent;  who 
therefore  prosecuted  him  in  the  ecclesiastical  court  of 
York,  where  sentence  was  given  against  him,  and 
he  was  condemned  to  pay  the  expences  of  the  prose- 
cution.* The  rector  of  Skirpenbeck  seems  to  have 
made  a similar  attempt;  for  in  1385,  the  abbot  and 
convent  required  Mr.  William  de  Fereby,  the  new 
incumbent,  to  acknowledge,  by  a solemn  public  in- 
strument, his  obligation  to  pay  them  the  usual  yearly 
pension  of  one  mark.f  The  ministers  ot  Semar  had 
frequent  squabbles  with  their  patrons.  Mr.  Walter 
de  Gray,  the  rector,  attempted  to  withdraw,  or  dimi- 
nish, the  annual  payment  due  to  the  monastery;  and 
in  1246  he  was  cited  before  the  judge-delegates  of  the 
pope,  at  Lincoln,  and  compelled  to  give  bond  for  the 
annual  payment  of  a pension  of  five  marks,  and  three 
marks  more  for  the  tithes  of  corn.  About  twenty 
years  after,  he  renewed  his  attempts,  for  which  the 
abbot  and  convent  resolved  to  remove  him  from  the 
living;  but,  the  matter  being  brought  into  the  ec- 
clesiastical court  of  York,  in  1269,  the  disputes 
terminated  in  his  giving  a fresh  bond  for  the  annual 

* R.  f.  81.  Ch.  p.  243.  f R.  f.  124.  Ch.  p.  254,  255. 

TT  2 


324 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


payments  with  all  arrears,  and  in  their  agreeing  to 
drop  the  action  commenced  for  his  removal.*  In  the 
year  1378,  Mr.  Robert  de  Segbroke,  then  vicar  of 
Semar,  was  prosecuted  in  the  ecclesiastical  court,  for 
refusing  to  pay  his  share  of  the  royal  subsidy  imposed 
at  that  time  on  the  clergy;  the  vicar  being  bound  to 
pay  one  fourth  of  every  subsidy  imposed  on  that 
church:  the  cause  went  against  him,  yet  he  was  not 
required  to  pay  all  the  expences.  Five  years  after,  he 
was  again  prosecuted  for  refusing  to  pay  an  ordinary 
subsidy  of  four  marks,  demanded  by  the  archbishop  ; 
and  the  issue  of  the  process  was  the  same.f 

The  abbot  and  convent  had  also  some  fierce 
debates  about  tithes,  with  the  rectors  of  churches 
adjoining  to  their  possessions.  The  rector  of  Stokes- 
ley,  on  more  than  one  occasion,  attempted  to  take 
fromjthem  the  moiety  of  the  tithes  of  Tameton,  which 
they  were  wont  to  enjoy,  insisting  that  that  lordship 
was  in  Stokesley  parish;  but  when  the  cause  was 
tried  before  the  official  of  the  archdeacon  of  Cleveland, 
their  right  to  the  moiety  was  made  good,  as  it  was 
proved,  that  the  pastures  of  Tameton  were  in  their 
parish  of  Ayton,  though  the  manor-house  was  in  that 
of  Stokesley.§  They  had  a similar  quarrel  with  the 
rector  of  Foxholes;  but  the  record  on  that  subject  is 
left  unfinished.  ||  The  worst  affair  of  this  kind  that  we 
read  of,  was  the  combat  maintained  against  the  rector 
of  Lyth,  supported  in  his  unjust  pretensions  by  the 
influence  of  the  Mauley  family.  The  third  Peter  de 

* R.  f.  88,  89.  Ch.  p.  204,  205.  f R-  f-  90,  91.  Ch.  p.  251, 
252,  254  § R.  f.  75.  Ch.  p.  179.  ||  R.  f.  125.  Ch.  p.  224. 


DISPUTES  AND  AGREEMENTS. 


323 


Mauley,  lord  of  Mulgrave  and  Egton,  wished  to  annex 
to  his  manor  all  that  part  of  Whitby  Strand  which  lies 
on  the  north-west  side  of  the  Esk.  As  a preliminary 
step,  Mr.  John  of  Tocotes,  rector  of  Lyth,  demanded 
the  tithes  of  Ruswarp,  Aislaby,  Newholm,  Dunsley, 
Stakesby,  and  other  places  in  that  territory,  which  he 
claimed  as  belonging1  to  his  rectory ; and  when  the 
inhabitants  refused  to  comply,  he  seized  the  tithes 
with  an  armed  force,  in  August,  1280;  but,  on  the 
complaint  of  the  convent,  he  was  soon  after  obliged 
by  the  archbishop  to  make  restitution,  lie  did  not, 
however,  desist  from  his  attempts,  but  commenced  an 
action  against  the  abbot  and  convent,  not  only  claim- 
ing those  tithes,  but  even  the  church  of  St.  Mary  at 
Whitby,  which  he  pretended  was  an  appendage  to 
his  church  ! Worsted  in  this  action,  the  rector  ap- 
pealed to  Rome,  hoping  that  he  might  finally  succeed, 
by  dint  of  the  money  and  influence  of  Mauley.  Judge- 
delegates,  appointed  by  his  holiness,  met  in  1283,  to 
investigate  the  affair.*  Many  witnesses  were  called 
on  behalf  of  the  monastery,f  who  were  separately- 
examined,  and  all  concurred  in  deposing,  “That 
Thordesay  Beck  which  issued  out  of  Mulgrave  Park, 

* The  place  of  meeting  is  not  named  ; but  it  appears  to  have 
been  at  or  near  Whitby.  I have  not  seen  the  rolls  relating  to  this 
trial  which  Charlton  examined,  f Geoffrey  Penoc  of  W’hitby,  aged 
49  years ; Andrew  Scott,  priest  of  St.  Mary’s  at  Whitby',  aged  50 
years ; Lawrence,  a blacksmith  in  Whitby,  aged  80  years ; John 
Hersand  of  Whitby,  aged  50  years;  Peter  of  Lincoln,  aged  50  years; 
John  of  Everley,  aged  60  years;  Alexander  of  Cotom,  aged  41  years; 
Thomas,  Chaplain  of  Ilackness,  aged  60  years;  Moses  of  Whitby, 
aged  more  than  100  years,  being  the  oldest  man  in  Whitby  Strand  ; 
Robert  the  son  of  Walter  of  Whitby,  aged  60  years;  and  Henry  the 
son  of  Alan  of  Whitby,  aged  also  60  years. 


326 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


was  the  western  limit  of  Whitby  parish;  that  the 
boundary  went  from  thence  to  Merhoue,  near  the 
corner  of  the  horsecroft ; from  thence  to  Swarthoue 
cross,  and  from  thence  right  down  Brocholey  Beck  to 
the  river  Eske : That  it  was  public,  notorious,  and 
manifest  to  all  those  who  lived  in  Whitby  Strand,  that 
the  church  of  St.  Mary  at  Whitby  had  from  time  im- 
memorial, and  as  they  verily  believed  from  its  first 
foundation,  belonged  to  the  abbot  and  convent  of 
Whitbv ; who,  in  right  thereof,  had  ever  received 
tithes  from  all  those  places  which  were  now  claimed 
by  John  of  Tocotes  and  lord  Peter  de  Malo-Iacu.” 
On  the  other  hand,  the  re'ctor’s  witnesses  swore  posi- 
tively, “That  the  manor  of  Mulgrave  extended  to  the 
river  Eske.”  In  support  of  this  position,  they  alleged, 
“ That,  some  ages  before,  William  Fossard,  then  lord 
of  that  manor,  mortgaged  the  premises  in  dispute  to 
the  abbot  and  convent  of  Whitby ; who,  by  means  of 
that  mortgage,  had  fraudulently  got  possession.”* 
To  disprove  this  bold  assertion,  more  witnesses  were 
adduced  on  behalf  of  the  monastery ,f  who  all  swore 
positively,  “That  the  premises  now  in  dispute  were 
the  freehold  of  Percy,  and,  as  they  verily  believed, 

* This  impudent  falsehood  might  receive  some  countenance  from 
its  being  known  that  William  Fossard  was  a benefactor  to  the  abbey. 
He  confirmed  a caru cate  of  land  in  Rousby,  granted  by  his  father; 
and  a carucate  in  Buterwic,  given  by  Durand.  R.  f.  17.  Ch.  p.  92. 
•]  A witness  aged  75  years;  another  aged  60  years;  Robert  Theules 
of  Whitby,  aged  50  years  ; John  de  Lamb  of  Rvswarp,  aged  40 
years;  William,  son  of  John  of  Risewarp,  aged  50  years;  Ralph, 
son  of  Alan  of  Sneton,  aged  30  years  ; Adam  of  Harewud,  in  Whitby 
Sirand,  aged  30  years;  Ast.ine,  a monk  at  Whitby  of  nineteen  years 
standing;  William,  son  of  Osbern  of  Dunseley,  aged  40  years;  and 
Geoffrey  of  Hakenes,  aged  48  years. 


DISPUTES  AND  AGREEMENTS. 


327 


were  given  to  Whitby  abbey  by  the  first  William  de 
Percy  and  his  son  Alan  ; and  that  they  had  never 
heard  it  so  much  as  surmised  before,  that  they  were  at 
any  time  mortgaged  to  the  abbot  and  convent  of 
Whitby,  by  William  Possard  or  any  other  that  pos- 
sessed the  manor  of  Mulgrave,  seeing  the  charters 
and  records,  in  possession  of  the  said  abbot  and  con- 
vent, bore  direct  witness  to  the  contrary.” — After 
these  depositions  were  taken,  and  the  matter  fully  in- 
vestigated, the  cause,  it  appears,  was  remitted  to  the 
court  of  Rome,  who  finally  decided  in  favour  of  the 
abbey,  and  condemned  lord  Mauley  and  his  rector  to 
pay  the  expenses  of  the  law-suit.* 

Several  contests  also  arose,  between  the  brethren 
of  Whitby  and  those  monasteries  whose  premises  were 
contiguous  to  theirs.  They  differed  with  the  prior 
and  canons  of  Guisborough,  in  the  time  of  the  abbot 
Nicholas,  respecting  the  tithes  and  parish  dues  of 
twelve  carucates  of  land,  in  the  territory  of  the  church 
of  Middleburgh,  which  church  had  been  given  to  our 
monks  by  Robert  de  Brus:  the  canons  alleging  that 
the  whole  belonged  to  them,  in  right  of  their  church 

* Ch.  p.  226,  227.  This  iniquitous  attack  on  their  property  was 
attended  with  great  expense  to  the  monks;  for  in  the  Roll  of  expen- 
diture, for  1394 — 5,  is  this  entry,  “Item  in  expn.  e’ea  causani  inter 

nos  et  Rectorem  de  Lyth xliiii.  li.  xiii  s.  vii.  d.”  So  that  the 

trial  cost  them  near  <£45,  though  their  adversaries  were  condemned 
to  pay  the  expenses.  Perhaps  this  sum  had  been  expended  in  pur- 
chasing justice  from  the  vena]  court  of  Rome,  whom  Mauley,  it  is 
likely,  attempted  to  bribe,  as  he  could  scarcely  hope  to  succeed  by 
any  other  means.  It  also  appears,  by  this  article,  that  the  final 
decision  was  delayed  till  eleven  years  after  the  examination  now  re- 
lated; unless  we  suppose  that  the  rector  and  his  patron  had  renewed 
their  infamous  proceedings. 


328 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


of  Stainton,  to  which  the  church  or  chapel  of  Middle- 
burgh  had  been  an  appendage.  Robert  de  Brus,  their 
common  benefactor,  was  chosen  umpire  between  the 
contending  parties ; and  it  was  agreed,  that  the 
canons  should  receive  the  tithes  and  dues  of  six  of  the 
carucates  ; and  that  the  monks  should  receive  the  tithes 
and  dues  of  the  other  six,  as  belonging  to  their  church 
of  Middieburgh,  which  should  henceforth  be  a mother 
church,  not  dependant  on  Stainton : the  monks,  at 
tile  same  time,  giving  up  to  the  canons  whatever  they 
might  claim  in  any  of  their  parishes,  as  the  gift  of 
Hugh  earl  of  Chester.*  About  a century  after,  the 
abbot  and  convent  sold  the  tithes  of  Upplium  and 
Mersc,  to  the  prior  and  canons,  for  ten  quarters  of 
good  wheat,  to  be  delivered  yearly  at  Whitsuntide, 
in  Arusum  or  in  Mersc. f 

Our  monks  had  more  than  one  contest  with  the 
priory  of  Bridlington.  In  the  time  of  William,  the 
first  abbot,  some  differences  took  place  between  him 
and  Wicheman,  then  prior  of  Bridlington,  respecting 
the  tithe  of  fish,  exacted  from  the  fishermen ; and  it 
was  agreed,  that  the  fishermen  of  Whitby  when  they 
landed  their  fish  at  Filey,  should  pay  their  tithes  there  ; 
and  that  the  fishermen  of  Filey  should,  in  like  man- 
ner, pay  tithe  at  Whitby,  when  they  landed  their  fish 
at  that  port.§  This  regulation  was  altered  about 
eighty  years  after,  when  Hugh  the  prior  renewed  the 
controversy  with  the  abbot  Peter,  and  the  pope’s 

* R.  f.  68  Ch.  p.  91.  t R-  f.  21.  Ch.  p.  193,  194.  Id  the 
compotus  for  1460—1,  this  annual  rent  is  entered  in  money;  being 
the  price  of  10  quarters  of  wheat.  § R.  f.  126.  Ch.  p.  77. 


DISPUTES  AND  AGREEMENTS. 


329 


commissioners*  decided,,  that  the  Filey  fishermen 
should  no  longer  pay  tithe  at  Whitby;  and  we  can 
have  little  doubt  that  the  Whitby  fishermen  were  also 
to  be  exempted  at  Filey. f In  the  year  1231,  which 
was  forty  years  later,  some  disputes  were  settled  be- 
tween the  abbot  Roger  and  Thomas  prior  of  Brid- 
lington, respecting  the  right  of  pasturage  on  the 
commons  adjoining  to  some  of  their  possessions  which 
came  in  contact  : when  it  was  agreed,  that  the  prior 
should  renounce  all  claim  to  common  pasturage  in 
llakenes,  Silfhoue,  and  Suthfeld,  as  pertaining  to  his 
freehold  in  Scalleby,  Briningeston,  and  Clocton ; and 
that  the  abbot  should  grant  him  common  right  of 
pasturage,  from  the  prior’s  cow-pasture§  in  Haiburn, 
as  far  as  Kesebec  and  Hellewath,  for  fifty  cows  with 
their  young  under  three  years;  reserving  to  the  abbot 
his  closes,  intakes,  and  meadows,  inclosed  before  that 
date,  and  a right  to  inclose  500  acres  more:  the  abbot 
also  granting  the  prior  a right  to  graze  twenty  mares, 
with  their  foals  under  three  years,  in  the  said  pasture 
and  beyond  it;  at  the  same  time  retaining  to  himself 
the  right  of  inclosing  any  part  of  the  pasture,  from 
Kesebec  and  Hellewath  to  Mirch-Esk  and  Lithebec. 

* Eruald,  abbot  of  Rieval;  William,  prior  of  Kirkham;  and 
Ivo,  prior  of  Wartre.  Burton’s  Monast.  p.  226.  f Charlton,  who 
dresses  up  this  subject  according  to  his  fancy  (p.  77,  148,  149.),  sup- 
poses that  by  the  first  regulation  the  abbot  sustained  great  loss  ; but 
there  is  reason  to  believe,  that  the  loss  was  on  the  other  side,  else  the 
prior  would  not  have  made  any  complaint.  The  Filey  boats  were 
perhaps  more  numerous  than  those  of  Whitby;  or  possibly  they  might 
resort  more  to  Whitby  than  the  boats  of  our  port  did  to  Filey,  for  the 
sake  of  better  fishing  ground.  § Vaccliaria  sometimes  signifies  com- 
house;  but  in  our  records  it  more  frequently  denotes  cow-gait  or  com- 
pasture . 

LU 


330 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


For  these  grants  the  prior  was  to  pay  yearly  one 
pound  of  wax  and  one  pound  of  frankincense.* 

During  the  time  of  the  abbot  Peter,  there  was  a 
quarrel  with  Ciprian,  prior  of  Sixclde  or  Sixhill,  in 
Lincolnshire,  and  his  convent,  respecting  the  corn- 
tithes  of  Ludeford,  which  along  with  other  tithes  in 
Lincolnshire  had  been  given  to  our  abbey  by  the  first 
William  de  Percy  ; in  consequence  of  which,  the 
abbot  and  convent  sold  the  tithes  of  that  lordship  to 
the  priory  of  Sixhill,  for  an  yearly  pension  of  one 
mark.f 

The  abbey  of  Rievaux  was  generally  on  very 
good  terms  with  the  brethren  of  Whitby,  and  held 
some  lands  of  them  at  Huntington,  and  at  Cayton, 
for  an  annual  rent;  but,  in  the  year  1227,  the  abbot 
Roger  of  Whitby,  entered  an  action  against  Roger 
abbot  of  Rievaux,  for  an  encroachment  on  some  of 
the  lands  at  Cayton  ; and  the  abbot  of  Rievaux  became 
bound  to  inclose  no  more  of  the  lands  belonging  to 
our  monks,  without  their  permission^ 

The  abbot  and  convent  of  Melsa,  or  Meaux,  in 
HoJderness,  rented  a house  in  Fishergate,  York,  be- 
longing to  our  abbey,  at  5s.  yearly ; but,  about  the 
year  1348,  they  had  fallen  into  arrears,  and  perhaps 
wished  to  claim  the  house  as  their  own.  A prose- 
cution ensued,  which  terminated  in  an  agreement,  by 
which  the  brethren  of  Melsa  became  bound  to  pay 
their  rent  duly,  and  gave  liberty  to  distrain  on  their 

* R.  f.  69.  Ch.  p.  177,  178.  j R.  f.  70.  Ch.  p.  150.  This 
pension  was  not  paid  in  1396;  at  least  not  at  the  stated  time,  St, 
Barnabas’  day.  § R,  f.  39,  136,  Ch.  p.  179. 


DISPUTES  AND  AGREEMENTS . 


&31 


premises,,  in  case  of  non-payment ; but  our  abbot 
and  convent  consented  to  forgive  them  all  arrears.* 
In  the  parish  of  Crossby-Ravenswarth  there  was 
a chapel  at  Revegil,  belonging  to  the  monks  of  Hepp, 
or  Shapp.  The  latter  having  withheld  the  tithes  and 
dues  of  that  chapel  from  the  mother  church,  an  action 
was  brought  against  them  by  our  abbey;  and  it  was 
determined  by  the  judge-delegates  of  the  pope,  that 
the  abbey  of  Shapp,  besides  the  accustomed  dues 
rendered  to  the  mother  church  ot  Crossby,  should  pay 
annually  six  skepfulsf  of  merchantable  oatmeal,  as 
tithes  for  the  lands  which  they  occupied  in  that  parish  ; 
but  that,  if  they  should  cultivate  any  more  land  there, 
it  should  be  tithe-free,  so  long  as  they  held  it  in  their 
own  hands.  To  confirm  this  agreement,  the  two 
abbots  took  an  oath  on  the  holy  evangelists. § 

A dispute  arose  in  the  same  quarter,  85  years 
after,  (A.  D.  1310)  when  our  monastery  claimed  the 
tithes  and  dues  of  the  church  or  chapel  of  Overton, 
belonging  to  the  priory  of  Coningshed  in  Lancashire; 
alleging  that  Overton,  with  all  its  appendages,  formed 
a part  of  their  parish  of  Crossby.  In  this  contest,  our 
monks  appear  to  have  been  the  aggressors,  and  they 
were  completely  defeated.  To  avoid  "the  litigious 
and  uncertain  windings  of  the  law,”  both  parties  sub- 
mitted the  case  to  the  arbitration  of  William  and 
Robert  de  Pickeryng,  canons  of  York,  and  John, 

* R.  f.  76.  Ch.  p.  248.  f Skeppas=quarters,  according  to 
Charlton,  but  I suspect  that  skeppa  is  a smaller  quantity.  § R.  f.  69. 
Ch.  p.  170.  The  judge-delegates  were,  the  prior  and  chanter  of  Guis~ 
borough,  and  the  dean  of  Cleveland. 

uu  2 


332 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


prior  of  Bolton  in  Craven ; who,  having  met  at  York, 
decided  against  the  claims  of  Whitby  abbey  ; finding, 
that  the  church  of  Overton  had  no  dependance  on  that 
of  Crossby,  and  that  the  tithes  and  dues  wholly  be- 
longed to  the  priory  of  Coningshed:  upon  which  the 
parties  submitted  to  the  sentence,  and  became  bound 
to  live  in  peace.* 

Our  abbey  had  some  controversies  with  spiritual 
sisters , as  well  as  with  brethren ; for  monks  could 
not  be  expected  to  have  so  much  gallantry  as  to  give 
up  any  of  their  privileges  to  nuns.  The  prior  Roger 
prosecuted  Susanna  prioress  of  Basedale  (or  Baysdale), 
for  the  corn-tithes  of  Ingleflat  and  Plumtreflat,  in  the 
territory  of  Nunthorp,  and  the  tithes  of  the  mill  which 
the  nuns  had  in  Nunthorp,  and  of  a meadow  in  the 
same  territory  ; which  tithes  were  claimed  as  belong- 
ing to  the  parish  church  of  Ayton  in  Cleveland.  The 
chapter  of  Cleveland,  with  Serlo  their  archdeacon, 
in  giving  judgment  in  this  affair,  granted  our  abbot 
the  half  of  his  demands;  assigning  to  the  church  of 
Ayton  the  corn-tithes  of  Ingleflat,  with  the  tithes  of 
the  mill  of  Nunthorp  ; but  securing  to  Susanna  and 
her  nuns,  the  tithes  of  Plumtreflat  and  of  the  meadow. f 

Finally,  the  abbots  of  Whitby  had  contests  with 
their  superiors,  the  archbishops  and  bishops,  as  well 
as  with  their  brethren  and  neighbours.  These  con- 
tests, like  many  that  have  been  named,  proceeded 
from  that  endless  source  of  litigation — tithes.  The 
archbishop  exacted  his  proportion  of  tithes  from  the 

* R.  f.  97,  98,  104.  Ch.  p.  £13—236.  f R-  f.  75.  Ch.  p.  178. 


DISPUTES  AND  AGREEMENTS. 


333 


property  of  the  monasteries,  even  as  from  other  pos- 
sessions in  his  diocese;  with  this  difference,  that  the 
lands  which  the  monks  held  in  their  own  hands,  were 
exempted;  as  appears  from  a bull  of  pope  Honorius 
III,  issued  in  the  year  1225.  On  this  subject  some 
disputes  arose  above  twenty  years  after,  when  the 
master  and  brotherhood  of  the  hospital  of  St.  Peter's 
at  York,  who  then  received  the  archbishop’s  tithes 
paid  for  Whitby  Strand,  raised  an  action  against  the 
abbot  and  convent,  before  the  precentor  of  Hunting- 
ton,  judge-delegate  of  the  pope.  The  controversy 
ended  in  an  agreement,  That  the  monks  should  pay 
no  tithes  for  their  lands  which  they  then  cultivated,  or 
might  hereafter  clear  and  cultivate;  but  that  the  lands 
occupied  by  their  homagers  and  other  tenants,  should 
have  no  such  exemption  : it  being  understood,  that  if 
the  abbot  and  convent  chose  to  take  into  their  own 
hands  any  of  the  last-mentioned  lands,  they  should 
then  pay  no  tithes  for  them,  and  on  the  other  hand, 
if  they  should  let  any  of  the  lands  then  in  their  occu- 
pation, such  lands  should  no  longer  be  exempted ; and 
if  they  should  take  to  farm,  or  get  into  their  posses- 
sion, any  lands  that  had  hitherto  paid  corn-tithes  to 
the  master  and  brotherhood,  such  tithes,  or  some 
compensation  for  them,  should  continue  to  be  paid. 
At  the  same  time,  the  abbot  and  convent,  in  consi- 
deration of  their  exemption  from  tithes,  agreed  to  pay 
yearly  three  thousand  good  herrings,  to  be  delivered 
at  Thornton  in  the  vale  of  Pickering.* 

* R.  f.  32,  67,  77.  Ch.  p.  171,  206,  207.  The  3000  herrings, 
viz.  1500  red  and  1500  white,  continue  to  be  paid  to  the  archbishop, 


334 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


But  this  contest  with  the  archbishop,  or  rather 
with  the  hospital  of  St.  Peter’s,,  was  nothing  to  that 
which  our  monastery  had  with  the  bishop  of  Carlisle 
and  his  court,  respecting  the  tithes  and  privileges  of 
the  church  of  Crossby-Ravenswarth.  This  was  the 
most  tremendous  conflict  in  which  our  monks  engaged, 
Thorphine,  who  gave  them  the  church  of  Crossby, 
had  better  have  levelled  it  with  the  ground,  or  devoted 
it  to  some  other  use  ; for  it  proved  a bone  of  conten- 
tion, for  many  years,  not  only  between  them  and  his 
heirs,  but  especially  between  them  and  the  clergy  of 
Carlisle,  and  occasioned  the  most  serious  troubles  and 
bitter  animosities.  The  court  of  Carlisle  seems  to 
have  viewed  the  possessions  of  Whitby  abbey  in  that 
diocese  with  a jealous  eye,  and  the  bishops  and  our 
abbots  were  not  always  on  friendly  terms ; but  it  was 
in  the  year  1262  that  the  dreadful  commotion  began, 
which  agitated  for  some  years  both  the  bishopric  and 
the  monastery.  About  that  time  Richard  de  Yrston 
vicar  of  Crossby  died,  and  William  de  Foston  was 
presented  to  the  living  by  the  abbot  and  convent;  on 
his  giving  them  a bond  for  the  annual  pension  of  20s. 
paid  by  that  church,  and  resigning  a pension  to  the 
same  amount  which  for  some  consideration  he  had 
hitherto  received  of  them,  and  at  the  same  time 

and  are  delivered  at  Bis  palace  of  Bishopthorpe  near  York.  He  also 
receives  yearly,  as  a composition  tor  the  tithe  ot  fish,  taken  at  M hitby 
and  Robin  Hood’s  Bay,  100  good  stock-fish,  or  26s.  8d.  in  money ; 
200  dried  cod  and  ling  ot  the  best  sort,  delivered  at  Michaelmas;  and 
four  loads  of  fresh  fish  of  the  best  and  largest  packing,  viz.  two  loads 
in  each  of  the  assize  weeks.— The  regulation  concerning  the  tithes  of 
land  still  continues,  that  land  which  was  in  the  occupation  of  the 
monks,  at  the  time  of  the  dissolution  being  now  tithe-free. 


DISPUTES  AND  AGREEMENTS. 


335 


acquitting  them  of  all  other  demands.  Soon  after  this, 
Robert,  bishop  of  Carlisle,  or  his  official,  and  his  arch- 
deacon, resolved  to  augment  the  rate  of  tithes  on 
wool  and  lambs,  paid  to  the  bishop  by  that  church. 
As  this  would  have  materially  diminished  the  in- 
come of  Foston,  whose  salary  arose  entirely  from  the 
tithes  and  dues,  he  strenuously  resisted  the  augmen- 
tation.* But  the  archdeacon  and  the  official  refused 
to  give  way  ; and  finding  Foston  refractory,  they  de- 
termined to  expel  him  from  the  living  of  Crossby, 
which  they  gave  to  William  de  Sevenake,  a clergy- 
man from  Kent,  who  was  willing  to  submit  to  the 
proposed  augmentation.  This  violent  measure  drew 
strong  complaints,  not  only  from  Foston,  but  from 
the  abbot  and  convent,  his  patrons,  on  whose  rights 
the  church  of  Carlisle  thus  attempted  to  trample. 
They  considered  Sevenake  as  an  intruder,  whom  they 
would  not  receive  into  their  church,  and  resolved  to 
support  Foston  in  retaining  possession  of  his  living. 
Unfortunately  for  them,  one  of  their  adversaries, 
Michael  de  Hampstede,  archdeacon  of  Carlisle,  was 
a judge-delegate  of  the  pope ; having  obtained  his 
commission,  it  would  seem,  for  this  very  occasion. 
Before  him  appeared,  in  the  beginning  of  June, 

* I am  surprised  that  Charlton  should  ascribe  the  augmentation 
to  Foston  himself,  in  direct  contradiction  to  the  documents  which  he 
produces,  where  it  is  uniformly  attributed  to  the  bishop’s  official  and 
the  archdeacon.  Foston  had  sufficient  funds  from  the  tithes  and  dues 
of  Crossby,  both  to  support  himself  and  pay  the  pension  and  other 
burdens,  had  no  new  and  unexpected  burden  been  laid  on  his  parish. 
Our  author  by  his  mistakes  and  fanciful  supplements  has  given  a most 
distorted  view  of  this  controversy;  and  I fear  that  some  of  his  mistakes 
remain  to  be  detected,  as  I did  not  fully  examine  the  original  records. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


336 

1262,  William  de  Sevenake  for  himself,  and  Astun 
of  Thornton  as  proctor  for  the  abbot  and  convent ; 
when  after  some  preliminary  steps,  the  cause  was  de- 
ferred for  about  three  weeks,  to  give  some  time  for 
preparing  answers ; and  when  the  business  was  re- 
sumed on  the  day  appointed,  the  decision,  as  might 
be  expected,  was  in  favour  of  Sevenake.  Foston  and 
the  monks,  however,  found  means,  by  appeal  or 
otherwise,  to  obtain  a new  trial  before  the  official  of 
York,  who  reversed  the  sentence  ; but,  by  a coun- 
terplot on  the  part  of  the  bishop  of  Carlisle,  his  arch- 
deacon set  aside  the  sentence  and  established  the 
former  decision.  On  this,  Foston,  who  complained 
that  the  archdeacon  had  condemned  him  in  his  ab- 
sence, when  he  had  not  been  legally  cited,  appealed 
to  the  pope;  and  repairing  to  Italy,  lodged  his  appeal 
in  the  papal  court,  on  the  5th  of  December,  at  Bene- 
ventum,*  the  pope  being  then  absent  from  Rome, 
during  the  wars  between  the  Guelphs  and  Gibellines. 
What  steps  were  then  taken  by  the  other  party,  can- 
not be  ascertained ; but  we  find,  that  in  the  following 
summer  the  archdeacon  of  Carlisle,  again  invested  with 
apostolic  authority,  delegated  his  power  to  the  sub- 
cliantor  of  Carlisle  and  the  master  of  the  robes,  to 
decide  in  this  cause;  and  they  having  of  course 

* From  the  deed  relating  to  this  transaction,  executed  by  James 
Tandem  of  Podioboizen,  judge  and  notary  public  of  the  Roman  church, 
whose  mark  (a  species  of  cross)  is  figured  in  the  margin  of  the  Regis- 
ter (f.  HO),  of  which  an  imitation  is  given  in  Charlton  p.  21 1, — it 
would  appear,  that  William  de  Sevenake,  or  de  Kent,  was  also  called 
William  Fresell,  and  that  he  was  formerly  official  of  Carlisle;  having 
perhaps  resigned  that  office  for  a time,  for  the  purpose  of  engaging  is 
this  coutest.  The  acting  official  was  Thomas  de  Foneis. 


DISPUTES  AND  AGREEMENTS. 


337 


rejected  the  claims  of  the  abbot  and  convent,  the  latter 
appealed  from  their  sentence  to  the  pope.  This  appeal 
was  made  on  the  tuesday  next  after  the  translation  of 
St.  Thomas  the  martyr  (July  3.)  A.  D.  1263;  and  the 
appeal  being  allowed,  the  29th  day  of  October  in  the 
same  year  was  fixed  as  the  day  when  the  parties  should 
appear  at  the  court  of  Rome.  On  that  day,  William  de 
Sevenake  personally  appeared  at  the  papal  court;  but 
the  Whitby  commissioners,*  having  got  the  start  of 
him,  had  obtained,  seven  weeks  before,  apostolic  let- 
ters to  the  archdeacons  of  Carlisle  and  the  East-Riding, 
in  favour  of  the  abbey.  New  judge-delegatesf  were 
appointed  to  take  cognizance  of  the  affair,  who  having 
met  at  Ripon  in  the  beginning  of  May  1264,  reversed 
the  decision  given  at  Carlisle,  set  aside  the  augmen- 
tation of  the  tithes  of  Crossby  as  unjust,  and  excom- 
municated all  who  should  oppose  the  execution  of  their 
sentence.  Adam  de  Waythamsted,  whom  the  Carlisle 
party  had  appointed  chaplain,  or  curate,§  of  Crossby, 
did  not  come  under  this  sentence,  having  previously 
resigned  his  right  to  the  abbot  and  convent;  but  it 
fell  heavy  on  Sevenake,  the  vicar,  who  was  condemned 
to  pay  the  expenses  of  the  law-suit,  and,  who,  refusing 

* Their  proctor  Astin  seems  to  have  appeared  for  them  at  the 
court  of  Rome.  Charlton,  not  attending  to  the  dates  of  the  several 
transactions,  confounds  this  appeal  with  that  which  Foston  presented 
in  December  1262,  which  was  nine  months  earlier.  Perhaps  Foston 
was  also  one  of  the  commissioners  in  this  second  appeal,  f R.  arch- 
deacon of  Durham,  the  prior  of  Kirkham,  and  Hugh  de  Rotherham,  a 
canon  of  Ripon.  None  of  the  three  attended  personally  at  the  meeting 
of  the  court ; for  Hugh  appointed  the  master  of  the  hospital  at  Ripon 
his  substitute,  the  prior  delegated  his  powers  to  the  dean  of  Ripon,  and 
the  archdeacon  was  excused  from  attending.  § It  would  seem,  from 
some  things  relating  to  this  controversy,  that  Crossby  had  a chaplain 
or  curate,  as  well  as  a vicar ; and  that  this  Adam  was  not  a mere 
locum-tenens  for  Sevenake  during  his  absence. 

XX 


338 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


to  submit,  was  formally  excommunicated.  The  court 
of  Carlisle,  however,  were  not  long  subjected  to  this 
mortification;  fresh  letters  apostolical  were  procured 
from  Rome,  where  all  things  were  venal,  and  where 
the  pretence  to  infallibility  was  miserably  kept  up;  a 
new  judge-delegate  was  appointed;*  the  cause  was 
again  tried  at  Carlisle,  on  the  27th  of  October,  1264; 
the  letters  apostolical  obtained  by  the  abbey  were  pro- 
nounced null  and  void,  as  having  been  surreptitiously 
procured,  and  all  the  proceedings  held  under  their 
authority  were  disannulled.  The  Whitby  party  refused 
to  yield,  hoping  for  redress  once  more  at  the  papal 
court;  but  they  were  completely  disappointed;  for,  in 
February  1265,  f the  official,  Thomas  de  Foneis,  in- 
vested with  authority  as  judge-delegate,  excommuni- 
cated the  abbot,  prior,  &c.  of  Whitby ; the  vicar 
William  de  Foston  ; and  their  agents,  the  dean  of 
Cleveland,  and  Astin  of  Thornton ; and  summoned 
the  abbot  and  convent  to  appear  at  Carlisle  in  the  end 
of  that  month.  The  latter  still  resisted,  and  by  means 
of  their  dependants  at  Crossby,  kept  possession  of  that 
church  by  main  force;  so  that  the  dean  of  Westmore- 
land was  compelled  to  publish  the  sentence  of  excom- 
munication at  Appelby,  instead  of  Crossby.  How  the 
terrible  conflict  ended,  does  not  appear  from  our  re- 
cords; but,  if  our  abbey  yielded  at  this  time,  they 
recovered  their  right  from  bishop  Ralph  in  1280. § 

* The  prior  of  Bredon  in  Leicestershire,  who  delegated  his 
powers  to  Robert,  rector  of  Dalston  in  Cumberland,  t It  is  1264  in 
the  records;  for  at  that  time,  and  for  many  ages  after,  the  new  year 
did  not  begin  till  Lady-day.  § It.  f.  94, 108— 114.  Ch.  p.  20S— 217. 
These  disputes  have  been  related  the  more  fully,  as  they  exhibit  a 
faithful  picture  of  the  deplorable  state  of  religion  in  that  age, 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


339 


CHAP.  XII. 

BUILDINGS  OF  THE  MONASTERY  ; CELLS,  HERMITAGES,  HOS- 
PITALS, CHURCHES,  AND  CHAPELS,  BELONGING  TO  IT. 


IN  the  days  of  the  abbesses  Hilda  and  iEIfieda, 
our  monastery  was  furnished  with  appropriate  and  ex- 
tensive offices;  and  it  is  probable,  that  the  buildings 
erected  after  the  conquest,  equalled  them  in  extent, 
while  they  greatly  exceeded  them  in  splendour.  Of 
these  buildings,  however,  little  can  be  said;  for  they 
have  all  been  demolished  except  the  church. 

The  church  of  the  abbey,  of  which  a considerable 
portion  yet  remains,  has  been  a magnificent  structure, 
of  the  cruciform  shape,  extending  above  300  feet 
from  east  to  west,  and  above  150  feet  from  south  to 
north.*  It  probably  stands  on  the  site  of  the  Saxon 

* The  dimensions  of  the  abbey  church  are  as  follows.  Outside  : 
Length — from  the  western  extremity  to  the  buttresses  of  the  transept — 
140  feet:  across  the  transept  (buttresses  included) — 65  feet: — from 
thence  to  the  eastern  extremity — 105  feet:- — total  length  without — • 
310  feet.  Breadth — fiom  the  extremity  of  the  north  transept  to  the 
north  buttresses  of  the  choir — 38  feet : across  the  choir  (buttresses 
included) — 77  feet : — and,  if  the  south  transept,  which  is  gone,  was 
equal  to  the  north,  the  total  breadth,  on  the  outside,  must  have  been — 
153  feet. — Inside  : Length — from  the  west  gate  to  the  central  tower, 
being  the  extent  of  the  nave — 137  feet:  across  the  tower,  including 
half  the  diameter  of  the  pillars  on  each  side — 33  feet,  6 inches : from 
thence  to  the  east  end  of  the  choir — 116  feet:  total  length  within — » 
286  feet,  6 inches.  Breadth  of  the  body  of  the  choir,  including  half 
the  thickuess  of  the  pillars  on  each  side — 33  feet,  8 inches:  breadth 
of  the  aisle  on  the  north  side  of  the  choir — 14  feet,  4 inches  : so  that, 
if  the  south  aisle  corresponded  with  the  north,  the  whole  breadth  of 
the  choir  within  was  62  feet,  4 inches.  The  breadth  of  the  nave  and 
its  aisles  cannot  be  so  exactly  given,  the  pillars,  as  well  as  the  south 
wall,  having  all  fallen ; but  their  dimensions  were  probably  the  same 

xx  2 


340 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


church,  belonging’  to  the  monastery  before  the  con- 
quest; but  no  vestige  of  that  church  now  remains, 
nor  even  of  the  church  that  was  first  erected  after  the 
revival  of  the  establishment.  Like  most  of  the  large 
ancient  churches  in  the  kingdom,  it  has  been  built  at 
various  periods,  and  exhibits  the  Gothic  architecture 
in  its  progressive  stages.  The  eastern  part,  or  choir, 
is  obviously  the  oldest,  as  appears  from  the  plainness  of 
the  workmanship,  and  from  the  lancet  windows,  finish- 
ed with  nail-head  and  zigzag  mouldings,  in  the  early 
Gothic  or  Norman  style.  This  part  of  the  church  was 
probably  built  by  Richard  de  Burgh,  who  was  abbot 
from  1148  to  1175,  and  is  famed  for  the  buildings 
which  he  reared.  He  rebuilt  the  chapter-house,  and 
very  likely  the  church  also.*  The  lower  part  of  the 
tower,  and  most  of  the  pillars,  which  are  all  of  the 
clustered  kind,  were  perhaps  erected  at  the  same 
period. f The  north  transept,  and  the  upper  part  of 
the  tower,  belong  to  a later  era  : for  though,  in  the 

with  those  of  the  choir  and  its  aisles.  The  north  transept  measures, 
from  its  north  wall  to  the  inside  of  the  north  wall  of  the  choir — 37  feet, 
8 inches ; and,  if  the  opposite  transept  was  of  the  same  extent,  the 
extreme  breadth  within,  from  the  north  wall  of  the  one  transept  to 
the  south  wall  of  the  other,  must  have  been — 137  feet,  8 inches.  The 
breadth  of  the  body  of  the  north  transept  is — 30  feet,  4 inches;  its 
aisle,  which  is  on  the  east  side, — 14  feet,  S inches; — total  breadth — 
45  feet.  Each  of  the  four  pillars  of  the  tower  is  25  feet,  4 inches,  in 
circumference;  each  of  the  other  pillars — 15  feet,  4 inches.  Each  of 
the  four  large  arches  of  the  tower — about  60  feet  high,  which  is  also 
the  height  of  the  walls:  the  total  height  of  the  tower- — 104  feet. 
Breadth  of  the  great  west  gate — 9 feet,  6 inches,  which  is  about  half 
its  height.  The  west  front  has  extended  about  84  feet,  including  the 
buttresses,  which  project  8 feet.  The  buttresses  of  the  choir  project 
5 feet  3 inches. 

* See  p.  262,  263.  j-  The  pillars  have  been  34  in  number,  be- 
sides the  half  pillars  projecting  from  the  wall  to  support  the  furthest 
arches.  There  are  4 pillars  supporting  the  tower,  12  in  the  choir,  2 
in  each  of  the  transept!,  and  there  have  been  14  in  the  nave. 


BUILDINGS. 


341 


construction  of  those  parts,  regard  has  been,  had  to 
the  original  plan,  yet  the  ornaments  of  the  windows 
in  the  tower  and  the  transept,  the  beautiful  arcade 
or  range  of  niches  on  the  west  and  north  walls  of  the 
transept  within,  the  niches  and  canopies  on  its  but- 
tresses without,  and  the  fine  tracery  of  the  circular 
window  at  the  top  of  the  north  wall,  bespeak  an  ad- 
vanced stage  of  Gothic  architecture.  Indeed,  we  can 
discover,  both  in  the  tower  and  the  transept,  the 
places  where  the  new  work  is  joined  to  the  old.  These 
portions  of  the  building  may  be  assigned  to  the  end 
of  the  13th  century,  or  the  beginning  of  the  14th; 
when  such  decorations  began  to  be  adopted. 

On  the  north  pillar  in 
this  transept,  facing  the 
north-east  angle,  there 
has  been  an  inscription 
on  one  of  the  small  co- 
lumns in  the  cluster.  This 
inscription,  the  only  one 
in  all  the  building,  pro- 
bably related  to  the  erec- 
tion of  the  transept;  but 
it  is  now  in  a very  muti- 
lated state,  as  the  reader 
•will  observe  in  the  an- 
nexed sketch. 


The  middle  part  of  the  inscription  being  entirely 
gone,  it  is  difficult  to  say  what  has  been  the  subject  of 


342 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


it;  especially  as  those  who  have  pretended  to  give  a 
complete  copy,  have  evidently  filled  up  the  chasm 
according  to  their  own  fancy.  Were  we  to  suppose 
with  some,  that  the  inscription  related  to  John  of 
Brompton,  the  historian,  and  was  designed  to  record 
h:s  erecting  some  part  of  this  transept,  this  would 
bring  down  the  date  of  its  erection  to  near  the  middle 
of  the  15th  century:  a notion  which  the  style  of  the 
architecture  will  not  admit  of.  It  is  more  probable, 
that  this  was  another  John  of  Brompton,  or  rather 
Brumton,  the  architect  who  built  this  transept,  or  at 
least  some  part  of  it,  and  thought  proper  by  this  in- 
scription to  perpetuate  his  fame.* 

* Charlton  (p.266  ) gives  the  inscription  thus : “ Johannes  de 
Brumton  quondam  famulus  Dei  in  hoc  monasterio  extructo  in  honorem 
Dei  et  Virginis  beatse  Maria;” — John  of  Brompton  was  formerly  a 
servant  of  Clod  in  this  monastery  built  in  honour  of  Clod  and  the 
blessed  Virgin  Mary.  This  inscription  he  conceives  to  have  been  en- 
tire till  about  the  year  1740,  when  the  middle  was  knocked  out  by  an 
illiterate  fellow,  who  hoped  to  find  money  in  the  pillar.  The  inscription 
he  says,  was  preserved  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Berwick,  minister  of  Whitby, 
from  whom  he  received  it.  It  is  clear,  however,  tiiat  this  copy  must 
he  erroneous;  for  our  monastery  was  not  built  in  honour  of  the  virgin 
Mary,  but  of  St.  Peter  and  St  Hilda.  Burton  (Monast.  p 82)  gives 
a very  different  copy,  also  taken  by  a minister  of  Whitby,  in  A.  D. 
1737;  at  which  time,  notwithstanding  what  Charlton' says,  it  appears 
to  have  been  alipost  as  imperfect  as  it  is  now.  Ilis  copy  is:  “Jolines 

de  Brumpton  quondam  famulus  Dei  in  hoc hunc  Tliureuni 

in  perpetuum  in  honorem  beatae  M arise.”  This,  though  incorrectly 
copied,  gives  a more  probable  reading  than  the  former,  (supposing 
“thnrenm”  to  be  put  for  “ thiiricremium”) — John  of  Brumpton  once 
a servant  of  God  in  this  [monastery,  erected ] this  altar  to  the 
lasting  honour  of  the  blessed  Mary.  We  can  easily7  suppose  that  an 
altar  w as  erected  to  the  honour  of  the  virgin  Mary  in  the  aisle  of  this 
transept,  where  there  are  three  small  arches  or  niches  in  the  north  wall, 
and  a recess  in  the  middle  one.  Yet  this  reading  seems  also  to  be 
conjectural,  for  in  the  Appendix  to  Gent’s  History  of  Rome,  (p.  1, 
Note)  I find  another  copy  totally  different  from  both  the  above: 
“ Johannes  de  Brumton,  quondam  famulus  Domino  De-I  a-Phe,  has 
columnas  erexit  in  meturn  et  honorem  beatse  Mariae” — John  of  Brum- 
ton, formerly  servant  to  Lord  Dz-La-Phe,  erected  these  pillars,  in 


BUILDINGS. 


343 


Part  of  the  north  wall  of  the  nave  has  been  built 
at  the  same  time  with  the  north  transept;  and  perhaps 
the  same  remark  will  apply  to  the  top  of  the  east  wall 
of  the  choir. 

The  remainder  of  the  nave  is  of  a later  date, 
being  evidently  the  most  modern  part  of  the  building. 
The  place  where  this  part  commences  is  very  conspi- 
cuous, both  from  the  difference  in  the  workmanship, 
and  in  the  materials ; the  new  work  being  more  or- 
namented, but  built  of  a kind  of  stone  that  is  more 
browrn  and  less  durable.*  The  west  front,  where  the 
principal  gate  was,  has  been  the  most  finished  part 

reverence  and  honour  of  the  blessed  Diary.  This  reading  has  the 
appearance  of  being  more  authentic  than  either  of  the  former;  both 
because  the  inscription  is  on  one  of  the  pillars,  and  because  some  part 
of  it  is  very  unlikely  to  have  been  a supplement : besides,  though 
Gent’s  work  was  not  printed  till  the  year  1740,  he  had  probably  ob- 
tained the  inscription  long  before,  or  had  copied  it  from  some  more 
ancient  work  ; for  he  makes  no  mention  of  its  being  mutilated.  If  his 
copy  be  correct,  it  is  clear  that  the  inscription  has  no  relation  to 
Brompton,  the  abbot  of  Joreval,  and  writer  of  the  Chronicle;  but 
records  the  name  of  the  builder  which  w as  Brumton.  It  is  not  im- 
probable that  this  part  of  the  church  might  be  dedicated  to  the  virgin 
Mary,  as  it  was  very  common  for  one  saiut  to  have  an  altar,  shrine, 
or  chantry,  in  a church  that  belonged  to  another  saint : and  the  rich 
arcade  or  range  of  niches,  extending  along  the  west  and  north  walls, 
favours  the  supposition.  This  John  of  Brumton  is  said  in  this  copy  to 
have  been  once  servant  to  lord  De-La-Phe.  I am  at  a loss  to  know 
who  this  lord  was.  There  was  a William  del  Fehus,  son  of  Robert 
del  Fehus,  of  North  Loftus,  a near  relation  of  the  Brus  family,  among 
the  benefactors  to  Guisborough  priory  (Burton’s  Monast.  p.  348.) ; 
and  this  name  is  not  unlike  that  in  the  inscription. — I know  not  upon 
what  authority  Charlton  states,  that  Brompton,  the  historian,  spent 
more  than  twenty  years  in  Whitby  abbey : but,  indeed,  I have  very 
little  acquaintance  with  the  life  and  writings  of  that  abbot  of  Joreval. 

* The  brown  stone,  however,  is  found  intermixed  with  the  white 
in  the  older  parts  of  the  building ; especially  in  the  pillars.  The 
white  stone  is  thought  to  have  been  got  from  a quarry  now  on  the 
verge  of  the  cliff,  north  of  the  abbey;  the  brown  is  supposed  to  have 
been  brought  from  a quarry  beside  High  Whitby.  Old  wedges,  and 
dressed  stouesg  have  been  found  in  those  places. 


344 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


in  the  whole  structure.  The  door-case  has  been  ele- 
gant : the  tracery  in  the  upper  part  of  the  arch,  and 
the  rows  of  pilasters,,  with  handsome  capitals,  diverg- 
ing on  either  side  of  the  entrance,  must  have  had  a 
line  effect.  As  the  ground  descends  on  the  outside, 
there  was  here  a flight  of  steps,  part  of  which  has 
been  seen  by  some  who  are  now  living.  Over  the 
door  was  a lofty  window,  ending  in  an  arch  nearly 
semicircular,  once  adorned  with  mullions  elegantly 
ramified  ; but  this  stately  ornament  fell  down  above 
twenty  years  ago,  with  a considerable  part  of  the  west 
wall.  The  buttresses  supporting  the  corners  were  sur- 
mounted by  elegant  pinnacles,  and  adorned  with  a 
profusion  of  caived  work  ; the  niches  are  richer  than 
in  the  north  transept,  and  the  canopies  are  crocketted. 
This  part  of  the  church  seems  to  have  been  built  in  the 
reign  of  Edward  III,  or  in  the  end  of  the  J 4 th  century. 

Each  of  the  pillars  of  the  choir,  transepts,  and 
nave,  is  composed  of  eight  columns  ; — four  large  and 
four  small.  The  massy  pillars  of  the  tower  contain 
double  that  number  in  the  cluster;  and  their  columns 
are  more  varied  in  their  form  and  proportions.  In  the 
arcades  which  separate  the  choir  from  its  aisles,  the 
arches  are  all  pointed,  and  of  one  form;  except  that 
the  arches  next  to  the  tower  are  smaller  than  the  rest; 
the  thickness  of  the  pillars  of  the  tower  having  taken 
off  something  from  the  space  allotted  to  the  adjoining 
arches;  a remark  which  applies  also  to  the  arches  oil 
the  other  sides  of  the  tower.  The  extent  of  the  tower 
corresponds  nearly  with  that  of  the  breadth  of  the 


: 


<■ 


BUILDINGS. 


345 


breadth  of  the  choir  on  the  one  side,  and  of  the  tran- 
sept on  the  other,  excluding  the  aisles  of  both. — In  the 
north  aisle  of  the  choir,  a great  part  of  the  vaulted 
roof  still  remains.  In  the  eastern  part,  the  intersection 
of  the  groins  is  plain  ; but  in  the  western  extremity, 
which  has  perhaps  undergone  some  alterations,  there 
are  key-stones  finely  carved.*  The  brackets  from 
which  the  arches  spring,  in  this  aisle,  are  in  the  form 
of  flowers;  but  those  in  the  aisle  of  the  north  tran- 
sept, and  in  that  part  of  the  nave  which  is  of  the 
same  age,  are  grotesque  human  figures  supporting 
the  arches  on  their  shoulders.  The  upper  part  of  the 
choir  is  ornamented  with  a multitude  of  heads,  of  a 
different  form,  placed  in  various  situations. 

It  is  remarkable,  that  the  nave  is  not  in  a straight 
line  with  the  choir,  but  diverges  about  five  degrees 
towards  the  north  ; so  that,  at  the  west  end  of  the 
building,  the  north  wall  is  ten  feet  our  of  the  line  of 
the  north  wall  of  the  choir.  The  south  wall  of  the 
nave  is  only  a heap  of  ruins  ;f  yet  there  can  be  no 
doubt  that  it  bent  in  the  same  direction  ; for,  by  mea- 
suring from  the  north  wall  to  the  centre  of  the  gate, 
we  find  that  the  church  has  not  been  broader  within 
at  the  west  end  than  it  is  at  the  east,  although  the 
west  front  has  a greater  extent  without,  owing  to  the 
greater  projection  of  the  buttresses.  This  curvature 

* On  one  is  a lion  rampant,  on  another  an  indistinct  figure  which 
may  have  been  a lamb,  a third  seems  to  have  two  fishes,  and  a fourth 
has  only  foliage  or  flowers.  Burton  (Monasticon,  p.  82)  supposes 
them  to  represent  the  arms  of  Percy  and  Neville.  The  fishes  (if  they 
are  fishes)  belong  to  the  Percy  arms,  f It  fell  about  the  year  1762. 
One  pillar  of  the  nave  was  rebuilt  by  a gentleman,  on  its  old  founda- 
tion, iu  1790, 

YY 


346 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


of  the  building1  could  scarcely  be  the  effect  of  accident 
or  inattention,  as  a similar  bend  is  observed  in  several 
other  ancient  cruciform  churches;  but  it  is  difficult  to 
conjecture  for  what  purpose  a plan,  apparently  so 
irregular,  could  be  adopted. 

The  windows  are  all  of  the  lancet  kind,  more  or 
less  sharp,  except  the  circular,  or  catherine-wheel 
window  in  the  top  of  the  north  transept,  and  the 
windows  of  the  modern  part  of  the  nave.  They  are 
placed  in  three  rows,  and  those  on  the  sides  corres- 
pond with  the  centres  of  the  arches  within ; being  so 
placed,  that  (he  pillars  might  not  obstruct  the  light. 
In  the  middle  row,  there  are  two  windows  over  every 
arch,  placed  close  together  under  an  arch  of  the  ellip- 
tical form.  At  the  upper  row,  where  the  windows 
are  small  and  single,  there  is  a gallery,  or  walk,  in 
the  body  of  the  wall,  which  has  passed  all  round  the 
building,  not  excepting  the  tower,  and  has  commu- 
nicated with  the  different  staircases,  of  which  one  has 
ascended  from  the  north-west  angle  of  the  north  tran- 
sept, and  another  from  the  north-west  angle  of  the 
nave.  In  the  west  front  there  has  been,  on  each  side 
of  the  great  window,  a handsome  window  ending  in 
a sharply  pointed  arch,  and  over  it  a small,  but  elegant, 
lozenge-shaped  window.  The  inside  of  the  front  wall, 
on  each  side  the  door,  is  lined  with  facings,  like  win- 
dows, with  semi-mullions. 

The  windows  in  the  modern  part  of  the  north 
wall  of  the  nave  have  been  large,  and  beautiful ; as 
may  be  seen  by  the  branched  mullions  of  two  of  them 


BUILDINGS . 


347 


yet  remaining.  They  have  been  four  in  number;  and 
the  space  between  the  four  was  faced  with  pannels  of 
another  window  of  the  same  size  and  form.  Beneath 
that  pannelling  was  a neat  door-way,  still  tolerably 
entire.  It  has  been  between  5 and  6 feet  wide,  and 
between  8 and  9 feet  high ; including  the  tracery  in 
the  top  of  the  arch.  This  door-way  has  opened  into 
a porch  on  the  north  side  of  the  nave;  and  from  that 
porch  there  has  been  an  entrance  into  a building  on 
the  east,  which  has  extended  in  breadth  from  beside 
the  door  to  the  place  where  the  modern  part  of  the 
nave  commences ; so  that  the  two  large  windows  on 
that  side  of  the  door  have  looked  into  that  building, 
and  have  not  been  exposed  to  the  open  air;  to  which 
circumstance,  perhaps,  they  owe  their  preservation 
That  building  was  most  probably  the  chapter -house, 
which  had  been  rebuilt  along  with  this  portion  of  the 
nave.  How  far  it  extended  outward  from  the  wall  of 
the  nave,  has  not  been  ascertained;  but  if  it  was 
erected  on  the  site  of  the  former  chapter-house,  the 
remains  of  some  of  the  abbots,  and  of  several  eminent 
characters,  might  be  found  in  that  spot. 

Though  the  abbey  church  has  suffered  severely 
from  the  ravages  of  time,  and  from  the  rage  of  the 
elements ; to  which,  by  its  lofty  situation  on  our  eastern 
cliffs,  it  is  peculiarly  exposed ; — the  venerable  ruins 
are  still  sufficient  to  convey  some  idea  of  its  ancient 
magnificence.  It  must  have  been  a stately  and  in- 
teresting fabric,  when  all  its  parts  were  entire,  and 
when  the  beauty  of  its  ornaments  within  corresponded 
with  the  grandeur  of  the  exterior. 


348 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


Many  years  have  elapsed  since  any  remnant  of 
the  painted  glass,  that  once  graced  the  windows,  could 
be  seen  in  the  ruins.  Some  fragments  however  are 
still  preserved  in  Whitby.  The  most  interesting  are 
two  circular  pieces,  each  eleven  inches  in  diame- 
ter, formerly  in  the  windows  of  a house  in  Church 
Street,  but  now,  in  separate  frames,  in  the  possession 
of  William  Skinner,  Escp  One  lepresents  the  child- 
hood of  Christ.  Mary  is  sitting  weaving  a kind  of 
web  in  an  upright  loom,  while  Jesus  is  standing  by 
holding  a clew  for  her;  and  Joseph  is  entering,  with 
a pail  in  his  right  hand,  and  a bundle  of  sticks  sup- 
ported against  his  breast  with  his  left  hand.  A portion 
of  the  town  of  Nazareih  is  seen  through  the  door,  in 
the  back  ground.  In  the  inscription,  which  encircles 
the  figures,  Christ  thus  addresses  his  mother:  ©tUttni 

gancttsstma  muUasoUrittt&mt  muvitugtt  strut 
mater  pusstma  q\it  tsc  labors  mamiu  tttaw.— 

Most  holy  parent ! icith  much  care  hast  thou  nourished 
me,  like  a most  tender  mother , even  by  the  labour  of  thy 
hands.  The  other  piece  is  a memorial  of  the  suffer- 
ings of  Christ,  as  well  as  a token  of  veneration  for  the 
virgin  Mary.  In  the  centre  is  a heart,  surrounded  by 
a wreath  of  thorns;  next  to  that  are  three  nails,  one 
on  each  side  and  one  below ; these,  with  the  central 
part,  are  encompassed  by  a circle  of  beads,  divided 
into  five  parts  by  the  same  number  of  roses,  placed  at 
equal  distances,  one  at  the  top,  and  two  on  each  side: 
Of  the  lateral  roses,  the  two  uppermost  contain  in  the 
centre  the  appearance  of  Christ's  hands  pierced  with 


BUILDINGS. 


349 


the  nails,  and  the  two  nethermost  his  feet  pierced  in 
the  same  way.  Around  the  whole  is  a circle,  contain- 
ing' the  following  address  to  the  virgin  : puggtlTtfl 

u*go  marts  g>  es  rttbeng  rc^a  ct  sup’  omnt 
mature  tttiJtmutu  Hsbtnt  amorts  tnftuta. — Hail 

most  pious  virgin  JMary , who  art  a ruddy  rose,  and 
clothed  with  a garment  of  divine  love  above  every 
creature  .*  Several  fragments  of  the  painted  glass 
have  been  put  in  the  windows  of  the  catholic  chapel; 
but  they  exhibit  nothing  interesting.  A small  piece 
representing  a parrot  sitting  on  a sprig  has  long  been 
in  a window  of  a painter’s  shop  in  Mr.  Bennison’s 
yard  in  Baxtergate.f 

It  is  highly  probable,  that  the  cloister,  where  the 
monks  pursued  their  studies,  stood  west  or  south-west 
of  the  abbey  church.  It  was  a square  having  a green 
in  the  midst,  around  which  were  piazzas,  or  covered 
walks;  and  on  one  or  more  sides  of  the  square  were 
recesses  for  the  monks,  with  seats,  desks,  book-cases, 
and  other  conveniences  for  study.  The  square  green 
of  the  cloister  probably  corresponds  with,  or  is  in- 
cluded in,  the  level  green  in  front  of  Mrs.  Cholmley’s 
hall ; for,  at  the  first  erection  of  that  hall,  advantage 
would  be  taken  of  the  situation  of  the  ground. 

* The  word  que,  in  the  first  inscription,  seems  to  be  a con- 
traction for  quoque.  If  it  stands  for  quce,  it  must  have  been  mis- 
placed. The  representation  of  these  pieces  of  glass,  given  in 
Charlton’s  History,  by  no  means  equals  the  beauty  of  the  original ; 
especially  in  the  faces  of  the  figures,  -j-  According  to  Leland,  there- 
was  a window  in  the  cloister,  in  which  a representation  was  given  in 
painted  glass,  shewing  that  the  Scots  who  lived  on  the  English  bor- 
ders were  cannibals,  so  late  as  the  time  of  William  the  conqueror,  by 
whose  sword  their  monstrous  barbarity  was  punished  ! ! ! Lei. 
Coli.  III.  p.  40. 


350 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


The  chapter -house,  which,  as  has  been  remarked, 
appears  to  have  adjoined  to  the  nave  of  the  church, 
was  the  place  where  the  abbot  and  convent  held  their 
ecclesiastical  court ; where  they  met  to  elect  officers, 
to  try  offenders  against  the  monastic  rules,  and  to 
transact  whatever  related  to  the  spiritual  government 
and  discipline  of  the  institution. 

Besides  the  chapter-house,  appropriated  to  eccle-* 
siastical  business,  there  was  the  hall,  where  the  abbot 
held  his  civil  court,  where  respectable  visiters  were 
received,  and  entertainments  were  occasionally  given. 
This  was  rebuilt  in  the  close  of  the  14th  century,  for 
in  the  roll  for  1394 — 5,  we  find  several  items  of  ex- 
penditure on  account  of  the  new  hall.  The  present 
hall  is  probably  on  the  same  site  ; for  we  see,  in  va- 
rious parts  of  the  walls,  obvious  traces  of  the  ancient 
building.  It  appears  from  tire  rolls,  that,  besides  the 
great  hall  of  the  convent,  there  was  the  abbot’s  hall ; 
and  that  the  abbot  had  also  his  own  chamber,  or 
lodging'  room,  and  his  own  kitchen.  These  apart* 
meats  were  probably  near  the  great  haH.  We  may 
also  suppose  that  the  great  kitchen  was  in  the  same 
quarter;  as  the  principal  entrance  from  the  country, 
as  well  as  from  the  harbour,  was  in  that  direction. 
For  the  same  reason,  the  guest-house,  where  strangers 
were  entertained  and  lodged,  may  be  assigned  to  the 
same  neighbourhood. 

The  library,  the  refectory,  or  dining-room,  and 
the  dormitory  or  dorter,  which  was  the  sleeping-room, 
may  be  supposed  to  have  stood  on  the  south  of  the 


BUILDINGS. 


351 


church.  The  refectory,  for  obvious  reasons,  would 
be  near  to  the  great  kitchen  ; and  the  library  was 
probably  on  the  south  side  of  the  nave,  that  it  might 
be  near  to  the  cloister,  as  well  as  to  the  church  and 
the  chapter-house.  The  same  remark  will  apply  to 
the  vestiary  or  vestry.  The  treasury  would  not  be 
far  from  the  abbot’s  hall:  but  the  infirmary  would 
be  removed  to  a distance,  and  as  an  airy  situation  was 
of  advantage,  it  was  perhaps  erected  on  the  south-east 
of  the  church,  or  possibly  it  might  stand  on  the  north 
side,  towards  the  cliff,  where  there  are  many  founda- 
tions of  buildings.  On  the  other  hand,  the  almshouse 
was  on  the  west  side,  and  seems  to  have  stood  where 
Mrs.  Cholmley’s  stables  now  are ; the  fields  at  the  back 
of  these  stables  being  still  called  the  almshouse-close. 

It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  notiee  the  inferior 
offices,  such  as  the  brew-house , the  bake-house,  the 
boult-house  (for  dressing  flour),  the  stables,  the  kiln, 
the  wood-garth,  called  also  the  wood-house- garth , the 
fish-house,  the  plummery,  &c. ; most  of  which  are 
named  in  the  rolls.  It  may  be  remarked,  however, 
that  the  brew-house  was  probably  in  the  same  spot 
where  an  old  brew-house  of  the  Cholmlev  family  still 
remains;  near  which,  in  the  almshouse-close,  there  is 
a well  or  reservoir  : the  kiln  has  stood  near  the  foot  of 
the  church-stairs,  where  there  is  a yard  called  kiln- 
yard,  or  kiln-garth  ; and  the  fish-house  must  have 
been  nearer  the  river,  perhaps  about  the  place  where 
the  present  fish-house  stands.  The  abbey  gardens 
might  be  nearly  in  the  same  situation  with  the  present 
gardens  belonging  to  the  hall 


352 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


The  cemetery,  or  burying-ground,  was  of  course 
adjacent  to  the  abbey  church  ; and  the  abbots,  and 
others  of  high  rank,  were  generally  buried  in  the 
church  itself,  or  rather  in  the  chapter-house.  Here 
several  of  the  Percy  family  were  interred;  among 
whom  was  Agnes,  the  wife  of  Josceline  de  Lovaine, 
son  of  the  duke  of  Brabant.  Site  died  about  the  year 
1199,  and  being  buried  on  St.  Agnes’  day,  an  epitaph 
was  placed  over  her  tomb,  to  intimate  that  in  other 
things  also  she  was  like  St.  Agnes.* 

Several  of  the  funerals  performed  here  were  what 
are  called  testamentary , and  were  of  course  accom- 
panied with  suitable  donations.  In  the  year  1440, 
William  Salvain,  Esq.  by  his  last  will,  proved  Sept, 
9th,  directed  his  body  to  be  buried  in  the  ambulatory 
(the  walk  or  passage)  in  the  monastery  of  Whitby. 
In  1461,  dame  Catharine  Plase,  of  Whitby,  by  her 
will,  proved  Feb>-  24th,  ordered  her  sepulture  at  the 
place  where  our  Lady’s  mass  was  daily  said.f  In 
1471,  Sir  John  Salvain  of  New-Biggen,  Knt.  by  his 
will,  proved  Jan*-  11th,  directed  his  corpse  to  be 
buried  before  the  great  altar  in  the  church  of  Whitby. 
In  1474,  John  Nightingale,  rector  of  Sneaton,  by  his 
will,  proved  Feb?-  16th,  appointed  his  burial  to  be  on 
(he  north  side,  before  the  cross. § In  1508,  James 

* Agnes,  Agnetis  festo  tumulatur ; et  istis 
Idem  sexus,  idem  nomen,  et  vita  dies. 

Dugdale’s  Baronage  I.  p.  269,  270. 
-)•  Tiiis  was  probablv  in  the  north  transept,  as  may  be  inferred  from 
tbe  inscription  on  the  pillar.  The  two  circular  panes  of  painted  glass, 
above  described,  in  all  likelihood  belonged  to  the  windows  of  this  tran- 
sept; being  both  complimentary  to  the  virgin  Mary.  § By  this  it 
would  appear  that  the  ancient  cross,  now  standing  in  the  abbey  plain, 


BUILDINGS. 


353 


Strangways,  by  his  will,  proved  June  2nd,  ordered 
his  body  to  be  interred  in  Whitby  abbey.* 

Of  the  sepulchral  monuments  which  once  deco- 
rated the  abbey,  nothing'  is  to  be  seen.  Two  or  three 
blue  marble  stones,  now  in  the  floor  of  the  parish 
church,  are  said  to  have  been  brought  thither  from 
the  abbey ; and  the  tradition  is  corroborated  by  the 
vestiges  of  the  brass  plates,  of  which  they  have  been 
despoiled.  Many  other  defaced  tomb  stones  were  re- 
moved to  the  present  church  yard,  and  placed  over 
different  family  burial-places;  but,  being  an  obstruc- 
tion in  the  way  of  receiving  fees  for  new  tomb-stones, 
they  were  all  destroyed  by  the  minister  of  Whitby, 
soon  after  the  year  J?36.f 

was  then  within  the  cemetery  of  the  abbey.  On  this  cross,  and  other 
crosses  in  the  district,  some  remarks  will  be  made  in  another  chapter. 

* Burton’s  Monast.  p.  82.  f Ch.  p.  296.  This  says  little  for 
the  antiquarian  taste  of  Mr.  Borwick,  from  whom  both  Charlto  i and 
Burton  received  their  copies  of  the  inscription.  See  Ch.  p.  32  4,  266. 
Burton’s  Monast  p.  82.  He  is  called  Goi'ic^od  in  Burton,  by  a mis- 
take, or  error  of  the  press. 

The  walls  which  inclose  the  site  of  the  monastery,  having  all  been 
built  out  of  the  ruins,  contain  a variety  of  carved  stones,  lu  the  out- 
side of  the  wall  on  the  north-east  are  several  fragments  of  a lintel  which 
has  contained  a Latin  inscription,  in  ancient  characters  like  those  on 
the  pillar.  All  that  I can  gather  from  the  fragments  is,  that  the  in- 
scription has  related  to  a knight  called  William. 

It  may  be  deemed  an  omission  not  to  notice  some  contemptible 
verses,  written  since. the  abbey  was  in  ruins,  but  ridiculously  ascribed 
to  lady  Hilda.  They  are  said  to  have  been  carved  on  one  of  the  pillars, 
and  the  inscription  about  John  of  Brumton,  was  conceived  to  be  a part 
of  them ! 


An  ancient  building  which  you  see, 
Upon  the  hill,  close  by  the  sea, 
Was  Streoneshalh  abbey  nam’d  by 
me. 


} 


I above-mentioned  was  the  dame, 
When  I was  living  in  the  same, 
Great  wonders  did,  as  you  shall  hear, 
Having  my  God  in  constant  fear. 


When  Whitby  town  with  snakes  was 
fill’d, 

I to  my  God  pray’d,  and  them  kill’d, 
And  for  commemoration’s  sake, 
Upon  the  scar  you  may  them  take, 
All  turn’d  to  stone,  in  the  same  shape, 
As  they  from  me  did  make  escape; 
But  as  for  heads,  none  can  be  seen, 


ZZ 


354 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY 


Having1  taken  a view  of  the  buildings  and  offices 
of  the  monastery,  it  may  be  proper  to  notice  the 
benefactions  that  were  made  for  the  use  of  particular 
offices,  or  for  some  specific  services  in  the  establish- 
ment. Many  of  these  benefactions  are  recorded  in  the 
first  four  leaves  of  the  Register. 

Some  grants  were  made  for  the  service  of  the 
altar.  Thus  William  of  Ochetun  (or  Egton),  in  the 
time  of  the  abb  A Nicholas,  gave  a toft  in  Hinder  well, 
for  maintaining  a lamp  before  the  high  altar,  in  the 
church  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Hilda.* 


Various  donations  were  made  to  the  almery,  or 
almshouse.  William  de  Percy  of  Dunsley  granted  to 
the  almshouse  of  Whitby,  for  ever,  one  oxgang  of 
land,  in  Dunsley,  with  a toft  and  croft,  on  condition 
of  his  receiving  for  these  premises  1 sh.  yearly,  besides 
the  performance  of  the  service  belonging  to  them.f  I 
have  no  doubt  that  this  land  was  that  which  is  still 


called  the  almshouse-close,  atNewholm  near  Dunsley  .§ 


Except  they’ve  artificial  been. 
Likewise  the  abbey  now  you  see, 

I made,  that  you  might  think  of  me; 
Also  a window  there  I plac’d; 

That  you  might  see  me  as  undress’d, 
In  morning  gown  and  nightrail,  there 
All  the  day  long  fairly  appear : 

Grose  has  inserted  these  verses  i: 
163.  That  author’s  description  of  c 


At  the  west  end  of  the  church  you’ll 
see, 

Nine  paces  there  in  each  degree; 

Yet  if  one  foot  you  stir  aside, 

My  comely  presence  is  deny’d. 

Now  this  is  true  what  I have  said, 

So  unto  death  my  due  I’ve  paid. 

his  Antiquities  Vol.  VI.  p.  162, 
tr  abbey  is  far  from  being  correct. 


* R.  f.  59.  Ch.  p.  93,  94.  T R.  f.  16.  Ch.  p.  97.  Charlton, 
in  his  translation,  turns  the  almshouse  into  a man,  whom  he  calls 
Almarij  ! He  might  have  seen  his  mistake,  had  he  noticed,  that  the 
grant  was  made,  “on  the  purchase  and  service  of  the  cellarist”  of  the 
abbey.  § The  almshouse-close  at  Newholm  is  now  the  property  of 
Mr.  Robert  Peacock,  who  has  it  in  right  of  his  wife,  whose  ancestors 
of  the  name  of  Marsingale  had  a lease  of  it,  by  letters  patent  from 
queen  Elizabeth,  and  afterwards  bought  it  of  Sir  Richard  Etherington, 


OFFICES. 


356 


Richard  de  Cardoile  gave  to  the  almshouse  a revenue 

of  6d.  to  be  paid  every  Christmas,  by  him  and  his 

heirs  for  ever,  out  of  that  toft  in  the  town  of  Whitby, 

which  he  held  of  Nicholas  Russel,  adjoining  the  house 

that  belonged  to  Richard  Brande.*  Helias,  servant  of 

Helias,  formerly  dean  of  Ridale,  gave  also  Gd.  yearly 

to  the  almoner,  out  of  some  land  which  he  held  of  his 

said  master.f  Many  years  after  (in  1318),  Alexander 

Her  of  Whitby  gave  up,  for  the  use  of  almsgiving,§ 

half  a toft  of  land  lying  in  Kirkgate,  between  the 

land  of  John  At-te-kelde  (or,  John  at  the  well,  ||  ) on 

the  one  side  and  the  land  of  John  Pok  on  the  other 

side.  This  half  toft,  which  perhaps  was  part  of  the 

almshouse-close,  adjoining  to  Church  street,  then  called 

Kirkgate,  was  let  soon  after,  to  John  at-the-well,  for 

forty  years,  at  4s.  6d.  yearly,  and  Is.  to  the  precentor. £ 

The  precentor,  or  chantor,  who  had  the  charge 

of  the  missals,  and  other  books  used  in  divine  service, 

appears  to  have  been  librarian  to  the  convent;  for  the 

donations  to  the  library,  which  are  numerous,  were 

in  the  time  of  James  I.  Like  other  lands  occupied  by  the  monks  them- 
selves, it  is  tithe-free.  It  would  seem  from  the  rolls,  that  the  monks 
attached  this  land  to  the  infirmary,  and  perhaps  had  an  infirmary  here. 

* R.  f.  3.  Ch.  p.  97.  Here  also  Charlton  makes  the  almshouse 
a person,  f R.  f.  63.  Ch.  p 162.  § It  is  not  quite  clear,  that  this 

expression  implies  that  the  surrender  was  made  to  the  almshouse ; 
especially  as  the  4s.  6d.  rent,  paid  by  the  next  lessee,  did  not  go  to 
the  almshouse,  but  to  Thomas  Wibern  and  his  family,  of  whom  Alex- 
ander Her  obtained  the  premises,  and  the  additional  Is.  which  had 
been  payable  by  Alexander  Her,  and  perhaps  by  Thomas  Wibern  also, 
was  paid  to  the  precentor,  and  probably  was  intended,  like  the  follow- 
ing donations,  for  the  purchase  of  books.  R.  f.  2.  Ch.  p.  231  ||  Held 

signifies  a spring,  fountain,  or  ivell.  Perhaps  John  obtained  his  name 
from  having  his  house  near  to  the  well  or  fountain,  in  the  almshouse- 
close.  + R.  f.  2,  4.  Ch.  p.  238,  239. 

zz  2 


356 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


all  committed  to  bis  care.  William  de  Percy,  of 
D unsley,  gave  the  chantor  three  oxgangs  of  land,  for 
making  and  writing  books  for  the  church.*  A number 
of  houses  in  Whitby  paid  a small  sum  yearly  for  the 
same  purpose;  and  indeed,  it  would  seem  to  have 
been  a kind  of  general  assessment  on  the  householders. 
When  Hugh,  son  of  Roger  Prudum,  bought  from 
Walter,  son  of  Godefrid,  son  of  Blaker,  a toft  of  land 
in  Whitby,  lying  between  the  land  of  Richard  Freboys, 
and  that  of  Agnes,  wife  of  Thomas  Cook,  in  a street 
called  Floie  (Flowergate) ; he  bound  himself  to  pay- 
id.  yearly,  for  procuring  books  in  St.  Peter’s  church, 
besides  burgage  to  the  lord  abbot. f Geoffrey,  son  of 
Thomas  of  Yoik,  paid  to  the  precentor,  for  purchas- 
ing and  repairing  books,  4s.  yearly,  out  of  a toft  in 
the  same  street,  formerly  possessed  by  Matilda  de 
Cameia  and  Ralph  de  Hoton.§  Simon  the  porter  of 
Whitby  paid  to  the  same  amount,  for  the  house  of 
Alexander  t he  weaver,  next  to  the  house  of  William  the 
son  of  Petronilla.  Thomas  de  Berminghant  paid  18d. 
yearly  for  half  a toft  in  that  street,  lying  between  the 
land  of  Bar.holomew  the  son  of  Alexander  on  the  east 
side,  and  the  land  of  Ralph  the  fisherman  on  the  west 
side.  Hugh,  the  son  of  Alexander  Suanball,  paid  3s. 
yearly  for  the  shop  and  sollar  (or  garret)  of  his  house 
in  Hakelsougate  (Haggersgate),  towards  the  street.  || 
Thomas  Skyn  (Skinner),  son  of  Richard  Skyn,  granted 
the  abbot  and  convent  half  a toft  of  land  in  Whitby, 

* R f 55.  Cli.  p.  98  f R.  f.  4.  Ch.  p.  197.  § R.  f.  4.  Ch. 

p.  219.  ||  R.  f.  2,  3,  4.  Ch.  p 229,  230.  All  these  paymeuts  were 

made  to  the  precentor.  The  deeds  referred  to  are  all  dated  between 
t290  aud  1300. 


OFFICES . 


357 


for  buying  them  books;  viz.  the  half  toft  between  the 
land  of  Walter,  son  of  William  the  fuller,  and  the 
land  of  Isabel  Fox  : and,  about  21  years  after  (in  1353), 
the  abbot  Thomas  let  to  Richard  Landmote,  for  forty 
years,  half  a toft  in  Floregate,  between  the  two  tofts  of 
Wm.  de  la  Sale,  at  4s.  rent,  paid  to  the  precentor.* 
Some  grants  were  made  to  the  infirmary.  Ralph, 
son  of  Baldwin  of  Bramhop,  gave  5s.  yearly,  to  the 
infirmary,  out  of  his  land  at  A)  ton  in  the  vale  of  Picker- 
ing; to  be  paid  by  his  homager,  Lawrence  the  son  of 
Daniel,  who  became  bound,  for  himself  and  his  heirs,  to 
pay  it  duly.f  We  find  also  a revenue  of  5s.  yearly  paid 
to  the  sacrist,  by  Ralph  Nuvel  of  York,  for  two  pieces 
of  land  in  Whitby;  in  exchange  for  a rent  of  5s.  paid 
out  of  some  land  in  Ousegate,  York;  for  which  he 
was  still  to  pay  the  sacrist  Is.  yearly.  In  like  manner, 
an  acre  of  land  in  Upleatham,  was  granted  to  the 
sacrist,  by  Robert,  son  of  Robert  Clere.§  The  mas- 
ter-builder too  received  half  a mark  of  silver  yearly, 
from  some  land  in  Dales,  let  by  the  abbot  Peter,  to 
William  the  brother  of  Reginald  of  Suthfeld.  ||  These 
last  benefactions,  however,  were  rather  assigned  to 
the  officers  named,  than  to  any  particular  service  in 
the  institution  ; it  being  customary  to  set  apart  lands 
or  revenues  for  the  support  of  different  officers,  as 
well  as  for  the  maintenance  of  particular  departments 

* R.  f.  1,2.  Ch.  p.  229,  237.  + R f.  56,  60,  64.  Ch.  p.  189, 
190  § R f.  58,  20  Ch.  p.  198,  192.  The  name  Robert  Clere 

(Roberti  Cleri)  might  be  read  Robert  the  clerk  or  clergyman.  Not- 
withstanding the  injunctions  of  celibacy,  there  were  then  sons  of  the 
clergy.  ||  R.  f,  70.  Ch.  p.  150,  151. 


35S 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY, 


of  the  monastery/7  Donations  were  sometimes  made, 
not  only  to  the  officers,  but  to  each  monk  individually. 
Thus  Roger  Thornton,  who  was  mayor  of  Newcastle, 
by  his  will,  made  on  c<r  the  thursday  next  before  yole- 
day,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1429,”  left,  among  many 
other  bequests  to  religious  houses,  “ to  every  monk 
of  Whitby  a noble. ”+ 

After  this  account  of  the  buildings  and  offices  of 
our  abbey,  it  will  be  proper  to  take  a view  of  the  cells, 
or  smaller  monasteries,  which  were  under  its  care. 

In  the  list  of  the  cells  subject  to  Whitby,  the  first 
place  is  due  to  Hackness;  as  it  not  only  belonged  to 
the  monks  of  Whitby  almost  from  the  first  era  of  the 
revival  of  the  monastery,  when  it  was  occasionally  the 
chief  residence  of  our  monks,  but  was  also  one  of  the 
cells  connected  with  Streoneshalh  in  the  days  of  Hilda 
and  /Eifleda.  There  were  lands  of  St.  Hilda  at  this 
place  in  the  time  of  the  conqueror,  and  the  privileges 
of  soch,  sack,  &c.  were  granted  to  St.  Peter’s  church 
at  Hackness,  before  they  were  conferred  on  the  church 
of  Whitby .§  A few  of  the  earliest  benefactions  given 
to  our  monks  were  particularly  assigned  to  the  church 
of  Hackness;  but,  after  the  grant  of  Whitby  Strand, 
these  donations  were  incorporated  with  the  other 
possessions  of  the  monastery  ; and  we  find  from  the 
rolls,  that  this  cell  had  no  estates,  and  kept  no  ac- 
counts, separate  from  those  of  the  parent  establishment 
Here,  however,  as  in  other  cells,  there  were  monastic 

* As  in  Evesham  abbey.  Dugd.  Mon.  T.  p.  147,  148.  -f  Bourne’s 
Newcastle,  p.  '210.  § See  p.  251,  256,  25/,  2/9. 


CELLS. 


339 


offices  similar  to  those  of  Whitby,  but  on  a smaller 
scale,  as  was  tbe  case  in  the  Saxon  period.  None  of 
those  building's  now  remain,  except  the  church,  which 
though  it  has  undergone  repairs  and  alterations,  re- 
tains an  air  of  venerable  antiquity.  The  seats  of  the 
monks  in  the  choir,  or  chancel,  still  remain,  nearly  in 
the  same  state  in  which  they  were  at  the  dissolution  ; 
the  Johnstone  family,  to  whom  the  manor  belongs, 
having,  much  to  their  credit,  taken  care  to  preserve 
them.  They  are  built  of  oak,  in  the  form  of  stalls, 
twelve  in  number;  four  being  placed  against  each 
side  of  the  choir,  and  four  more,  two  on  each  side  the 
passage,  fronting  the  altar.  Each  stall  has  been  fur- 
nished with  a turn-up  seat,  which,  having  a broad 
front,  formed  when  turned  back  a kind  of  small  seat 
or  table,  called  the  misericord,  on  which  the  monks 
occasionally  leaned.  The  turn-up  part,  which  was 
raised  to  allow  them  more  room  when  it  was  their 
duty  to  stand,  still  remains  in  most  of  the  seats.*  It 
does  not  turn  on  hinges,  but  slides  in  a kind  of  groove, 
into  which  it  enters  at  each  end.  When  it  is  raised 
up,  the  nether  part,  which  then  becomes  the  front, 
displays  some  beautiful  carving  of  fruits,  flowers,  gro- 
tesque heads,  &c.  From  the  number  of  the  seats  we 
may  infer,  that  the  cell  was  intended  to  accommodate 
twelve  monks,with  a prior  or  sub-prior  to  govern  them;f 
though  perhaps  their  number  was  seldom  complete. 

The  next  cell  belonging  to  our  abbey  was  in 

* See  Fosbrooke’s  Brit.  Monach.  II.  p.  107.  Note,  f Thirteen 
formed  a proper  convent,  corresponding  in  number  with  Christ  and  his 
twelve  apostles.  Ibid.  I.  p.  15, 


36G 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY 


Fishergate  in  York,  at  the  church  of  All  Saints, 
granted  by  William  Rufus,  and  honoured,  like  Hack- 
ness, with  various  immunities.  The  lands  at  Bustard- 
Thorp,  and  a few  donations  more,  were  granted  for 
the  special  support  of  this  cell ; but  its  accounts  were 
not  kept  separate  from  those  of  the  parent  monastery.* 
ft  never  contained  a great  number  of  monks  ; remote 
cells  being  regarded  as  places  of  banishment. f This 
cell  was  so  completely  demolished  after  the  dissolution, 
that  Drake  could  not  ascertain  the  spot  where  it  stood. § 
But  Middleburgh,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Tees, 
seems  to  have  been  the  principal  cell  belonging  to 
Whitby  abbey.  It  was  established  about  the  year 
020,  by  Robert  de  Ecus  of  Skelton,  who  endowed  it 
with  some  lands  at  Middleburgh  and  at  Newham;  to 
which  large  accessions  were  afterwards  made  in  diffe- 
rent parts  of  Cleveland,  by  the  bounty  of  various 
benefactors,  chiefly  in  the  time  of  the  abbot  Roger,  jj 
This  cell,  where  twelve  or  more  monks  probably  re- 
sided, had  its  own  prior,  who  is  named  both  in  the 
register,];  and  in  the  rolls;  and  it  had  also  its  own  com- 
potus , distinct  from  that  ot  the  abbey.  The  annual 
income  of  this  cell  was  estimated,  in  1534,  at  £21. 
3s.  Sd.**  The  buildings  have  been  wholly  destroyed. 

* R.  f 140,  65.  Ch.  |>.  53,  62,  72.  + Fosbrooke,  II.  p.  199. 

§ Eborac.  p 250.  The  Minorite  brothers  at  York  had  some  premises 
adjacent  to  this  ceil ; and  our  snonks  granted  them  water  from  their 
well  in  the  coruer  of  the  court- yard,  undei  certain  restrictions.  R f. 
76.  Ch  p.  222.  [|  R.  f.  23,  24,  25,  26,  &c.  Ch  p.  76,  lbO,  lsl, 

&c.  Nehuham,  or  Neiceham,  in  Brus’s  charter,  is  not  Newholm 
near  Whitby,  as  Charlton  fancies  (p.  72) ; but  Newham  in  the  parish 
of  Marton  in  Cleveland  Brus  never  had  any  land  at  Newholm.  1 The 
prior  of  Middleburgh  in  1393.  was  Thomas  of  Hawkesgarth.  He  at- 
tended at  Whitby  to  vote  at  the  election  of  a new  abbot.  R.  f.  130. 
Ch.  p.  256.  **  Tanner’s  Notitia,  p.  656. 


HERMITAGES. 


361 


Besides  these  three  cells,  our  abbey  had  several 
lesser  dependencies  called  hermitages.  One  of  these 
was  in  Godeland.  It  was  granted  by  Henry  I to  one 
Osmund  a priest  and  a few  brethren,  who  took  up  their 
habitation  there;  but  it  was  soon  after  transferred  to 
our  abbey ; Osmund  and  his  brethren  adopting  the  lule 
of  St. Benedict,  and  putting  themselves  under  the  pater- 
nal  care  of  the  abbot.  This  hermitage,  which  was  called 
St.  Mary’s,  was  endowed  by  king  Henry  with  one 
carucate,  to  which  William  Bore  added  one  toft  in 
Locinton.*  The  hermitage  seems  to  have  been  little 
frequented  for  some  time  previous  to  the  dissolution; 
a remark  which  is  applicable  to  the  hermitages  in 
general,  as  the  monks  of  that  age  preferred  the  luxuries 
of  the  convent  to  the  sweets  of  retirement.  The  place 
of  worship,  however,  was  retained  as  a chapel,  and 
is  still  in  use.f 

The  hermitage  of  Wester  oft,  on  the  banks  of  the 
Denvent,  near  Hutton-Bushell,  was  granted  to  our 
abbey,  by  Alan  Bushell,  and  Gervase  his  brother, 
about  the  year  1140.§  The  Register  mentions  it  se- 
veral times,  but  throws  no  light  on  its  history  ; and 
no  information  respecting  it  has  been  derived  from 
any  other  source. 

* R.  f.  52,  50.  Ch.  p.  74,  75.  f Godeland  is  sometimes  called 
a cell . Burton’s  Mouast.  p.  85.  The  original  hermitage  probably 
stood  above  a mile  north-east  of  the  present  Godeland  chapel,  at  a 
place  called  The  abbot's  house,  belonging  to  Messrs.  Thomas  and 
Peter  Harwood.  In  1460,  the  abbot  and  convent  had  some  land  let 
in  Godeland  at  20s.  rent.  The  chapel  has  now  no  connexion  with 
Whitby  church;  yet  the  common  right  of  pasturage  in  Alien-Tofts 
in  Godeland,  still  belongs  to  the  inhabitants  of  Sneaton,  Ugglebarnby, 
Hawsker,  aud  Stainsacre;  for  which  they  pay  yearly  2s.  4d.  of  gist- 
money,  though  they  never  make  use  of  their  privilege.  § R,  f.  17. 
62,  &c.  Ch.  p.  71,  100,  140. 


AAA 


362 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


We  are  as  much  in  the  dark  respecting  the  her= 
mitage  of  Eskdale ; being  unable  to  tell  when,  or  by 
whom,  it  was  founded,  or  at  what  time  it  ceased  to 
be  used  as  a hermitage  : but  it  appears  to  have  been 
converted  into  an  ordinary  chapel,  previous  to  the 
year  1226.*  The  chapel,  which  was  called  St.  John’s, 
is  now  in  ruins ; an  elegant  chapel  having  been  erected, 
instead  of  it,  in  Sleights,  about  the  year  1762. f 

Another  hermitage  belonging  to  Whitby  was  at 
a place  called  Hode,  on  the  moors  beyond  Helmsley; 
where  Robert  de  Alnetto,  a monk  of  Whitby,  lived 
for  some  time;  but,  in  1138,  Roger  de  Mowbray, 
and  Gundreda  his  mother,  purchased  the  place  from 
our  monks,  and  founded  there  a Cistercian  abbey, 
which  was  afterwards  removed  to  Byland.§  The 
church  at  Ilode  was  dedicated  to  St.  Mary,  and  St. 
William;  but  it  is  not  known  who  this  St.  William 

* The  hermitage  of  Eskdale  is  noticed  in  the  Memorial;  (R.  f. 
139.  Ch.  p.  70.)  and  is  mentioned  incidentally  in  a charter  granted 
by  the  abbot  Richard  II:  (R.  f.  66.  Ch.  p.  129.)  but,  in  the  bull  of 
pope  Honorius  III,  issued  in  1226,  it  is  named  among  the  chapels 
belonging  to  Whitby  church.  R.  f.  32.  Ch.  p.  172.  f Grose  gives 
an  account  of  Eskdale  chapel,  (Antiqu.  VI.  p.  89 — 93.)  for  the  sake 
of  introducing  the  fable  of  the  hermit,  who  is  said  to  have  been  killed 
here.  Charlton  states,  that  this  was  a cell,  or  hermitage,  in  the  days 
of  lady  Hilda;  that  the  poet  Cedmon  lived  in  it ; and  that  the  chapel 
was  built  by  the  abbot  Roger;  but  these  are  mere  conjectures.  § Our 
monastery  received,  in  exchange  for  Hode,  a dwelling-house  at  Foss- 
bridge  in  York  ; besides  the  remission  of  the  service  due  on  account 
of  their  lands  in  Tollestun.  R.  f.  65,  19,  140.  Ch.  p.  95.  Burton’s 
Mon.  p.  328.  Charlton,  as  usual,  adorns  this  subject  with  his  con- 
jectures. Among  other  things,  he  states  that  Robert  de  Alnetto  was 
dead,  when  this  hermitage  was  purchased  and  converted  into  an 
abbey;  whereas  it  appears  from  Dugdale’s  Monasticon  (I.  p.  1028.), 
that  Robert  became  one  of  the  monks  under  Gerald  the  first  abbot  of 
Hode.  This  Gerald  gave  up  a claim  which  he  and  his  convent  had  os 
the  land  which  our  abbey  possessed  in  Buterwick.  R.  f.  61. 


HERMITAGES. 


363 


was,*  nor  whether  the  dedication  took  place  before 
or  after  the  establishment  of  the  abbey. 

About  the  same  era,  the  hermitage  of  Mulgrif 
(now  Mulgrave ) in  the  forest  of  Dunsley,  was  founded 
by  William  de  Percy  of  Dunsley,  in  fulfilment  of  a 
vow,  and  was  dedicated  to  St.  James  the  apostle.  It 
was  endowed  with  some  lands  in  the  vicinity,  and 
given  to  our  abbey;  on  condition  that  divine  service 
should  be  daily  celebrated  there  by  a priest  from 
Whitby. f Nothing  further  is  known  concerning  it, 
except  that  there  is  a place  in  Mulgrave  woods  still 
called  The  hermitage , where  it  no  doubt  stood. 

The  last  hermitage  known  to  have  belonged  to 
Whitby  is  Saltburn  on  the  banks  of  Holebeck.  It 
was  the  gift  of  Roger  de  Argentum,  about  the  year 
1215;  but,  as  his  charter  states  that  it  was  formerly 
possessed  by  Archil,  it  must  have  been  founded  several 
years  before.§ — On  the  whole,  it  appears,  that  all  the 
hermitages  were  established  about  one  period;  and 
that,  in  the  course  of  some  years,  the  heremitical  life 
becoming  unfashionable,  most  of  them  were  either 
entirely  abolished,  or  converted  into  chapels. 

In  regard  to  the  hospitals  belonging  to  Whitby, 
some  suppose  that  there  were  two;  but  it  does  not  ap- 
pear that  there  was  more  than  one,  viz.  the  hospital 

* According  to  Charlton,  he  was  the  first  William  de  Percy. 
He  coaid  not  be  St.  William  of  York  ; for  the  latter  was  not  arch- 
bishop till  some  years  after,  f Ch.  p.  99.  Dugd.  Monast.  I.  p.  988. 
This  charter  is  not  in  the  Register.  Probably  this  hermitage  was 
more  frequented  than  the  rest,  lying  the  nearest  to  Whitby.  It  is  the 
only  one  mentioned  in  the  bull  of  pope  Honorius,  in  1226.  § R.  f? 

57.  Ch.  p.  161. 


364 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


that  was  erected  at  Spital-Brigg*  Of  this  hospital 
we  have  a particular  account  in  the  Register ; and  as 
the  memorial  relating  to  it  is  interesting,  it  will  be 
proper  to  insert  a literal  translation  : 

For  proof  of  the  annual  payment  of  six  shillings  to  the  abbot 
of  the  monastery  of  Whitby , by  the  abbot  and  convent  of  the  monas- 
tery of  Rievat ; Be  it  known,  that  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  M.  c.  ix. 
William  de  Percy,  the  first  abbot  of  Whitby,  having  compassion  on  a 
good  and  righteous,  but  leprous  man,  named  Orme,  founded  an  hos- 
pital at  the  bridge  now  called  the  Spytyll  brygd,  giving  to  the  said 
hospital  the  woody  and  thorny  ground  adjacent  to  it,  and  every  week 
vii  loaves  and  vii  flagons  of  beer  weekly,  and  every  day  a dish  of 
flesh  or  fish  (as  was  most  suitable  for  diet);  and  afterwards  a dish 
from  the  refectory,  with  the  usual  bread  and  beer.  Afterwards  Geof- 
frey Mansell,  a monk  of  Whitby,  reputed  leprous,  obtained  the  afore- 
said hospital  in  which  he  dwelt  till  the  day  of  his  death.  After  which 
Geoffrey,  some  poor  people,  as  well  healthy  as  sick,  lived  there. 
At  which  time,  a certain  monk  of  Whitby  named  Robert  de  Aineto, 
master  of  the  said  hospital,  begged  of  the  aforesaid  abbot  William  two 
oxgangs  of  land  in  Honentun,  with  one  toft,  which  Gundrea  Mwbra 
[Mowbray],  heretofore  wife  of  Nigel  I de  Albini,  gave  to  St.  Peter 
and  St.  Hylda  of  Whitby,  and  to  the  monks  serving  God  there,  for  a 
perpetual  alms,  for  the  soul  of  her  husband,  for  Roger  Mowbray  their 
son,  and  for  herself:  Which  two  oxgangs  of  land,  with  the  toft,  the 
monastery  of  Rieval  now  holds  for  the  time  from  the  abbot  and  convent 
of  Whitby,  and  has  held  from  the  time  of  Aelred,  abbot  of  Rieval,  of 
happy  memory:  Which  abbot  Aelred  also  granted  the  brethren  of  the 
aforesaid  hospital,  that  they  should  annually  receive  the  old  clothes 
of  the  brethren  of  his  convent,  and  that  they  should  be  forwarded  every 
year  at  the  feast  of  St.  Martin.  And  because  the  abbot  and  convent 
of  the  monastery  of  Rieval  were  lords  and  possessors  of  the  aforesaid 
town  of  Honenton,  they  therefore  wished  to  hold,  of  the  abbot  and 
convent  of  Whitby,  the  aforesaid  two  oxgangs  of  land  with  the  toft, 
for  six  shillings  yearly,  to  be  paid  to  the  monastery  of  Whitby. 
Thereafter,  through  the  special  and  spiritual  friendship  between  the 
professors  [monks]  of  the  monastery  of  Whitby  and  the  monastery  of 
Rieval,  the  abbot  and  convent  of  the  monastery  of  Whitby  let  to  the 
abbot  and  convent  of  Rieval  sundry  lands  in  the  town  of  Caton  [Cay- 
ton],  to  be  held  of  them  as  an  inheritance  and  perpetual  farm,  for 
thirteeu  shillings  and  x.  pence  to  be  paid  yearly;  for  which  lands  every 
abbot  of  Rieval,  during  his  own  time,  is  bound  to  do  homage  to  the 
abbot  of  Whitby.  For  which  lands  also,  the  brethren  of  the  monastery 

* Tanner  mentions  two  Whitby  hospitals  (Notitia  Monast.  p. 
668,  690.)  ; but  what  he  says  of  them  may  be  appropriated  to  this  one 
hospital. 


HOSPITALS. 


365 


of  Rieval  were  put  to  trouble,  while  W illiam  Nesfeld  was  escheator, 
and  the  monastery  of  Rieval  was  vacant  by  the  death  of  the  then 
abbot  ; when,  by  an  inquisition  held  concerning  the  aforesaid  lands, 
the  brethren  of  Rieval  were  dispossessed,  and  the  aforesaid  lands  w ere 
confiscated  into  the  hand  of  our  lord  the  king,  as  appears  by  the  roils 
of  the  exchequer  of  our  lord  the  king,  roll  \et,  it  was  aiterwards 
found,  that  the  aforesaid  lands  and  tenements  are  held  of  the  abbot  ot 
Whitbv,  and  were  held,  for  a service  of  xiii.  s.  and  x d.  yearly,  from 
time  immemorial,  and  were  not  of  the  inheritance  which  belonged  to  the 
earl  of  Albimarle  :*  and,  by  a certain  brief,  the  king  commanded  his 
barons,  to  satisfy  the  abbot  of  Rieval  for  the  rents  of  those  lands  and 
tenements  from  the  time  of  their  being  seized,  and  to  exonerate  and 
relieve  him  fiom  rendering  any  further  account  of  them  to  the  exche- 
quer. Likewise  P.  [Peter]  the  abbot  and  convent  of  Whitby  sold  to 
G [Guarine]  the  abbot  and  convent  of  Rieval  that  halt  toft  which 
William  Cordarius  [or  Roper ] the  sou  of  Leising  held  of  the  church 
of  Whitby  in  Fiscliergate,  to  be  held  of  the  church  of  Whitby  for  ever, 
for  xiiii  yearly,  to  be  paid  out  of  it  to  the  abbot  of  V\  lathy  or  his  bailiff 
at  Fisehergate,  &c.f 

This  record  comprises  an  account,  not  only  of 
the  hospital  of  Whitby,  but  of  the  principal  transac- 
tions between  our  abbey  and  that  of  Rievaux.  The 
grant  of  two  oxgangs  in  Honentun,  belonging-  to  the 
brethren  of  the  hospital,  was  confirmed  to  the  convent 
of  Rievaux  by  the  bull  of  pope  Alexander  III,  in 
1 160  § The  hospital,  which  was  dedicated  to  St.  John 
Baptist,  seems  to  have  become  considerable;  for  the 

* William  de  Fortibvs,  earl  of  Albemarle,  rebelling  against  King  Henry 
III , in  1221,  his  possessions  mere  forfeited  to  the  crown  ; but  he  was  after- 
wards pardoned.  M.  Paris,  p.  3io.  M.  Westin.  IT.  p.  ill.  f R.  f.  136. 
This  memorial,  which  is  one  of  the  last  that  has  been  entered  in  the  Regis- 
ter, concludes  thus  abruptly,  as  the  document  with  which  it  closes  had  been 
already  inserted  at  full  length  in  folio  64,-  where  we  learn  that  besides  the 
14 d.  this  toft  was  to  pay  2 d.  yearly  for  husgable  to  the  king.  rl  he  6s-  yearly, 
which  this  recotd  mentions,  was  paid  by  the  abbey  of  Rievaux  in  1460.  The 
rent  of  Cayton  for  that  year  is  26s.  4 d.  so  that  either  the  rent  had  been 
raised,  or  else  our  monastery  had  other  lands  there,  besides  those  which  they 
let  at  13s.  1 0 d.  to  the  abbey  of  Rievaux : unless  we  suppose  that  sum  in  the 
compotus  to  inehide  the  arrears  of  the  foregoing  year.  Charlton  has  divided 
this  memorial,  and  sadly  mangled  it  in  his  translation,  p.  68,  151,  154. 
Among  other  blunders,  he  makes  Orme,  whom  he  calls  a freeholder,  the  foun- 
der of  the  hospital.  This  mistake  was  pointed  out  to  me  by  Anthony  Thorpe, 
Esq.  of  York,  to  whose  hindness  I am  indebted  for  various  favours. 

§ Ex  dono  fratrum  Hospitalis  de  Witebi  duas  bovatas  tense  in  Hove- 
tun  [Honetun]  secundum  formam  cartse  illofum.  Dugd.  Mon.  I.  p.  732. 


366 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


gift  of  the  mastership,  which  at  first  belonged  to  the 
abbot,  was  afterwards  held  by  the  crown.*  The 
institution  probably  continued  till  the  era  of  the  dis- 
solution. Some  remains  of  the  building  may  yet  be 
seen  in  the  premises  at  Spital  Brigg,  belonging  to 
William  Skinner,  Esq.  and  John  Holt,  Jun.  Esq. ; 
particularly  three  small  cellars,  neatly  constructed  of 
hewn  stone. f 

It  now  remains  that  we  take  a view  of  the 
churches  and  chapels  belonging  to  the  abbey. 

The  church  of  St.  Mary , which  became,  and  still 
is,  the  parish  church  of  Whitby,  requires  to  be  first 
noticed.  In  the  Saxon  period,  there  was  but  one 
church  at  Streoneshalh  (though  it  was  surrounded  by 
a number  of  oratories  or  chapels) ; for,  in  those  days 
of  simplicity,  the  people  of  the  town,  and  of  the  coun^ 
try  around,  worshipped  under  the  same  roof  with  the 
monks  and  nuns;  but  some  years  after  the  conquest, 
when  religious  pride  became  more  general,  the  monks 
would  have  thought  themselves  degraded  by  such  an 
intermixture.  The  church  of  the  convent  was  appro- 
priated to  themselves,  and  to  such  friends  as  they  chose 
to  admit;  while  a meaner  structure  was  erected  for 
the  use  of  the  vulgar.  Even  at  the  era  of  Domesday, 
there  was  a church  of  St.  Mary  at  Hackness  for  the 
parish,  w hile  St  Peter’s  was  reserved  for  the  monks : 

* Tanner’s  Notitia,  p.  690.  + One  of  the  cellars  is  10  feet  long, 
5|  broad,  and  54  high ; the  door  4 feet  by  2 : another  is  5 feet  square, 
and  of  feet  high ; tiie  door  3 feet  by  2:  the  third  is  9 feet  by  4,  and 
also  4 feet  high ; the  door  34  feet  by  2.  In  this  last,  there  have 
been  two  concealed  presses.  The  roofs  and  floors  are  formed  with 
large  flat  stones. 


CHURCHES. 


367 


and  not  long  after,  in  the  time  of  the  abbot  William 
de  Percy,  the  church  of  St.  Mary  was  erected  at 
Whitby,  for  the  inhabitants  of  that  town  and  neigh- 
bourhood.* Though  this  church,  which  was  erected 
about  60  years  prior  to  the  oldest  part  of  the  present 
abbey  church,  has  undergone  many  alterations, 
enough  of  the  ancient  structure  still  remains,  to  point 
out  its  original  form  and  workmanship.  It  is  a speci- 
men of  the  early  Norman  architecture,  which  inter- 
vened between  the  Saxon  and  the  Gothic.  It  had  not 
indeed  the  massive  columns,  the  thick  walls,  the  crypt, 
nor  the  circular  recess  for  the  altar,  which  distin- 
guished the  Saxon  churches ; but,  like  these,  it  had 
neither  tower  nor  transepts,  but  was  a plain,  oblong 
building,  with  a chancel  at  its  eastern  extremity.  It 
had  no  aisles ; and  the  windows,  of  which  there  was 
but  one  row,  were  very  small,  each  being  only  20 
inches  broad,  and  about  4 feet  6 inches  high.  Of 
course,  they  had  no  occasion  either  for  mullions  or 
transoms. f The  original  arches  are  all  semicircular ; 

* I place  llie  erection  of  this  church  in  the  time  of  the  abbot 
William,  because  it  is  not  named  in  the  first  charter  of  Alan  de  Percy 
granted  to  that  abbot  (R.  f.  8.  Ch.  p.  63.)  nor  in  any  former  charter, 
but  is  included  in  Alan’s  second  charter,  R.  f.  71.  Ch.  p.  67.  I have 
already  rejected  the  notion,  that  any  church  was  built  here  by  Edwin 
(See  p.  115 — 118,  171);  and  it  may  be  necessary  here  to  remind  the 
reader,  that  Charlton’s  account  of  the  rebuilding'  of  that  supposed  an- 
cient church,  the  transferring  of  the  title  of  St.  Peter’s  from  that  to 
the  conventual  church,  &c.  are  mere  fictions,  j It  may  be  remarked, 
that  the  lancet  windows  in  the  old  part  of  the  abbey  church  have  also 
had  no  mullions  nor  transoms,  with  the  exception  of  the  central  win- 
dow at  the  east  end,  which  has  been  parted  into  two  lancet  windows 
by  a mullion  running  up  the  midst,  and  branching  at  the  top,  and  has 
been  also  divided  across  by  a battlemented  transom,  which  still  re- 
mains. This  window,  however,  like  the  upper  part  of  the  choir,  does 
not  appear  to  be  coeval  with  the  lower  part. 


368 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


for  the  pointed  arch  of  the  great  west  door  (now 
blocked  up),  and  that  of  the  chancel  door,  may  be 
assigned  to  a later  era.  The  windows  sloped  within, 
where  they  had  shafts,  with  plain  mouldings;  but  they 
had  no  exterior  decoration,  except  a narrow  tablet, 
or  string,  running  along  the  wall  at  their  base,  and 
a similar  band  at  the  top,  which  in  passing  along  de- 
scribed a semicircle  over  each  window,  its  general 
direction  being  in  a line  with  the  springs  of  their 
arches.*  These  bands,  of  which  a considerable  por- 
tion yet  appears  in  the  south  wall,  have  crossed  the 
buttresses,  and  passed  round  the  whole  building,  with 
the  exception  of  the  chancel.  The  original  windows 
have  all  been  either  closed  up  or  enlarged.  The  south 
door  of  the  church,  now  the  principal  entrance,  is 
adorned  externally  with  two  pillars,  or  shafts,  on  each 
side,  the  one  multangular,  the  other  cylindrical  ; 
having  square  capitals  with  spiral  ornaments,  perhaps 
in  allusion  to  lady  Hilda’s  headless  snakes.  The 
mouldings  are  all  plain.  The  large  arch  which  sepa- 
rates between  the  church  and  chancel  is  of  the  same 
form,  except  that  it  has  shafts  and  mouldings  on  both 
sides ; some  of  which,  however,  have  suffered  from 
the  hand  of  time.  The  door-case  was  sheltered  by  a 
porch  which  is  now  gone  ; but  has  been  replaced  by 
a new  and  elegant  porch  in  the  Gothic  taste.  The 
walls,  which  like  those  of  the  abbey  church  are  about 
3 feet  thick,  are  crowned  with  battlements;  and  the 

* The  same  kind  of  windows  may  be  seen  in  the  oldest  part  of 
Rievaux  abbey,  viz.  the  transept,  built  in  1L3I  ; and  in  many  other 
churches  of  the  same  age 


CHURCHES. 


369 


projection  of  the  battlements  of  the  chancel  rests  on  a 
neat  arcade,  or  arched  cornice,  which  more  than  com- 
pensates for  the  want  of  the  horizontal  bands.  But  as 
the  upper  part  of  the  wall,  even  where  it  is  oldest, 
has  evidently  been  rebuilt,  perhaps  more  than  once, 
it  may  be  questioned  whether  the  church,  in  its  pristine 
state,  had  any  battlements,  especially  as  other  Nor- 
man churches  appear  to  have  had  only  a simple 
parapet.*  After  cruciform  churches  began  to  be  in 
fashion,  this  church  was  transformed  into  that  shape, 
by  adding  a wing  on  each  side  to  the  body  of  the 
church  close  to  where  it  joins  the  chancel.  That  these 
transepts,  though  ancient,  and  perhaps  not  a hundred 
years  later  than  the  church,  did  not  originally  belong 
to  it,  may  be  discerned  not  only  by  the  great  dif- 
ference in  the  architecture,  the  oldest  of  the  transept 
windows  having  pointed  arches,  and  other  tokens  of 
the  Gothic  style;  but  even  by  an  attentive  examina- 
tion of  the  junction  of  thase  wings  to  the  body  of  the 
church.  The  want  of  a central  tower  corroborates 
this  opinion ; the  present  tower  having  been  erected 
at  the  west  end,  long  after  the  church  was  built.  Of 
this  there  can  be  no  doubt ; for,  besides  the  difference 

* It  is  from  the  south  wall  of  the  church  that  the  character  of 
the  building  is  determined,  that  being  obviously  the  most  entire  por- 
tion of  the  original  structure ; together  with  the  greater  part  of  the 
chancel,  where  the  narrow  windows,  now  blocked  up,  are  easily  dis- 
cerned. Now,  the  old  buttresses  on  the  south  wall,  which  project 
only  6 or  7 inches,  terminate  considerably  below  the  battlements,  and 
that  part  of  the  wall  which  is  above  their  termination  is  less  ancient, 
and  appears  to  have  been  an  addition  to  the  height  of  the  wall.  The 
door  of  the  chancel,  and  its  battlements,  are  also  finished  in  a style 
much  later  than  that  of  the  south  side  of  the  church.  The  original 
north  wall  is  completely  gone;  that  part  of  the  church  having  been 
rebuilt  from  the  ground  in  1744. 


370 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY, 


in  the  style  of  architecture,  and  the  obvious  junction 
of  the  tower  to  the  wall  of  the  church,  we  see,  within 
the  tower,  the  tablets,  or  bands,  which  run  along  the 
south  wall,  continued  in  that  part  of  the  west  wall 
which  the  tower  has  inclosed.  For  some  time  after 
its  erection,  the  tower  has  served  as  a porch  to  the 
church,  the  main  entrance  being  still  at  that  end;  but 
that  entrance  through  the  tower  has  now  been  shut 
up  for  several  ages ; — an  improvement  which  its  ex- 
posure to  the  sea-winds  must  have  imperiously  de- 
manded. The  tower  has  formerly  been  higher  than 
it  is  now;  as  may  be  inferred  from  the  traces  of  the 
sharp  slated  roof  of  the  church  which  has  risen  above 
the  present  height  of  the  tower,  before  the  church 
obtained  its  flat  leaden  roof.* 

* Charlton  alleges  (p.  283)  that  the  church  had  only  a thatched 
roof,  prior  to  the  dissolution,  when  it  was  roofed  with  lead  taken  from 
the  abbey  ; but  the  vestiges  of  the  ends  of  the  old  roof,  still  very  dis- 
cernible, clearly  shew  that  it  must  have  been  slated.  Besides,  the 
compotus  for  1394 — 5 contains  a charge  for  sclaJstanes  for  roofing  a 
chapel  at  Hackness;  and  this  precludes  the  supposition  that  the  church 
of  St.  Mary  would  be  covered  with  thatch.  The  roof  has  been  very 
sharp,  as  has  also  been  that  of  the  abbey,  which  has  nearly  reached 
the  base  of  the  highest  windows  of  the  tower. 

As  to  the  dimensions  of  the  building:  the  original  church,  before 
the  erection  of  the  tower  and  transepts,  has  been  103  feet  long  by  34 
broad,  on  the  outside  ; exclusive  of  the  chancel,  which  is  39  feet  by 
25,  outside.  In  regard  to  the  additions;  each  transept  extends  about 
34  feet  from  the  church  wall,  exclusive  of  their  buttresses  which  (unlike 
the  ancient  buttresses  of  the  church)  project  about  18  or  20  inches  : 
the  tower  is  nearly  26  feet  square,  if  we  include  the  thickness  of  the 
west  wall  of  the  church,  over  which  the  east  wall  of  its  summit  is 
built : and  the  height  of  the  tower  is  nearly  double  its  breadth.  The 
walls  of  the  chancel  are  only  about  12  feet  high  ; those  of  the  church 
are  much  higher,  especially  at  the  western  part,  where  the  declivity 
of  the  ground  adds  to  their  height.  The  door  is  of  small  dimensions, 
being  only  about  10  feet  high  and  4 feet  wide ; but  the  original  west- 
ern entrance  has  been  much  larger.  Besides  this  door,  there  is  the 
small  door  of  the  chancel  which  is  on  the  south,  and  a door  of  modern 


CHURCHES  AND  CHAPELS, 


371 


But  St.  Mary’s  was  not  the  only  place  of  worship 
for  the  inhabitants  of  Whitby ; there  was  also  a church, 
or  rather  a chapel,  called  St.  Ninian’s.  The  history 
of  this  place  is  involved  in  obscurity  ; tradition  has 
not  preserved  its  name,  nor  is  it  mentioned  in  the 
Register ; yet  its  existence  is  ascertained  from  the 
Rolls  beyond  a doubt.  In  the  compotus  for  1396,  im- 
mediately after  the  " the  alterage”  of  St.  Mary’s,  there 
is  an  entry  of  the  sum  received  “from  the  chest  of  St. 
Ninian’s;”  and,  in  the  compotus  for  1460 — 1,  the 
receipts  "from  the  chest  of  St.  Ninian’s”  immediately 
follow  those  " from  the  chest  of  the  blessed  Mary.”* 
For  understanding  these  passages  it  is  necessary  to 
observe,  that  in  the  year  1201,  Eustace  abbot  of 
Flay,  a zealous  reformer  of  that  age,  who  travelled 
through  various  parts  with  a view  to  revive  religion, 
came  into  Yorkshire  where  he  was  kindly  received  by 
Geoffrey  the  archbishop,  and  the  clergy,  under  whose 
patronage  he  laboured  to  abolish  sunday-fairs,  and 
other  gross  profanations  of  the  Lord’s  day,  and  to  en= 
force  the  practice  of  piety.  He  also  prevailed  on  the 
people  who  attended  his  preaching,  to  vow  that  for 
every  article  which  they  sold  of  the  value  of  5s.  they 
would  give  one  farthing,  for  buying  lights  to  the 

construction,  on  the  north  side  of  the  church.  The  angle  between  the 
north  transept  and  the  chancel  is  filled  up  with  a modern  vestry,  which 
adds  little  to  the  beauty  of  the  structure. 

* “ Ecclia.  Beate  Marie — De  alt’agio  ibm. — v.  li.  iii.  s.  iiii.  d. — • 
De  tronco  Sci’  Niniani — iiii.  li.  xiiii.  s.” — Roll  for  1396.  “ Ecclia. 
de  Whitby — De...Alt’io  ejusd. — xxi.  s.  i.  d. — De  Trucco  beate  ma.e— 
vii.  d. — De  Trucco  Sci’  niniani — iiii.  s.  ii.  d.” — Roll  for  1460 — 1. 
Concerning  the  great  diminution  in  the  otferings  for  this  last  year,  see 
p.  293,  294. 


3 b 2 


372 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY, 


church,  and  for  burying  the  poor:  and,  by  his  direc- 
tion, a chest  or  box  ( truncus ) was  put  up  in  every 
parish  church  to  receive  such  oblations.*  Now  as 
these  chests  were  placed  in  the  “ parish  churches,” 
where  the  people  worshipped,  and  as  there  was  at 
Whitby  “a  chest  of  St.  Ninian’s,”  besides  that  of  St. 
Mary’s,  it  is  clear,  that  there  must  have  existed  here 
a chapel  called  St.  Ninian’s,  distinct  from,  though 
dependant  on,  the  church  of  St.  Mary.  The  omission 
of  this  chapel  in  the  Register  will  not  appear  surpris- 
ing, if  we  consider,  that  it  was  probably  erected  only 
a little  before  the  year  1396,  and  that  there  are  very 
few  articles  in  that  record  of  so  recent  a date.  In 
regard  to  the  site  of  St.  Ninian’s  chapel,  I am  fully 
persuaded  that  it  has  stood  at  the  north-east  end  of 
Baxtergate,  close  to  what  is  called  the  Horse-mill 
Ghaut , from  a horse-mill  which  was  there  some  years 
ago.  The  house  at  that  Ghaut,  belonging  to  Chris- 
topher Richardson,  Esq.  and  now  used  for  his  wine 
cellars,  was  a place  of  worship,  previous  to  the  erec- 
tion of  the  present  Baxtergate  chapel,  and  divine 
service  was  performed  there  every  thursday,  and  had 
been  from  time  immemorial.  In  a writing  in  the  pos- 
session of  the  proprietor,  dated  in  1716,  the  premises 
are  described  as  formerly  called  the  callice-house  and 
garth,  but  now  called  the  chapel-house  and  garth. 
The  old  name  callice-house,  or  chalice-house,  as  well 
as  the  modern  name,  implies  that  it  was  used  for 
divine  service;  and  as  it  is  upwards  of  a hundred 

* R.  Hoved.  ad  ann.  1201.  Wilk.  Concil.  I.  p.  511. 


CHURCHES  ASD  CHAPELS. 


373 


years  since  the  name  was  changed,  so  theie  can  be 
little  doubt  that  the  name  chalice-house  had  also  been 
used  for  a long  period:  and  it  is  not  improbable,  that 
that  name  was  laid  aside  in  the  days  of  Cromwell,  as 
savouring  too  much  of  popery.  Could  any  older 
writings  be  obtained  to  trace  back  i:s  history  to  the 
dissolution,  I have  no  doubt  that  this  place  would 
be  found  to  be  the  site  of  St.  Ninian’s  chapel.  A re- 
cent discovery  strongly  corroborates  this  idea.  The 
workmen  employed  last  year  (1815)  by  William 
Chapman,  Esq.  in  erecting  a new  house  on  his  pre- 
mises adjoining  this  old  chapel,  discovered  a very- 
solid  foundation  of  some  ancient  building  of  hewn 
stone,  and  also  found  some  neatly  carved  stones  which 
had  belonged  to  it;  and  it  is  more  than  probable  that 
these  were  part  of  the  remains  of  St.  Ninian’s.*  Be- 
sides, when  we  consider  the  superabundance  of  places 
of  worship  at  that  era,  particularly  in  this  district,  and 
recollect,  that  there  were  so  many  priests  and  chaplains 
about  the  abbey,  and  that  there  were  many  houses  in 
Flower-gate  and  other  places  on  the  west  side  of  the 
Esk,  even  before  the  year  1300,  it  is  scaicely  credible 
that  no  divine  service  was  performed  on  that  side  the 
river  prior  to  the  dissolution ; especially  as  the  bridge 

* Unfortunately  the  workmen  did  not  make  known  the  discovery 
to  any  person  who  would  have  examined  the  place  minutely,  till  the 
whole  was  covered  up.  It  was  on  a part  of  these  premises  that  the 
horse-mill,  for  grinding  malt,  formerly  stood. — Charlton  alleges  (p. 
288)  that  Baxtergate  had  no  existence  till  50  years  after  the  dissolu- 
lon,  but  was  a part  of  the  Bell,  and  was  overflowed  by  the  tide,  &c.: 
bat  those  assertions  are  of  a piece  with  his  other  fancies.  Backdale 
beck  must  have  flowed  then  about  the  place  where  it  flows  now,  and 
would  necessarily  separate  between  the  Bell  and  the  ground  where 
Baxtergate  stands. — St.  Ninian’s  has  escaped  Charlton’s  observation. 


374 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


at  that  time  must  have  been  much  inferior  to  the  pre= 
sent  bridge.  To  all  which  we  may  add;  that  the 
vicinity  of  our  old  Market  Place  to  this  chapel  will 
account  for  the  curious  fact;  that  the  oblations  from 
the  profits  of  trade,  thrown  into  St.  Ninian’s  box, 
were  more  than  what  were  cast  into  St.  Mary’s* 

The  rest  of  the  chapels  belonging’  to  St.  Mary’s 
church  are  better  known;  though  there  are  several 
things  also  in  their  history  about  which  we  are  in  the 
dark.  One  of  the  oldest  of  those  chapels  is  that  of 
Sneaton.  When  or  by  whom  it  was  built,  is  not  known  ; 
but  it  is  mentioned  as  a chapel  belonging  to  St.  Ma- 
ry’s, in  a charter  of  archbishop  Thurstan,  granted  in 
1131,  or  1132.f  The  advowson  of  this  chapel  was 
sold  by  the  abbot  Benedict  to  John  Arundel  and  his 
heirs,  on  condition,  that  the  parson  of  Sneaton  should 
pay  10s.  yearly  to  the  abbey,  that  the  dead  belonging 
to  the  chapelry  should  be  buried  in  the  cemetery  of 
St.  Mary’s,  that  the  parson  of  Sneaton  should  not 
perform  the  funeral  service  for  them,  unless  the  par- 
son of  Whitby  declined  to  officiate,  and  that  the  fees, 
bequests,  or  funeral  gifts,  given  by  them  and  their 
friends  for  saying  masses,  &c.  should  be  equally  di- 
vided between  the  two  parsons. § Sneaton  afterwards 

* I shall  afterwards  give  ray  reasons  for  believing  that  the  old 
cross  in  the  abbey  plain  was  not  the  market  cross  of  Whitby.  The 
market  was  probably  held  at  the  bottom  of  Flowergate,  long  before  the 
dissolution ; though  there  might  be  also  a market  for  fish,  &c.  on  the 
opposite  side,  f R.  f.  52.  Ch.  p.  86.  Gosfrid.  abbot  of  York,  who 
was  abbot  only  in  1131  and  1132,  is  one  of  the  witnesses.  See 
Drake’s  Eborac.  p.  594.  This  Gosfrid  is  supposed  by  Charlton  to  be 
Gosfrid  de  Percy,  p.  84,  81.  He  also  says,  but  it  is  mere  conjecture, 
that  the  chapels  of  Sneaton  and  Fyling  were  built  by  the  abbot  Wm 
de  Percy,  p.  68.  § R.  f.  44.  Ch.  p.  103. 


CHURCHES  AND  CHAPELS. 


375 


became  a parish  church,  and  obtained  a cemetery  of 
its  own;  but  at  what  period  I have  not  learned/"  The 
church,  which  is  a small,  homely,  oblong  building, 
bears  the  marks  of  great  age. 

The  chapel  of  Fyling,  dedicated  to  St.  Stephen, 
is  of  equal,  if  not  greater,  antiquity.  It  occurs  also 
in  the  charter  of  Thurstan  ; and  like  Sneaton,  it  be- 
came a parish  church,  though  it  was  probably  a de- 
pendant chapel  till  after  the  dissolution,  as  it  is  in  the 
list  of  chapels  belonging  to  St.  Mary’s  in  1353,  and 
in  1431.  It  was  sometimes  taken  for  a parish  church, 
and  more  than  once,  the  archdeacon  of  Cleveland 
demanded  his  visitation  dues  (7s.  6d.)  for  it,  as  an  in- 
dependent church  ; but  the  claim  could  not  be  sus- 
tained.f Perhaps  this  surmise  might  originate  in  the 
superior  workmanship  of  the  edifice  :§  yet  I am  in- 
clined to  trace  it  unto  another  source.  The  church  of 
Fleinesburg  or  Flemesburg,  as  it  may  be  read,  was 
given  to  our  monastery  by  Hugh  earl  of  Chester,  in 
the  days  of  Reinfrid  ; now,  there  is  reason  to  believe, 
that  this  Flemesburg  was  not  the  modern  Fiambrough, 
but  some  place  of  the  same  name  near  Whitby,  and 

* It  was  probably  betsveen  the  years  1226  and  1353;  for  Snea- 
ton is  named  as  a dependant  chapel  in  the  bull  of  pope  Honorius  in 
1226,  but  is  omitted  in  the  list  of  the  chapels  subject  to  St.  Mary's 
in  1353,  and  in  1463.  R.  f.  32,  84,  85.  Ch.  p.  171,  172,  249,  250, 
266.  No  mention  is  made  of  the  saint  to  whom  this  chapel  or  church 
was  dedicated,  j-  This  claim  was  made  by  the  archdeacon  Thomas 
Heliwell  in  1353,  and  by  the  archdeacon  William  Nelson  in  1431  ; 
but  after  a trial,  on  both  occasions,  it  was  found  that  Fyling  was  one 
of  the  chapels  of  St.  Mary’s.  R.  f.  84,  85.  Ch.  p.  249,  266.  § It 
has  had  aisles  like  a church:  some  of  the  arches  appear  built  up  in 
the  south  wall.  Some  remains  of  Norman  architecture  may  be  ob- 
served, but  they  will  soon  be  destroyed,  as  the  church  is  about  to  be 
rebuilt. 


376 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


as  Fyling  was  possessed  by  Tancred  the  Fleming , it 
is  extremely  probable  that  it  was  sometimes  called 
Flemesburg,  and  that  the  church  of  Fyling  was  that 
which  earl  Hugh  granted  to  Reinfrid.  Nor  is  it  un- 
likely that  it  might  also  be  the  same  with  the  church 
of  Saxeby,  which  was  in  Fy  ling,  and  which  is  also 
but  once  mentioned  in  the  Register.  If  this  was  the 
case,  we  can  easily  see  why  those  documents  which 
might  have  elucidated  its  ancient  history  have  not 
been  recorded  ; as  their  preservation  might  have 
shewed  it  to  be  an  independent  church.* 

Dunsley  chapel  was  probably  built  by  the  Percies 
of  Dunsley.  It  was  older  than  the  hermitage  of  Mul- 
grif, f and  it  subsisted  longer;  for  it  continued  until 
the  dissolution.  It  was  only  a small  building,  as  ap- 
pears from  the  foundations  which  are  still  visible. § 

* The  church  of  Flambrough  near  Bridlington  was  given  at  an 
early  period  to  Bridlington  priory.  Burton’s  Monast.  p.  72.  Note, 
and  p 226.  Dugd.  Monast.  II.  p.  163.  See  also  p.252.  Note.  In  the 
note  referred  to,  I have  viewed  this  circumstance  as  a grouud  of  sus- 
pecting the  authenticity  of  earl  Hugh’s  charter;  but,  if  we  consider 
Fyling  as  Flemesburg,  the  suspicion  will  be  done  away.  Had  there 
been  any  church  of  that  name  in  Cleveland,  we  might  have  placed  it 
there,  on  account  of  the  stipulation  with  Guisborough  mentioned  in 
p.  328.  The  church  of  Saxeby  in  Fyling  was  surrendered  by  Robert 
of  Eg.ton,  who  had  some  claim  on  Fyling,  R.  f.  13.  Charlton  has 
joined  his  two  surrenders  into  one,  p.  134.  Yet  that  author’s  idea, 
that  Saxeby  was  in  South  Fyling,  where  there  was  a field  called  Cha- 
pel-garth  in  the  Hotham  estates  (p.  135),  is  by  no  means  improbable: 
only  we  must  suppose,  in  that  case,  that  Saxeby  church  was  sup- 
pressed by  our  monks,  being  never  otherwise  mentioned.  Still  I am 
more  inclined  to  reckon  this  church,  as  well  as  Flemesburg,  the  same 
with  Fyling.  It  is  singular  that  Fyling  church  even  at  this  day  has 
several  names,  as  Bay  church,  Thorp  church,  &c.  f See  William 
de  Percy’s  charter  for  the  hermitage,  Ch.  p.  99.  § The  chapel  is 

30  feet  by  24,  the  chancel  20  feet  by  16.  The  exordium  of  an  im- 
perfect inscription  on  a grave-stone  lying  within  the  chapel,  shews 
that  it  has  been  used  as  a cemetery  prior  to  the  reformation : Lord 
have  mercy  upon  Ye  sot’LE  of  ED....The  foundation  of  the 


CHURCHES  AND  CHAPELS. 


377 


The  chapel  of  Ugglebarnby,  and  that  of  Aislaby, 
both  of  which  still  belong  to  Whitby  church,  were 
erected  about  the  same  time ; as  was  also  the  chapel 
of  Hawsker.  This  last  was  built  by  Aschetine  of 
Hawkesgarth  [Hawsker],  who  endowed  it  with  lands 
in  Ormesgrif,  Sitdregrif,  &c.  in  the  time  of  the  abbot 
Benedict  * Ugglebarnby  chapel  appears  to  have  been 
erected  by  Ralph  of  Ugglebarnby,  who  was  perhaps 
of  the  same  family  that  is  most  frequently  called  Ever- 
ley.-f  The  builder  of  Aislaby  chapel  is  not  known. 
An  ancient  cross  is  almost  the  only  thing  remaining 
to  point  out  the  site  of  Hawsker  chapel.  It  was  dedi- 
cated to  All  Saints:  Aislaby  chapel  to  St.  Margaret. § 

The  church  of  St.  Mary  at  Hackness  has  already 
been  noticed  more  than  once.  It  had  at  least  one 
chapel  belonging  to  it ; ||  but  whether  it  was  in  Har- 
wooddale,  or  some  place  nearer  Hackness,  is  not  known . 

The  church  of  Ay  ton  in  Cleveland  was  granted 

to  our  abbey  by  Robert  de  Mainill,  in  the  time  of  the 

abbot  William  de  Percy.  This  church,  which  was 

called  St.  Mary’s,  was  one  of  the  most  important 

belonging  to  the  abbey,  having  no  less  than  three 

north  wall  has  been  undermined,  by  people  digging  up  materials  for 
repairing  roads,  and  the  bones  of  the  dead  have  been  exposed  to  view. 

* R.  f.  57.  Ch.  p.  105.  Charlton’s  notion  that  there  was  for- 
merly a hermitage  in  Hawsker  originated  in  a blunder  already  noticed. 
See  p.  302.  His  assertions  respecting  the  builders  of  the  chapels  at 
Dunsley,  Ugglebarnby,  and  Aisiaby,  are  mere  conjectures,  f Ralph 
endowed  the  chapel  with  2 oxgangs  of  land  R.  f.  22.  Ch.  p.  93. 
§ A piece  of  land  near  Aislaby  is  called  St.  Margrett’s  Launde, 
alias  Thomcrossebutts,  which,  according  to  an  old  deed,  “was  for- 
merly given  and  used  to  maintain  a light  in  the  church  or  chapel  of 
Aislaby,  called  St.  Margrett’s  light.”  Ch.  p.  135.  To  what  saints 
the  chapels  of  Dunsley  and  Ugglebarnby  were  dedicated  I have  not 
learned.  |)  See  p.  370.  Note. 

3 c 


378 


HISTORY  OF  THE  AfeBEY. 


chapels  subject  to  it ; viz.  the  chapel  of  Newton  under 
Rosebury,  that  of  Little  Ayton,  and  that  of  btunthorp. 
The  last  had  its  name  from  its  being  possessed  by  the 
nuns  of  Basedale ; who  had  their  residence  here  before 
Basedale  was  given  them.  Ayton  church  had  some 
special  benefactions  assigned  to  it;  among  which  was 
a singular  grant  from  Richard  de  Thocottys  of  Great- 
Brotton,  who  bound  himself  and  his  heirs,  to  find  a 
lamp  always  burning  before  the  high  altar,  during 
the  time  that  mass  was  celebrating  * Divine  service 
is  still  performed  at  Newton  and  Nunthorp,  as  well  as 
at  Ayton  : Newton  is  now  a parish  church. 

The  neighbouring  churches  of  Kirkby  and  In - 
gleby  were  granted  by  Adam  de  Ingleby;  the  latter 
in  1154,  the  former  a few  years  earlier.  Both  dona- 
tions were  valuable.  Ingleby  church,  which  was  called 
St*  Andrews,  was  endowed  by  Henry,  chaplain  of 
Stokesley,  with  some  land  and  woods  at  Ingleby,  to 
find  a light,  and  incense,  for  the  altar,  f This  church 
has  been  rebuilt*  An  ancient  monument  of  William 
de  Wrelton,  a chaplain,  lies  on  the  outside,  at  the 

* R.f.58,  140,  1 17.  Ch.  p. 73,  78, 124, 163.  Richard  empowered 
the  abbot  and  convent  to  distrain  on  him,  or  his  heirs,  if  they  failed  to 
maintain  t he  lamp;  and  lie  bound  himself  and  his  heirs  never  to  sell 
the  land  at  Brotton,  lest  the  light  should  fail.  Some  curious  stipula- 
tions of  a similar  kind  occur  in  the  Register.  Richard  de  Folketun  a 
tenant  in  Scarborough,  engaged,  that  if  he  fell  behind  with  his  rent, 
he  should  lodge  and  entertain  the  abbot’s  messenger,  till  payment  was 
made.  R.  f.  22.  Ch.  p.  204. — Sir  William  Malebise,  who  was  patron 
of  Little  Ayton  chapel  about  the  year  1215,  engaged  that  it  should 
not  prejudice  the  mother  church  of  Ayton.  R.  f.  116.  Ch.  p.  159. 
Charlton  calls  Sir  William  the  builder  of  that  chapel;  he  might  re- 
build it,  hut  it  was  founded  many  years  before,  being  named  in  the 
memorial,  f.  140.  t R.  f.  18,  20,  58.  Ch.  p 116, 193.  In  the  year 
1304,  John  de  Enyri  renounced  the  claim  which  he  pretended  to  have 
to  the  advowson  of  the  church  of  Kirkby.  R.  f.  118.  Ch.  p.  232. 


CHURCHES  AND  CHAPELS. 


379 


east  end:*  near  which  is  another  monument,  with  a 
recumbent  figure,  and  neat  canopy,  supposed  to  be- 
long to  one  of  the  Eure  family.  Kirkby  church,  dedi- 
cated to  St.  Augustine,  retained  its  antique  form  till 
last  year,  when  it  was  taken  down  and  rebuilt.  The 
windows  contained  a few  fragments  of  painted  glass, 
on  one  of  which  was  represented  an  angel.  In  the 
south  wall,  on  the  outside,  were  two  rude  figures ; 
one  a knight  on  horseback,  the  other  a clerical  figure, 
with  uplifted  hands,  and  apparently  holding  the  sacred 
bread  in  the  left  hand  and  the  chalice  in  the  right.  In 
the  church-yard  is  a monument  of  a knight  and  his 
lady:  the  figures  have  suffered  by  time,  but  still  more 
by  the  recent  rebuilding  of  the  church. 

The  church  of  Seamer,  near  Scarborough,  was 
the  gift  of  William  de  Percy,  the  son  of  Alan.f  In 
1323,  near  200  years  after  the  original  grant,  this 
church  was  appropriated  to  Whitby  abbey,  by  the 
archbishop,  in  virtue  of  letters  apostolical  from  the 
pope,  and  was  made  a perpetual  vicarage.  The  vicar 
was  to  be  presented  by  the  abbot  and  convent,  and 
was  to  have  for  his  support  all  the  tithes  and  offerings 
of  Irton  ; the  tithes  and  offerings  of  Osgodby,  Cayton, 
Kynardby,  and  Depedale ; with  the  small  tithes  of 
Seamer  and  Ayton  ; but  the  tithes  of  lamb  and  wool, 
of  the  last  two  places,  were  reserved  to  the  monastery. 
The  vicar  was  also  to  have  half  the  glebe,  with  part 
of  the  church  lands  in  Cayton,  Osgodby,  and  Ayton; 
for  which  lands  he  was  to  pay  no  tithes,  while  he  held 

* The  inscription  on  the  breast  of  the  figure  is,  WILLS.  D£ 
WReLCOn  CKPeLLKn.  f R.  f.  7,  12.  Ch.  p.  87,  89. 

3 c 2 


380 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


them  himself;  nor  was  he  to  pay  tithe  for  his  cattle. 
The  vicar  was  to  pay  all  synodals  arid  ordinary  bur- 
dens. and  one  fourth  of  all  extraordinary  subsidies; 
but  the  monks  were  bound  to  repair  the  chancel.*  At 
the  same  time,  the  tithes  of  corn  and  hay,  throughout 
most  of  the  parish,  were  reserved  to  them  ; as  appears, 
both  from  the  ordinance  of  the  archbishop,  and  from 
the  Rolls.  From  the  Roll  for  1460 — 1,  we  also  learn, 
that  there  was  a chapel  at  Cayton  in  this  parish,  and 
another  at  Ayton,  near  Hutton  Bushel!. f 

Hutton- Bushell  church  was  granted  by  Alan  de 
Rushell,  before  1 130. § In  1364,  it  was  divided  into  two, 
by  Arnald,  archbishop  of  Anxitan,  the  pope’s  cham- 
berlain ; when  Richard  de  Huley,  the  one  rector,  was 
taxed  for  tithes  at  18  marks,  for  his  part;  and  Richard 
de  Taunton,  the  other,  was  taxed  at  20  marks  ; be- 
sides a pension  of  40s.  to  the  abbey,  of  which  each 
was  to  pay  one  half.  |[  In  1453,  the  archbishop 
appropriated  both  parts  to  the  abbey ; the  appropri- 
ation to  lake  place  on  the  death  or  resignation  of  the 
then  rectors;  and  in  1458,  the  rectors  being  dead  or 
removed,  it  was  constituted  a perpetual  vicaiage,  and 
John  Ellerton  was  appointed  vicar;  having  all  the 
profits  of  the  living  assigned  to  him,  except  the  tithes 
of  corn  and  hay,  which  were  allotted  to  the  abbey 

* Burton’s  Monast.  p.  75,  76.  f Cayton  is  now  a parish.  The 
chapel  of  Ayton  still  remains,  and  bears  the  marks  of  antiquity. 
§ R f 62.  Ch.  p.  83.  Alan  was  the  son  of  Reginald  de  Bushell  and 
A ice  de  Percy,  niece  to  the  first  William  de  Percy,  and  sister  (as  is 
supposed)  to  William  the  abbot.  R f.  139.  Ch.  p.  70,  71,83.  (|  R. 

f.  81.  Ch.  p.  251  The  taxation  for  tithes  here  mentioned,  appears  to 
have  been  for  the  archbishop’s  tithes,  i Burton,  p.  73.  Roll  for  1 460—1. 
Robert  Ellerton,  bursar  for  that  year,  was  perhaps  related  to  this  vicax, 
and  to  Dr.  Hugh  Ellerton,  who  was  then  abbot. 


CHURCHES  AND  CHAPELS. 


381 


To  another  branch  of  the  Percy  family,  viz. 
Robert,  the  sou  of  Pi-chot  de  Percy,  our  abbey  was 
indebted  for  the  church  of  Queens  Sutton,  or  Sutton 
upon  Derwent,  which  was  granted  about  the  year 
1144.*  The  abbot  and  convent  parted  with  the  ad- 
vowson  of  this  church  in  the  fourteenth  century;  but 
continued  to  receive  the  annua!  pension  of  Gs.  Sd.f 
About  the  same  period  our  monastery  obtained 
the  church  of  Slingsby,  in  Rydale.  It  was  the  gift  of 
William  Hay,  and  Robert  Chatnbord;  whose  donation 
was  confirmed  by  Mascy  de  Curcy.§ — The  church 
of  BurnisLon,  in  Richmondshire,  was  given  at  the 
same  era,  by  that  valiant  knight.  Sir  Alan  de  Mun- 
ceus,  and  Ingeram  his  son.  ||  The  church  o'i  Hunting- 
ton,  near  York,  has  been  already  noticed  it  was 
granted  by  the  abbey  of  Evesham  in  1160,  and  was 
transferred,  in  the  14th  century,  to  the  vicars  choral 
of  York,  to  whom  it  was  appropriated  in  1354.** — 
The  church  of  Skirpenbeck,  formerly  mentioned,  was 
obtained  a few  years  earlier  than  Huntington. ff 

* R.  f.  12, 140.  Ch.  p.  104.  t Burton  (Monast.  p.  76)  states  that 
they  sold  the  advowson  to  the  lords  Mowbray,  after  the  middle  of  the 
14th  century;  but,  at  the  beginning  of  that  century,  the  right  of  pre- 
sentation was  vested  in  the  canons  of  St.  Peter’s  at  York ; as  appears 
by  a deed  in  the  Register,  dated  in  1305,  certifying  that  the  abbot 
and  convent,  having  then  presented  Mr.  John  de  Wodhows  to  the 
living  of  Sutton,  had  encroached  on  the  rights  of  the  canons,  to  whom 
they  surrendered  all  further  claim  to  the  advowson.  R.f.87.  Ch. p.232. 
§ R.  f.  20.  Ch.  p.  123,  124.  Charlton  makes  Chambord  only  the  con- 
firmer of  the  grant;  but  it  is  obvious  that  he  was  a principal  donor, 
both  from  the  memorial  (f.  140),  and  from  the  charter  of  Henry  II. 
f.  51.  Ch.  p.  138.  ||  R.  f.  140.  Ch.  p.  71,  132.  % See  p.  289. 

**  R.  f.  54.  Ch.  p.  136.  Burton’s  Monast.  p.  73.  In  1438,  it  was 
exempted  from  archdeaconal  visitations. — Charlton  dates  the  first  char- 
ter in  1165;  but  Roger,  who  granted  it,  was  not  abbot  of  Evesham 
after  1 160.  Lei.  Coll.  VI.  p.  162.  ft  Seep.317.  R.f.120.  Ch.p.ll£. 


382 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  notice  the  chapel  and 
cemetery  of  Rowell,  or  Rothwell,  in  the  diocese  of 
Lincoln,  given  nearly  at  the  same  period  by  Hugh 
Malet,  saving  the  tenure  of  Geoffrey,  the  then  chap- 
lain, who  was  to  retain  the  chapel  during  life.* 
Enough  has  been  said  of  the  church  of  Crossby  Ra- 
venswarth,  granted  by  Thorphine  about  the  year 
1140  f The  chapel  of  Revegil,  subject  to  that  church, 
has  also  been  mentioned. § The  chapels  of  Harlsey 
and  Carleton,  in  Cleveland,  may  be  added  to  this  long 
catalogue.  || 

In  the  appropriated  churches,  Whitby,  Hackness, 
Middleburgh,  Ingleby,  Semar,  and  Hutton-Bushell, 
part  of  the  tithes  and  dues  were  set  apart  for  the  sup- 
port of  the  vicar,  and  the  rest  were  received  by  the 
monks.  The  other  churches  paid  an  annual  pension. J 
The  churches  and  chapels  near  Whitby,  or  Hackness, 
would  be  supplied  on  easy  terms,  as  there  were  so 
many  clergymen  about  the  monastery,  waiting  to  be 
presented  to  the  next  vacant  livings.  The  chapels  had 
no  perpetual  minister  but  were  supplied  from  time  to 
time  by  chaplains  or  curates;  as  appears  from  the  in- 
quisition relating  to  that  of  Fyling.** 

* R.  f.  13.  Ch.  p.  122.  The  clause  in  favour  of  Geoffrey  is  similar 
to  one  in  the  charter  for  Semar  church,  that  benefice  being  secured  by 
William  de  Percy  to  his  chaplain  Richard.  R.  f.  12.  Ch.  p.  89.  + See 

p.  318,  334,  &c.  R.  f.  9,  96.  Ch.  p.  100.  § See  p 331.  ||  These 

chapels  are  not  in  the  Register;  but  are  given  by  Burton  on  Eclon’s 
authority.  Monast.  p.  71,  72,  85.  J The  pensions  paid  in  1363.  by 
the  churches  in  York  diocese,  were  as  follows:  Hutton-Bushell,  40s. 
(before  it  was  appropriated) ; Sutton  on  Derwent,  6s  Sd  ; Sliugsbv, 
13s.  4d.;  Huntington,  13s.  4d.;  Kirkbv,  66s.  6d.;  and  .''kirpeubeck, 
J3s.  4d.  R.  f.  82.  Ch.  p.  250.  **  R.'  f.  84.  Ch.  p.  249. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


383 


CHAP.  XIII. 

OFFICERS  OF  THE  MONASTERY. MONKS EMINENT  MEN 

STATE  OF  LEARNING,  AND  OF  RELIGION. 


FOR  some  time  after  the  revival  of  our  monas- 
tery, the  chief  officer  was  denominated  the  prior  ; but. 
From  the  time  of  William  de  Percy,  he  was  distin- 
guished by  the  title  of  abbot  * This  chief  officer  was 
elected  by  the  chapter,  that  is,  by  the  whole  body  of 
the  monks,  officers  included,  assembled  in  the  chapter- 
house  for  that  purpose  on  a day  appointed.  In  general 
the  election  was  free;  but,  in  some  cases,  as  at  the 
election  of  Benedict’s  successor,  the  archbishop  inter- 
posed his  authority. f Sometimes  the  choice  fell  on 
one  of  their  own  number;  at  other  times  they  chose 
an  officer  or  monk  of  some  other  monastery.  An 
instance  occurs,  in  which  the  whole  chapter,  prior  to 
the  election,  entered  into  engagements  relative  to  the 
measures  which  should  be  henceforth  pursued,  by 
themselves  in  general,  and  especially  by  the  abbot 
who  should  be  chosen.  This  was  in  1393,  after  the 
death  of  the  abbot  John  de  Richmond,  and  immedi- 
ately before  the  Election  of  Peter  de  Hertilpole,  who 
was  himself  one  of  the  chapter.  A deed  was  executed 
at  their  desire  by  Nicholas  Broun  of  Esyngwalde, 

* Prior  signifies  frst;  abbot  denotes  father . f See  p.  261. 


334 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


notary-public,  stipulating,  that  whereas  by  the  im- 
prudence of  their  rulers,  the  funds  of  the  convent  had 
been  greatly  injured,  they  firmly  determined  with  one 
consent,  that  all  the  revenues  of  the  monastery  should 
henceforth  be  faithfully  brought  into  the  public  trea- 
sury, and  that  nothing  should  be  taken  thence  but  for 
the  use  of  the  monastery,  nor  any  disbursements  made, 
on  any  pretence  whatever,  without  the  approbation  of 
the  rulers,  and  the  consent  of  the  whole  convent,  or 
at  least  the  major  part  of  them,  deliberately  and  dis- 
creetly had  : and  also  that  a statement  of  the  accounts 
should  be  annually  submitted  to  the  chapter.  This 
engagement  was  ratified  by  a solemn  oath  on  the  holy 
evangelists,  taken  in  the  presence  of  witnesses;  each 
individual  of  the  chapter  binding  himself  to  observe 
this  ordinance,  in  whatever  station  he  might  be  called 
to  act.* 

The  abbot  elect  could  not  enter  on  the  regular 
discharge  of  his  functions,  till  he  received  the  episcopal 
benediction,  and  was  formally  installed.  The  consent 
of  the  king  too  seems  to  have  been  requisite  ;f  and,  as 
his  officers,  and  those  of  the  archbishop,  received  their 
fees  on  the  occasion,  and  a sumptuous  feast  was 
usually  given  at  the  installation,  the  admission  of  a 
new  abbot  was  attended  with  great  expense. § 

In  entering  on  his  office,  the  abbot  came  under 
engagements  to  be  faithful  in  the  discharge  of  his  duty. 

* R.  f.  130.  Ch.  p.  255,  256,  257.  To  this  ordinance,  perhaps, 
we  are  indebted  for  the  preservation  of  correct  Rolls  for  the  years  im- 
mediately following.  It  would  seem  that,  in  some  preceding  years, 
the  compotus  had  not  been  regularly  made  out.  f See  p.  260.  § For 
an  account  of  the  ceremonies  used  in  those  solemnities,  see  Fosbrooke, 
1.  80—83. 


OFFICERS. 


385 


A copy  of  the  questions  usually  put  on  that  occasion, 
with  the  answers  required,,  is  given  in  the  Register; 
and  the  reader  will  naturally  expect  a translation  : 

Quest.  Will  you  both  keep  your  vow  and  the  rule  of  St.  Benedict 
yourself,  and  diligently  instruct  those  who  are  under  you  to  do  the 
same  P Ans.  I will. 

Q.  Will  you  also,  to  the  utmost  of  your  power,  collect  the  pro- 
perty of  the  church  heretofore  unjustly  squandered,  and  not  squander 
it  when  collected ; but  preserve  it  for  the  use  of  the  church,  of  poor 
brethren,  and  of  strangers  ? A.  I will. 

Q.  Will  you  maintain  humility  and  patience  in  yourself,  and  teach 
them  likewise  to  others  ? A.  I will. 

Q.  Will  you  pay  canonical  obedience  in  all  things  to  the  holy 
mother  church  of  York,  and  to  my  successors  P A.  I will.* 

The  abbot,  according  to  the  regulations  of  the 
Benedictine  order,  governed  the  monastery  with  almost 
unlimited  power;  and  there  was  scarcely  any  appeal 
from  his  authority. f Our  abbot  lived  in  great  style. 
He  had  his  hall,  his  chamber,  his  kitchen,  and  other 
offices,  apart  from  those  of  the  convent;  he  had  his 
pages,  his  valets,  and  other  servants : in  his  journeys 
he  was  attended  by  a retinue  on  horseback,  and  even 
his  cook  was  allowed  a horse ; and  chambers  were 
provided  for  his  reception  in  those  parts  of  the  terri- 
tory w hich'  he  had  occasion  to  visit.§  He  had  also  his 
own  chaplain,  or  chaplains,  who  behoved  to  be  changed 
every  year,  that  the  witnesses  of  his  good  behaviour 
might  be  the  more  numerous.  |j 

The  dress  and  ornaments  of  an  abbot  resembled 
those  of  a bishop.  They  consisted  of  the  Dalmatic  or 

* R.  f 141.  Charlton  (p.  111.)  restricts  these  questions  to  the 
admission  of  the  abbot  Richard  I ; but,  as  I formerly  noticed  (p.  260. 
262)  the  original  memorial  does  not  warrant  this  restriction. — The 
abbot  sometimes  made  his  profession  in  other  forms.  See  Wilk.  Concil. 
I.  p 633.  t Fosbrooke,  I.  p.  117  § Roll  for  1394—5  The  abbot 

had  then  a chamber  in  Eskdale.  [I  Wilk.  Concil.  I.  p.  591. 

3 D 


3SG 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


seamless  coat  of  Christ,  the  mitre,  the  crosier,  the 
gloves,  the  ring,  and  the  sandals;  besides  his  parlia- 
mentary robes,  worn  when  he  took  his  seat  among 
the  spiritual  lords.* 

Our  abbots  enjoyed  parliamentary  honours  dur- 
ing three  reigns,  if  not  longer.  The  abbot  of  Whitby 
was  summoned  to  parliament  in  the  49th  year  of 
Henry  III,  the  12th  of  Edward  I,  and  the  14th  of 
Edward  II. f The  honour  of  sitting  in  parliament 
was  afterwards  limited  to  what  were  called  the  mitred 
abbots,  among  whom  the  abbot  of  Whitby  was  not 
included. — There  was,  however,  a kind  of  spiritual 
parliament,  or  convocation,  which  the  abbots  and 
priors  of  the  Benedictine  or  black  monks  held  for  the 
government  of  their  own  order,  after  the  year  1337. 
In  that  year  pope  Benedict  XII  issued  a bull,  by 
which  all  the  black  monks,  so  called  on  account  of 
their  dress,  were  incorporated  into  a body,  and  em- 
powered to  hold  general  or  provincial  chapters,  for 
the  exercise  of  discipline,  and  for  enforcing  regu- 
lations tending  to  the  benefit  of  their  order.  The 
provincial  chapter  for  England  usually  met  at  North* 

* Fosbrooke,  I.  p.  122,  123.  f Appendix  to  Stevens’  Monast. 
II.  p.  15.  The  abbots  of  Whitby  might  be  summoned  on  other  occa- 
sions; yet  no  other  writs  of  summons  are  extant. — In  the  note  on  p. 
265,  I have  assigned  the  honour  of  first  sitting  in  parliament  to  the 
abbot  Robert  de  Langtoft,  being  misled  by  Charlton  (p.  219) ; but  as 
the  first  parliament  alluded  to  (the  writs  of  summons  to  which  are  the 
oldest  extant)  was  summoned  to  meet  in  January  1265  (See  Rapin,  I. 
p.  340.  Notes.),  and  as  it  was  not  till  that  year  that  Robert  de  Lang- 
toft became  abbot,  the  honour  must  belong  to  his  predecessor  William 
de  Briniston ; especially  when  it  is  remembered,  that  the  year  was 
not  then  reckoned  to  begin  till  Lady-day.  William  de  Kirkham  was 
the  abbot  summoned  in  12  Edward  I ; aud  Thomas  de  Malton  in  14 
Edward  II, 


OFFICERS. 


337 


ampton,  where  they  held  their  first  meeting  in  1338, 
the  second  in  1340,  the  third  in  1343;  and  their  sub- 
sequent  meetings  in  every  third  year.  Our  abbot  * 
generally  appointed  a proctor  to  attend  for  him,  in- 
stead  of  attending  in  his  own  person.* 

Next  in  dignity  to  the  abbot  was  the  prior ; who 
had  also  his  servants  and  his  horses,  and  held  the  first 
place  in  the  choir,  chapter,  and  refectory  ; though  he 
had  not  offices  allotted  to  himself.  He  presided  in  the 
monastery  during  a vacancy,  and  in  the  occasional 
absence  of  the  abbot. f Under  him  was' the  subprior, 
whose  power  was  also  considerable.  He  was  charged 
with  keeping  a strict  watch  on  the  conduct  of  the 
monks  in  the  dormitory,  and  the  refectory;  and  had 
the  custody  of  the  keys  of  several  offices  : he  also  offi- 
ciated for  the  prior  in  his  absence. § 

* Wilk.  Concil.  II.  p.  585—613,  626,  656,  658, 713.  III.  p.  420. 
463.  The  abbots  of  York,  St.  Alban's,  aiul  Westminster,  took  an 
active  pa~t  in  the  business  of  those  meetings.  The  minutes  of  their 
proceedings  bear  a strong  resemblance  to  those  of  the  meetings  of 
synods  and  general  assemblies  in  the  church  of  Scotland. — Previous 
to  the  bull  of  pope  Benedict  there  had  been  provincial  chapters  for 
Canterbury  and  York  separately;  but  not  in  so  regular  a form. — All 
the  abbots  of  the  order,  the  priors  of  such  monasteries  as  had  no  abbots, 
and  also  the  priors  or  superiors  (under  the  bishops)  of  the  canons  of 
cathedral  churches  of  the  same  order,  were  required  to  attend  the  pro- 
vincial chapter,  by  themselves  or  their  proctors.  Absentees,  who  did 
not  send  a proctor,  nor  give  a sufficient  excuse  for  absence,  were  fined 
double  the  sum  which  their  expenses  in  attending  would  have  amounted 
to.  At  each  meeting,  visiters  were  appointed  to  inspect  the  monas- 
teries throughout  the  different  districts,  and  give  in  their  report  to  the 
next  meeting;  and  fines  were  imposed  on  such  as  neglected  to  fulfil 
the  appointment.  Presidents  and  preachers  were  also  nominated  for 
the  next  meeting;  and  committees  were  occasionally  appointed  for 
revising  the  rules  of  the  order,  and  for  various  other  purposes.  The 
regular  canons  of  St.  Augustine  were  placed  under  similar  rules  by 
another  bull  of  Benedict  XII.  W ilk.  Concil.  II.  p.  629 — 651.  f Roll 
for  1394-®-6.  Fosbrooke,  I.  p.  142,  &c.  § Fosbrooke,  I.  p.  151,  152, 


383 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


In  the  next  rank  may  be  placed  the  cellarer , or 
rather  the  cellarers , for  there  were  two  officers  of  that 
name  belonging;  to  our  abbey,  and  to  other  large 
monasteries.  The  one  was  simply  called  the  cellarer, 
or  sometimes  the  general  or  outward  cellarer  ( celler- 
arius  generalis  xel  exterior),  by  way  of  distinction 
He  was  the  grand  steward  of  the  convent,  who  super- 
intended their  estates  and  possessions,  and  managed 
the  transactions  relating  to  them.  He  conducted  sales, 
leases,  and  purchases  of  property,  and  did  homage  for 
the  lands  that'vvere  not  exempted  from  secular  service.* 
He  had  his  riding  horses,  and  a page  to  wait  on  him, 
and  there  was  a subcellarer  to  assist  him. — The  other 
officer  of  that  name  was  the  kitchen  cellarer  ( celler- 
arius  coquince),  or  steward  of  the  kitchen.  It  was  his 
province  to  provide  all  the  supplies  for  the  kitchen 
and  the  refectory,  to  take  charge  of  all  the  stores,  and 
give  them  out  as  occasion  required.  He  was  the  mas- 
ter of  the  household  who  supplied  the  whole  convent 
with  food,  fuel,  vessels,  and  all  things  necessary  for 
their  entertainment.  Of  course  he  behoved  to  be  an 
adept  in  the  system  of  fasts  and  feasts,  to  know  by 
what  kind  of  meat  or  drink  each  day  was  to  be  kept 
holy.f 

The  precentor,  or  chantor,  was  another  officer  of 
high  rank.  He  conducted  the  service  of  the  choir,  and 

* See  p.  354.  (Note  t)  R-  f-  16,  55.  Ch.  p.  97,  98.  Dugd. 
Mon.  I.  p.  149.  f Dugd.  ibid.  Fosbrooke,  1.  p.  156,  157.  Wilk. 
Concil.  I.  p.  349.  In  some  abbeys  there  was  but  one  cellarer ; but 
the  cellarer  and  the  kitchen  cellarer  of  Whitby  are  clearly  distin- 
guished, both  in  the  Rolls  and  in  the  Register.  Roll  for  1394 — 5. 
R,  f.  130.  Ch.  p.  256. 


OFFICERS. 


389 

had  the  charge  of  the  missals,  breviaries-,  and  other 
service-books,  ‘and  distributed  the  robes  at  festivals. 
The  choristers  and  organists  were  under  his  direction  ; 
he  had  the  custody  of  the  seal  and  the  chapter-booK  ; 
and  all  the  concerns  of  the  library  were  intrusted  to 
his  care.*  He  was  assisted  by  the  subchantor . — The 
sacrist,  or  secretary,  who  was  aided  by  a subsacrist, 
was  of  equal  dignity.  All  the  ornaments  of  the  church, 
and  furniture  of  the  altar,  the  chalices,  the  vestments, 
the  candles,  the  communion  bread  and  wine,  with 
other  things  relating  to  the  service  of  the  church,  were 
under  his  inspection  and  he  bad  also  the  charge  of 
the  bells  and  of  the  cemetery,  and  superintended  the 
burial  of  the  dead. — The  treasurer,  or  bursar,  had 
an  important  trust,  as  he  received  and  disbursed  the 
public  money,  and  kept  all  the  accounts.  He  was 
allowed  a horse,  which  the  duties  of  his  office  rendered 
highly  necessary,  as  we  find  from  the.  Rolls  that  he 
had  numerous  journeys  to  perform  for  receiving  and 
paying  money,  and  frequently  attended  at  synods, 
convocations,  and  on  other  public  occasions. — The 
chamberlain  ( camerarius ) took  care  of  the  dormitory 
and  its  appurtenances,  provided  the  wearing  apparel 
of  the  brethren,  furnished  caps,  spurs,  and  other  tra- 
velling apparatus  for  such  as  were  going  a journey, 
and  also  attended  to  the  shoeing  of  the  riding  horses.- 
The  refectioner,  as  his  name  imports,  managed  the 
concerns  of  the  refectory,  having  under  his  charge 
the  tables,  table-linen,  dishes,  plate,  and  other  articles 

* See  p.  355,  356.  Wilk.  Concil.  I.  p.  348. 


390 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


belonging  to  that  office  ; which  he  set  in  order  at  the 
beginning,  and  removed  at  the  end,  of  each  enter- 
tainment; in  which  duties  he  had  servants  to  assist  him.- 
The  master-builder,  or  master  of  the  work  (magister 
opens ) surveyed  all  the  buildings,  and  ordered  the 
necessary  repairs.  The  hostler,  or  hospitaller,  was 
employed  in  attending  to  the  guest-house,  and  provid- 
ing for  the  entertainment  of  strangers.  The  infirm - 
arer,  agreeably  to  his  name,  was  governor  of  the 
infirmary,  and  waited  on  the  sick  • for  whose  comfort 
he  was  allowed  a kitchen  and  cook  apart  from  those 
of  the  convent.  Some  medical  skill  would  be  an  almost 
indispensable  qualification  for  this  office.-The  almoner 
disbursed  the  charities  of  the  house;  and  he  not  only 
distributed  to  the  poor  at  the  gates  of  the  monastery, 
but  was  directed  to  seek  out  the  abodes  of  the  sick  and 
the  needy,  that  he  might  visit  and  relieve  them.  In 
such  excursions,  however,  he  was  forbidden  to  asso- 
ciate with  women,  lest  (hose  visits  of  mercy  should  be 
employed  to  cover  intrigues  of  love.* 

All  these  officers,  except  the  subcellarer  and  the 
refectioner,  are  mentioned  in  our  records;  and  all  of 
them,  not  excepting  even  the  master-builder,  were 
chosen  from  among  the  monks,  either  by  the  appoint- 
ment of  the  abbot,  or  rather  by  the  election  of  the 
whole  chapter.  There  was  also  in  our  abbey  another 
officer,  a member  of  the  chapter,  entitled  the  master 
ofi  the  blessed  virgin's  altar.  He  conducted  the  service 
of  the  virgin  Mary,  which,  as  was  formerly  noticed, 

* Wilk.  Concil.  I.  j>.  348—350.  Burton,  p.  64,  65.  Fosbrooke. 
I.  p.  159,  ike. 


OFFICERS. 


391 


must  have  been  carried  on  in  the  north  transept  of  the 
abbey  church.* 

Besides  the  offices  held  by  the  monks  themselves, 
there  were  several  others  that  were  filled  by  laymen. 
Of  this  number  was  the  office  of  the  head  cook,  who 
seems  to  have  been  sometimes  called  coquinarius,  or 
* See  p.  342,  352.  Notes.  Other  monasteries  had  also  altars  to 
the  blessed  virgin.  Wilk.  Concil  11.  p.  248, — In  the  contest  with  the 
church  of  Carlisle  (see  p.  338)  the  abbot,  prior,  sacrist,  treasurer,  pre- 
centor, cellarer,  and  chamberlain,  were  all  excommunicated.  The 
subprior,  who  escaped  the  sentence  himself,  was  present  when  it  was 
published  at  Appelby.  R.  f.  111.  Ch.  p.  216,  217.  At  the  election  of 
an  abbot  in  1393  (see  p.  383,  384.)  the  chapter  consisted  of  the  fol- 
lowing officers  and  other  monks  ; “ John  Allerton,  the  prior ; Thomas 
de  Hawkesgarth,  prior  of  Midelesburgh ; Peter  de  Hertilpole,  bursar 
(elected  abbot);  Reginald  de  Esyngtou,  sacrist;  Robert  de  Boynton, 
subsacrist ; William  de  Ormesby.  almoner;  Stephen  de  Ormesbv,  in- 
firmarer;  William  de  Yarine;  William  de  Bokyngham,  master-builder; 
Robert  de  Middillesburg,  kitchen-cellarer;  Thomas  de  Hakeness, 
chamberlain  ; 'William  de  Dalton,  cellarer;  Thomas  de  Bolton  (after- 
wards abbot) ; Thomas  de  Elyngton,  precentor  ; Roger  de  Pykryng, 
master  of  the  blessed  virgin’s  altar;  John  de  Ryston,  hostler;  Thomas 
de  Butterwik,  subchantor;  John  de  Whitteby ; William  de  Garten; 
and  Hugh  de  Garton,  monks.”  R.  f 130.  Ch.  p.  256. — The  members 
of  the  chapter  in  this  list  seem  to  be  arranged  according  to  seniority, 
as  some  monks  without  office  have  the  precedence  of  some  of  the 
officers,  and  some  officers  of  an  inferior  class  are  placed  before  others 
of  a higher  description.  The  cellarer,  Dalton,  w as  afterwards  bursar, 
as  he  filled  that  office  in  1396.  Charlton  calls  him  Salton,  a mistake 
arising  from  the  strong  resemblance  between  U and  S in  the  M.S. 
capitals.  He  has  made  a worse  blunder  in  regard  to  Stephen  the 
injirmarer , whom  he  calls  the  farmer  ! The  term  firmarius,  used 
for  infirmarius , misled  him.  This  Stephen  continued  to  hold  his  office 
in  1394 — 5 ; for,  in  the  Roll  of  expenditure  for  that  year,  there  is  a 
charge  for  medicines  bought  for  his  use:  “ Item  pro  diversis  medicinis 
domino  Stephano...ij  s.” — In  some  abbeys  there  was  a pitanciary , 
who  distributed  pietancies  or  pittances,  allowances  occasionally  given 
above  the  common  provisions.  Dugd.  Mon.  I.  p.  148.  Burton,  p.  64. 
Tanner,  p xxix.  The  circumitores,  or  visiters,  who  went  round  to 
inspect  the  different  offices  at  stated  hours,  were  probably  not  fixed 
officers,  but  appointed  in  rotation.  Wilk.  Concil.  I.  p.  347. — There 
was  an  officer  called  the  terrer  of  the  house  in  some  monasteries ; 
with  several  others  which  it  is  unnecessary  to  name  — The  officers 
inferior  to  the  abbot,  at  least  such  of  them  as  were  monks,  w ere  called 
obedientiaries . Wilk.  Concil.  II.  719,  720,  &c. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


392 


kitchener.  This  office,  from  the  time  of  the  abbot 
Richard  I,  was  held  hereditarily,  at  4s.  wages  per 
annum , by  one  Robert  and  his  sons,  to  whom  the 
surname  Cook  was  therefore  appropriated.  He  was 
called  the  cook  of  the  convent.  In  this  department, 
there  was  also  the  common  cook,  who  perhaps  pre- 
pared for  the  other  servants,  and  for  strangers ; be- 
sides the  abbot's  cook,  and  the  cook  of  the  infirmary 
The  office  of  the  porter,  w ho  had  usually  a subporter 
under  him,  was  a charge  of  considerable  magnitude, 
where  a strict  observation  of  all  who  came  in  and 
wrent  out  was  required. — The  pages  and  valets  have 
already  been  noticed.  They  appear  to  have  been 
numerous ; and  it  may  be  observed,  that  besides  those 
who  attended  on  individual  officers,  as  the  abbot,  the 
prior,  and  the  cellarer,  there  were  some  who  had 
particular  departments  allotted  to  them,  as  the  page 
of  the  hall,  and  the  page  of  the  stable.  This  last 
office  would  be  very  laborious,  and  must  have  required 
the  assistance  of  several  servants,  as  there  w’ere  not 

* The  cook  of  the  infirmary  is  not  named  in  the  Rolls,  being 
perhaps  paid  out  of  the  special  revenues  assigned  to  the  infirmary; 
for  it  is  likely  that  the  rents  paid  for  the  support  of  particular  offices 
were  not  entered  in  the  compotus.  In  the  charter  granted  to  Robert 
the  cook,  and  his  heirs,  his  office  is  styled  “ magnum  officium  coquinse 
nostrse” — “the  great  office  of  our  kitchen.”  R.  f.  70.  Ch.  p.  115.  In 
1394 — 5,  the  salary  of  the  cook  of  the  convent,  perhaps  a descendant 
of  his,  was  5s.  He  was  allowed  a horse,  a privilege  which  seems  to 
have  been  also  granted  to  the  common  cook,  as  well  as  to  the  abbot’s 
cook.  The  salary  of  the  abbot’s  cook  was  20s.  : that  of  the  common 
cook  6s  8d.  Probably  the  cook  of  the  convent  had  many  perquisites, 
which  compensated  for  the  smallness  of  his  salary.  Charlton’s  notion, 
that  all  the  families  of  the  name  of  Cook,  throughout  the  kingdom, 
sprung  from  Robert  the  cook  of  Whitby,  is  truly  ridiculous.  II  ere 
there  no  cooks  in  other  monasteries,  not  to  speak  of  the  cooks  of  kings, 
noblemen,  and  gentlemen,  that  the  rise  of  the  surname  should  be 
limited  to  Whitby  P 


OFFICERS. 


393 


only  horses  kept  for  the  higher  officers  in  the  monas- 
tery, but,  it  would  seem,  for  any  of  the  monks  who 
had  occasion  to  travel.  The  pages,  valets,  and  some 
others,  were  furnished  with  liveries. 

Many  other  servants,  or  inferior  officers,  occur 
in  the  Rolls,  and  in  the  Register;  as  the  baker,  the 
brewer,  the  barber  (barbitonsor) , the  miller,  the 
huntsman,  the  poulterer,  the  swineherd,  &c.  concern- 
ing whom  we  may  remark,  that  most,  if  not  all  of 
them,  resided  without  the  gates  of  the  monastery,  as 
there  were  some  of  them  who  had  wives  and  children. 
The  baker,  poulterer,  miller,  and  huntsman,  had 
horses  allowed  them.  No  mention  is  made  of  the 
gardener  of  our  abbey  :*  but  there  was  another  officer 
who  must  not  be  omitted,  the  client  of  the  fish-house, 
who  superintended  a most  important  branch  of  the 
revenue  of  the  monks,  and  received  a large  salary. 

The  seneschall  was  a respectable  officer,  who 
assisted  in  the  abbot’s  court,  and  was  an  agent  for 
the  monastery  in  conducting  the  business  which  they 
had  with  the  king,  or  in  the  civil  courts.  He  was  a 
kind  of  sheriff,  or  high  constable,  for  Whitby  Strand. 
Besides  this  officer,  our  monastery  had  attorneys, 
bailiffs,  underbailiffs,  market- clerks,  foresters,  ver- 
durers,  and  other  servants  of  a similar  description,  all 
of  whom  received  stated  salaries,  and  several  of  whom 
were  supplied  with  liveries. f 

* At  Evesham,  the  almoner  had  the  charge  of  the  garden.  Dugd. 
Mon.  I.  p.  148.  The  infirmarer  would  have  been  a more  proper  person, 
as  he  had  herbs  to  procure  for  the  use  of  the  sick,  f Fosbrooke,  I, 
165.  Roll  for  1394 — 5.  Register,  passim. 

3 £ 


394 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


Among  the  retainers  of  the  abbey  may  be  noticed 
the  priests,  chaplains,  deacons,  and  subdeacons,  who 
assisted  in  the  devotional  services  of  the  monks,  and 
supplied  the  neighbouring  churches  and  chapels.  In 
the  Roll  for  1394-5,  is  an  entry  of  6s.  8d.  wages  “to 
our  vicar,”  and  the  same  sum  allowed  him  “for  meat, 
bread,  and  beer:”  this  was  probably  the  vicar  of  St. 
Mary’s.*  Numbers  of  clergymen  resided  within  the 
precincts  of  the  abbey,  as  in  other  great  monasteries; 
so  that  they  did  not  need  to  officiate  constantly,  but 
took  their  turns  weekly,  and  he  who  conducted  the 
service  for  the  week  was  called  the  hebdomadary  ; a 
name  which  was  also  applied  to  chantors  or  choris- 
ters, and  to  other  office-bearers,  when  they  ministered 
weekly  in  their  turns. f 

The  number  of  the  .monks  themselves  varied  much 
at  different  periods.  It  is  probable  that,  in  the  Saxon 
era,  there  were  some  hundreds  of  religious  in  Streones- 
lialh  and  its  dependant  cells  ; but,  after  the  conquest, 
the  number  scarcely  exceeded  forty.  As  thirteen  formed 
a proper  convent,  on  a small  scale,  the  full  comple- 
ment of  Whitby  abbey  seems  to  have  been  three  thir- 
teens,  or  thirty-nine.  Thus  we  find  38  brethren  in 
the  convent  on  the  death  of  the  abbot  Richard  I,  and 
the  same  number  at  the  entrance  of  his  successor;  so 
that  there  were  39,  including  the  abbot. § It  is  not 
clear,  whether  that  number  comprehended  the  monks 

* See  Wilk.  Concil.  1.  p.  693.  f Ibid,  p 329,  351,  358,  359, 
&c.  Fosbrooke,  I.  p.  26.  § See  p.  262,  263,  359  The  number  was 

only  36  at  the  admission  of  Richard  I ; but  if  we  add  the  two  who 
conducted  him,  who  perhaps  are  not  included,  the  number  will  be  the 
same. 


MONKS. 


395 


in  the  cells  and  hermitages,  or  not;  but  I am  inclined 
to  think  that  this  was  the  complement  of  Whitby  only. 
In  after  times,  the  establishment  was  greatly  reduced; 
for  at  the  election  in  1393,  the  chapter  consisted  of 
no  more  than  20,  of  whom  15  were  officers  and  only 
5 private  monks.*  The  number  of  monks  at  Whitby 
was  still  less  at  the  time  of  the  dissolution,  and  those 
of  Middleburgh  had  then  dwindled  away  to  two  or 
three,  while  a similar  falling  off  appeared  in  the  other 
cells. + This  reduction  may  be  partly  accounted  for, 
by  supposing,  that  in  proportion  as  the  light  of  the 
reformation  dawned,  the  monastic  life  fell  into  disre- 
pute: but  it  may  perhaps  be  ascribed  with  more  truth 
to  the  increase  of  luxury  and  corruption  among  the 
monks  themselves;  whoee  policy  it  was,  to  straiten 
the  door  of  admission  to  their  order,  and  limit  their 
number,  that  they  might  be  able  to  live  in  higher 
style.  In  vain  were  bulls,  canons,  and  decrees  pro- 
mulgated, requiring  the  original  number  to  be  kept 
up  ;§  those  barriers  proved  too  feeble  to  stem  the 
swelling  tide  of  corruption.  Funds  which  would  have 

* See  p.  391 . Note.  The  subprior  is  not  in  the  list.  Perhaps  the 
office  was  then  vacant ; or  that  officer  may  have  been  sent  to  Middle- 
burgh, to  govern  that  cell  in  the  absence  of  the  prior,  who  attended  the 
election  at  Whitby  As  the  prior  of  Middleburgh  voted  on  that  occasion, 
we  may  infer,  that  the  officers  and  monks  at  the  cells,  were  considered 
as  belonging  to  the  chapter  of  Whitby;  and,  vice  versa,  that  if  any 
members,  usually  residing  at  Whitby,  happened  to  visit  the  cells, 
they  had  a right  to  vote  in  their  local  chapters.  + Burton,  p.  81,  84, 
Tanner,  p.  656.  1 find  no  certain  documents  to  determine  the  number 
of  monks  at  each  place.  Charlton  (p.  285)  says,  that  there  were  18 
or  19  at  Whitby;  3 or  4 at  Hackness;  and  at  Middleburgh,  Gode- 
land,  and  York,  2 or  3 each  : but  I apprehend  that  there  was  not  one 
in  Godeland  at  the  dissolution,  nor  for  many  years  before.  See  p.  361 
K Wilk.  Concil.  Ii.  p.  17,  611,  641,  &c, 

3 e 2 


396 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


supported  hundreds  of  religious  in  the  days  of  yElfteda, 
and  would  have  sufficed  for  scores  even  in  the  times 
of  the  abbots  Benedict,  and  Richard,  were  scarcely 
adequate  to  maintain  the  pomp  and  luxury  of  twenty, 
encumbered  with  crowds  of  domestics,  and  living  like 
the  disciples  of  Epicurus. 

The  privilege  of  being  admitted  a monk  was  so 
much  valued,  that  it  was  frequently  procured  by  inte- 
rest or  by  money  ;*  nor  could  it  he  attained  in  any  in- 
stance without  passing  through  tedious  forms,  adapted 
to  try  the  patience  and  perseverance  of  the  candidates. 
They  remained  for  a year  in  a state  of  probation, 
during  which  time  they  were  called  novices,  and 
usually  lived  in  a house  or  office  appropriated  for  their 
reception,  under  the  discipline  of  an  experienced 
monk  called  the  master  of  the  novices.  This  master, 
who  must  be  added  to  the  list  of  monastic  officers 
given  above,  had  also  under  his  tuition  the  boys  pre- 
sented to  the  monastery  by  their  parents,  and  educated 
there,  to  whom  the  name  novices  was  likewise  given. 
These  youths,  being  taught  to  sing  and  chant,  were 
employed  as  choristers,  under  the  direction  of  the 
precentor,  but  could  not  become  professed  monks 
under  18  years  of  age.+ 

The  discipline  of  the  Benedictines  was  extremely 
strict,  requiring  from  the  monks  and  inferior  officers 
the  most  abject  submission  to  their  superiors.  A 
chapter  was  held  every  morning,  when  cognizance 
was  taken  of  every  transgression  or  neglect  that  had 

* Ibid.  I p 591.  Fosbrooke,  II.  p.  61,  & c.  f Wilk.  Concil.  I. 
p.  354 — 357,  592.  II.  p.  15,  606,  &c. 


MONKS. 


397 


occurred,  and  great  offences  were  punished  with  mor- 
tifying penances,  and  even  with  corporal  chastisement. 
The  unruly  were  sometimes  removed  to  the  cells,  or 
to  other  monasteries  of  the  same  order;  the  incorri- 
gible were,  after  sufficient  trial,  degraded  and  expelled. 
Such  at  least  were  the  rules  ; but  discipline  was  seldom 
rigidly  exercised,  the  rulers  being  often  the  greatest 
delinquents.  * 

The  dress  of  the  monks  of  this  order  is  well 
known  to  have  been  black;  for  which  reason,  as  has 
been  said,  they  were  called  black  monks.  It  con- 
sisted chiefly  of  a long  loose  robe  or  gown,  with  a 
hood  or  cowl  of  the  same  stuff.  They  usually  wore  a 
kind  of  boots.  Among  the  monks,  and  nuns  also,  be- 
fore the  reformation,  luxury  in  dress  was  a prevailing 
evll.f — Luxury  in  Jood  prevailed  to  a still  greater  de- 
gree. Loud  complaints  were  made  on  this  subject; 
and  the  accounts  of  the  expenditure  of  our  monks 
testify  that  such  complaints  w’ere  not  unfounded. 
They  had  abundance  of  wine,  used  immense  quanti- 
ties of  ale  or  beer,  had  all  varieties  of  flesh,  fish,  and 
fowl,  and  almost  all  sorts  of  fruits,  spices,  and  sweet- 
meats.—Nor  were  they  destitute  of  amusements,  as 
appears  from  the  sums  which  they  gave  to  minstrels, 
harpers,  pipers,  players,  and  others  who  contributed 
to  their  pleasures.  So  that,  on  the  whole,  they  cannot 
be  charged  with  monkish  austerity. § 

The  chief  employment  of  the  monks,  agreeably 
to  their  profession,  consisted  in  religious  exercises,  or 

* Ibid  I p 352,  353,  592.  II.  246,  594.  f Ibid.  II.  p.  607 
244.  I p.  590  III.  p 363,  &c.  § Roll  for  1394—5.  Wilk.  Coacii’ 

I,  p.  593.  II.  p.  16.  Fo&brooke,  II.  p.  16,  17. 


398 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


exercises  so  called.  They  had  prayers  seven  times  a 
day,  at  stated  hours  ;*  with  a number  of  addi  ional 
services  on  Sundays  and  festivals.  The  se:  vices  be- 
longing1 to  the  festivals,  as  well  as  those  appointed  for 
particular  occasions,  were  gready  diversified,  and 
accompanied  with  a vast  variety  of  forms  and  ceremo- 
nies. The  reader,  I believe,  will  readily  excuse  me 
from  attempting  to  lead  him  through  the  intricate 
labyrinth  of  this  technical  devotion.  If  he  wish  to  be 
acquainted  with  the  multifarious  services  and  move- 
ments of  the  monks  ; to  know  what  psalms  they  had 
to  sing,  and  what  prayers  to  repeat;  how  oft  they 
were  to  say  benedicite,  and  how  oft  miserere;  when, 
they  were  to  speak,  and  when  to  be  silent;  how  many 
times  they  were  to  bow,  or  cross,  or  kneel,  or  fall 
down;  when  the  bell  was  to  be  rung,  and  when  the 
table  to  be  stiuck;  who  was  to  officiate  in  this  service, 
and  who  in  that  ; how  religiously  they  were  to  stand 
or  sit,  to  eat  or  drink;  and  with  what  devotion  they 
were  to  be  shaved,  or  bled  ; — let  him  “ plod  his  weary 
way”  through  Lanfranc’s  Constitutions,  contained  in 
Wilkins’  Concilia,  or  let  him  labour  through  the  dry, 
but  less  prolix,  details  of  those  services  in  Fosbrooke’s 
Monachism. 

* Mattins  and  lauds,  at  midnight  ; prime,  at  6 A.  M. ; thirds , 
at  9 ; sixths,  at  noon  ; nones,  at  2 or  3 P.  M ; vespers,  at  6,  but 
oftener  at  4 ; and  complin,  about  7. — These  seven  canonical  hours 
were  known  in  the  Saxon  era  by  the  names,  UnSpang,  Pjiimpang, 
Un&ejipang,  CO.boregpang,  Nonpang,  iEpeupang,  and  Nihtpang. 
Fosbrooke,  I p.  20,  21. — It  was  usual  in  monasteries  to  have  a 
covered  passage  from  the  dormitory  into  the  church,  for  the  conveni- 
ence of  the  monks  attending  the  midnight  service.  In  all  probability, 
there  was  a communication  of  this  kind  between  the  dormitory  of  ou; 
abbey  and  the  south  transept  cf  the  church. 


EMINENT  MEN. 


399 


The  ceremonies  attending;  the  funeral  of  a monk 
are  also  too  tedious  to  he  enumerated.  If  the  deceased 
died  early  in  the  morning,  he  was  buiied  the  same 
day  ; if  not,  the  day  following.  Among  the  apparatus 
of  superstition,  used  at  the  grave,  were  tapers,  candles, 
holy  water,  a cross,  a censer  with  incense,  and  a writ- 
ten absolution,  which  was  read  by  the  brethren,  and 
then  laid  on  the  breast  of  the  deceased,  as  his  passport 
for  heaven.  For  thirty  days,  mass  was  said  for  his 
soul,  his  grave  was  daily  sprinkled  with  holy  water, 
and  his  allowance  of  bread,  beer,  and  meat,  was  given 
to  the  almoner  to  be  distributed  to  the  poor.  The 
anniversary  of  his  obit  was  commemorated  by  a simi- 
lar distribution,  as  well  as  by  appropriate  religious 
rites.  The  services  for  the  death  of  an  abbot,  were 
of  course  more  numerous  and  more  lengthened.* 

The  eminent  men  who  arose  in  our  monastery, 
during  its  second  period,  are  by  no  means  so  numer- 
ous as  those  who  appeared  in  it  during  the  Saxon  age. 

* Wilk.  Concil.  I.  p.  358 — 360.  II.  p.248.  Fosbrooke,  11.  p. 
118 — 121.  At  Evesham  the  service,  or  at  least  the  distribution  of 
alms,  whether  for  an  abbot  or  a monk,  was  continued  a whole  year  ; 
if  they  resided  at  Evesham  : if  they  belonged  to  the  chapter,  but  re- 
sided in  one  of  the  cells,  or  elsewhere,  the’  time  for  a private  monk 
was  30  days.  Dugd.  Monast.  1 p.  149.  Sometimes  the  same  service 
was  performed  for  laymen  who  had  been  benefactors  to  the  abbey. 
Thus  Anfrid  de  Cancy  gave  our  monastery  30  acres  of  land  in  Skir- 
penbeck,  on  condition  that,  on  the  anniversary  of  the  death  of  any 
one  belonging  to  his  hall,  there  should  be  in  the  church  of  Whitby  the 
same  service,  and  bread,  and  wax  (or  tapers),  which  a deceased 
monk  had  on  the  day  of  his  obit,  according  to  t he  custom  of  the  place. 
— “ tali  condicione,  (piod  curia  mea,  in  die  anniversarii  sui,  habebit  in 
praedicta  eccl’ia  de  Whiteby  totum  servicium  smim  et  panem  et  ceram, 
quae  habet  monachus  defunctus  in  die  obitus  sui,  secundum  consuetu- 
dinem  ejusdem  loci.”  R.  f 120.  Charlton  (p.  121  ) has  read  “cer- 
visiani  suam  et  panem  et  cetera.”  I am  not  quite  sure  that  my  reading 
is  more  correct  than  his, 


400 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


A few  have  been  named  already ; and  only  two  or 
three  more  require  to  be  noticed. 

Robert  de  Alnetto,  master  of  the  hospital  at 
Spital-Brigg,  and  founder  of  the  hermitage.,  or  cell, 
at  Mode,  has  already  been  mentioned.*  He  was  a 
Norman  of  noble  birth,  being  a near  relation  to  Gun- 
drey  Mowbray,  under  whose  patronage  he  settled  at 
Hode.  When  that  place  was  made  an  abbey,  in  1138, 
through  the  bounty  of  that  lady  and  her  son  Roger, 
he  still  continued  in  it  under  Gerald,  the  first  abbot; 
and  probably  abode  there  till  his  death. f 

St.  William,  who  shared  with  St.  Mary  the  pat- 
ronage of  the  church  at  Hode,  is  thought  to  have  been 
a Whitby  saint ; and  probably  was  either  the  first 
William  de  Percy,  or  his  nephew  the  abbot,  who  died 
a little  before  that  church  was  founded. § — At  the  same 
period  arose  another  saint,  to  whom  Whitby  had  an 
undisputed  claim,  the  famous  St.  Robert  of  Knares- 
borougli , as  he  is  commonly  styled.  This  Robert  was 
a monk  of  Whitby,  and  appears  to  have  resided  in 
the  cell  of  Fishergate  in  York,  in  the  year  1132. 
At  that  time,  some  of  the  monks  of  St.  Mary’s  abbey, 
disgusted  with  the  relaxed  state  of  discipline  in  their 
own  order,  resolved  to  adopt  the  order  of  the  Cister- 
cians, who  had  recently  established  a monastery  at 
Rievaux.  For  this  purpose  they  left  their  own  monas- 
tery, ||  when  they  were  joined  by  Robert ; and  having 

* See  p.  362.  It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  notice,  that  spital  is 
a common  contraction  for  hospital,  f Dugd.  Monast.  I.  1028.  The 
record  calls  him  either  the  uncle  or  the  nephew  of  lady  Gundrey, 
“ avunculum  suum  sive  nepotem.”  § See  p.  362,  363.  [|  It  was 

with  great  difficulty  that  they  effected  their  escape  from  St.  Mary’s 


EMINENT  MEN. 


401 


lived  some  time  in  York,  protected  and  supported  by 
archbishop  Thurstan,  they  settled  under  his  patronage 
at  Fountains ; where,  about  the  beginning  of  the  year 
1 133,  they  founded  an  abbey,  which  soon  became  illus- 
trious. Robert,  the  Whitby  monk,  was  one  of  the 
most  distinguished  of  this  fraternity  ; and  his  great 
piety  soon  recommended  him  to  a higher  station. 
Ranulph  de  Merlay,  a Northumbrian  nobleman,  hav- 
ing paid  a visit  to  Fountains,  resolved  to  establish  a 
monastery  of  the  same  order  on  his  own  estates;  and 
when  he  had  prepared  a suitable  building  at  a place 
which  received  the  name  of  New- Minster , near  his 
castle  of  Morpeth,  a colony  of  monks  from  Fountains 
removed  thither,  in  1 138,  under  the  conduct  of  Robert, 
who  was  chosen  their  abbot.  “Many  things  worthy  of 
remembrance,”  says  the  writer  of  this  account,  “have 
we  heard  of  this  man.  He  was  unassuming  in  his 

abbey.  The  abbot  Geoffrey  (the  same  person  whom  Charlton  fancies 
to  be  Gosfrid  de  Percy ),  with  the  other  monks,  did  every  thing  to 
prevent  their  separation,  regarding  them  as  scismatics  and  enemies  to 
order:  and  when  by  the  direction  of  Thurstan,  who  favoured  the  views 
of  the  seceders,  a chapter  was  held  to  decide  the  matter,  the  archbi- 
shop was  stopped  in  the  door  and  refused  admittance,  unless  he  would 
consent  to  leave  his  clergy  behind  him  ; the  chapter  which  was 
crowded  with  monks,  many  of  whom  had  come  from  other  monasteries, 
to  lend  their  aid  against  the  separatists,  behaved  in  the  most  outrage- 
ous manner,  and  seemed  ready  to  attack  the  archbishop  vi  et  armis. 
Thurstan  immediately  interdicted  their  church,  upon  which  they  re- 
solved to  avenge  themselves  on  the  reforming  brethren,  and  crying 
out.  Take  them,  take  them , began  to  lay  violent  hands  on  them. 
The  latter  clung  to  the  archbishop,  who  brought  them  out  with  much 
difficulty,  by  the  aid  of  his  company,  the  abbot  and  his  party  pursuing 
them  to  the  church  doors,  in  great  rage,  and  bawling  after  them. 
Take  the  rebels ; seize  the  traitors.  This  disgraceful  uproar  gave 
rise  to  fierce  animosities.  The  prior  Richard  was  at  the  head  of  the 
reformers,  whose  number  was  thirteen,  a proper  number  for  a convent. 
Dugd.  Monast.  I.  p 733 — 741. 

3 F 


402 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


demeanour,  gentle  in  his  manners,  merciful  in  re- 
proving and  punishing,  and  singular  for  the  holiness 
of  his  life  : he  governed  and  profited  his  convent  many 
years,  as  a pious  father  and  excellent  shepherd,  and 
closed  a holy  life  by  a holier  end.  The  blessed  Godric 
(as  we  read  in  his  life)  saw,  one  night  while  at  prayers, 
the  sou!  of  this  saint,  released  from  the  flesh,  carried 
to  heaven  by  the  hands  of  angels.”*  By  this  narra- 
tive, the  conclusion  of  which  leminds  us  of  the  death 
of  lady  Hilda,  it  would  seem  that  this  abbot  ended  his 
days  at  New-Minster.  Other  writers,  who  have  clothed 
his  life  with  fables,  tell  us  that  he  spent  the  latter  part 
of  his  days  at  Knaresborough,  where  he  lived  as  a 
hermit,  and  wrought  a number  of  striking  miracles. 
But  on  such  legends  it  is  needless  to  dwell. f 

The  claims  of  our  abbey  to  John  of  Brompton, 
the  historian,  are  rather  dubious. § If  it  had  the  honour 
of  producing  him,  he  must  have  changed  his  religious 
order,  like  St.  Robert;  for  Joreval,  of  which  he  was 
abbot,  belonged  also  to  the  Cistercians.  Having  little 
knowledge  of  his  chronicle,  I am  not  prepared  to  give 
it  that  unqualified  praise  which  Charlton  bestows.  It 
begins  with  the  arrival  of  Augustine  in  588,  and  is 
carried  on  to  the  death  of  Richard  I,  in  1198.  From 

* Ibid.  p.  743,  800.  + He  prayed  his  mother  Semenia  out  of 

purgatory,  tamed  au  exceeding  fierce  cow,  impounded  lord  Estote- 
ville’s  deer,  which  trespassed  on  his  corn,  and  when  their  owner  made 
him  a present  of  them,  he  yoked  them  in  his  plough,  and  used  them 
as  beasts  of  burden  ! ! Gent’s  Appendix  to  his  second  Yol.  p.  1 — 14. 
§ See  p.  342,  343.  To  the  conjecture  respecting  De-la-Phe,  I may 
add,  that  a family  named  Phis  occurs  in  Dugdale’s  Monasticon,  I. 
p.  770 ; and  another  called  Phitun,  which  without  the  affix  tun, 
would  be  Phi,  appears  in  Burton,  p.  222,  223.  The  latter  family  had 
the  honours  of  knighthood. 


STATE  OF  LEARNING. 


403 


its  closing  at  this  date,  and  its  taking  no  notice  of  the 
monastery  of  Joreval,  which  was  founded  before  that 
year,  some  think  that  it  was  not  written  by  Brampton, 
but  merely  purchased  by  him  for  the  use  of  his  abbey. 
It  bears  intrinsic  evidence,  however,  that  the  author 
had  not  completed  his  work,  or  at  least,  that  he  had 
not  brought  it  down  to  his  own  times,  as  it  notices 
events  which  occurred  in  the  reign  of  Edward  III 
Bromplo o was  abbot  of  Joreval  in  1436.* 

The  state  of  learning  in  our  monastery  must 
have  varied  greatly  at  different  periods.  Monasteries 
continued  to  be  repositories  for  literature,  after  the 
conquest  as  well  as  before;  and  though  the  fame  of 
W hitby,  as  a seat  of  learning,  did  not  equal  that  of 
the  ancient  Streoneshalh,  yet  our  monks  never  wholly 
overlooked  the  interests  of  science  and  general  know- 
ledge. Amidst  the  numerous  devotional  exercises  of 
the  monastery,  some  time  was  expressly  allotted  for 
study  ; and  the  care  which  was  taken  of  the  library  at 
Wrhitby,  in  levying  annual  assessments  for  its  support, 
may  be  regarded  as  a proot  that  learning  was  held  in 
repute.  A very  ancient  catalogue  of  the  books  in  the 
library,  placed  in  the  front  of  the  Register,  and  pro- 
bably drawn  up  in  the  time  of  the  abbot  Richard  II, 
may  serve  to  throw  some  light  on  the  state  of  learning 

* Tindal’s  Rapin,  I.  p.  483.  Note.  Chalmers’  General  Biograph. 
Diction.  VII.  p.  46.  Willis,  in  his  addenda  to  Tanner,  misled  perhaps 
by  the  date  of  the  chronicle,  places  a John  of  Brompton  at  Joreval  in 
1 193:  hence  Burton  (p.  373)  has  given  that  monastery  two  abbots  of 
that  name,  one  in  1 193,  and  the  other  in  1436. — 1 may  take  occasion 
hereto  remark,  that  Joreval  abbey,  like  that  of  Fountains,  began  with 
12  mouks  and  an  abbot,  the  regidar  number  for  a small  couvent, 
Dugd.  Monast.  1.  p.  873. 


3 F 2 


404 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


in  (he  age  to  which  it  belongs  * The  library  at  that 
period  cannot  be  judged  contemptible,  if  we  make  due 
allowance  for  the  darkness  of  the  times,  and  consider 
also  the  great  value  of  books  when  they  were  all 
manuscripts.  The  books  are  arranged  in  two  divisions, 
the  theological,  and  the  grammatical,  or  classical. 
The  former  consists  of  60  volumes,  some  of  which 
comprise  two  or  more  works  bound  together.  Most 
of  the  authors  belong  to  the  4th,  5th,  6th,  7th,  and 
8th  centuries;  as  Isidore,  Ambrose,  Rabanus,  Gregory 
Nazianzen,  Eusebius,  Basil,  Cassarius,  Ephraim  the 
Syrian,  Rufinus,  Cassian,  Bede,  and  several  others. 
Whether  the  works  of  the  Greek  writers  were  in  the 
original,  or  only  translations,  cannot  be  known.  Among 
the  Greek  authors  Josephus  occurs;  but  there  are 
scarcely  any  of  the  early  fathers,  either  Greek  or 
Latin,  except  Origen  ; nor  do  we  find  any  part  of  the 
voluminous  writings  of  Augustine,  Jerome,  or  Cyril. 
There  are  several  volumes  of  glosses,  or  commen- 
taries, on  various  portions  of  scripture  ; some  of 
decrees,  canons,  and  rules ; some  of  sermons  and 
homilies;  but  a greater  number  of  the  lives  of  saints. 
The  grammatical  department  contained  27  volumes. 

* A copy  of  this  catalogue,  accompanied  with  notes,  will  be  given 
in  the  Appendix.  Charlton  (p.  112)  assigns  it  to  the  time  of  the  abbot 
Richard  I.  The  date  cannot  be  certainly  fixed;  but  as  it  is  entered 
along  with  the  memorial  of  the  possessions,  and  the  memorial  relating 
to  Benedict  and  the  two  Richards,  and  is  written  in  a similar  hand, 
it  may  with  safety  be  ascribed  to  that  era.  Yet  it  could  scarce!}  be 
so  early  as  the  time  of  Richard  I,  who  died  in  1175;  for  it  contains 
“ Excerpts  from  Gratian’s  Decrees,”  and  Gratian  who  compiled  those 
decrees  flourished,  according  to  some,  under  pope  Innocent  III,  whose 
pontificate  began  in  1199;  or,  according  to  others,  under  the  pon- 
tificate of  Alexander  III,  between  1160  and  1181.  Rycaut’s  Lives 
of  the  Popes,  p.  257. 


STATE  OF  LEARNING. 


■ 405 


Here  vve  have  the  pleasure  of  observing  the  names  of 
Homer,  Plato,  Cicero,  Juvenal,  Persius,  Statius,  and 
Boetius;  accompanied,  however,  with  several  names 
of  very  inferior  note.  \ irg’il,  though  not  named,  ap- 
pears to  have  had  a place  in  the  library,  as  there  is 
one  volume  called,  “The  Bucolics.”  Some  elemen- 
tary books  occur,  particularly,  “ An  Introduction  to 
Arithmetic,  and  an  Introduction  to  Music,  in  one 
volume;”*  with  which  the  catalogue  closes. 

In  the  14lh  century,  the  interests  of  literature, 
among  the  Benedictine  monks,  were  materially  pro- 
moted by  the  constitutions  of  pope  Clement  V,  and 
of  Benedict  XII.  In  every  monastery  that  could  sup- 
port the  expense,  a master  was  provided  to  instruct 
the  monks  in  what  were  called  the  primitive  sciences, 
viz.  grammar,  logic,  and  philosophy;  and  the  visiters 
appointed  by  the  provincial  chapters  were  required  to 
see  this  regulation  enforced.  It  was  also  ordained, 
that  out  of  every  twenty  monks  one  should  be  sent  to 
the  university,  to  study  theology,  or  canon  law;  that 
in  the  choice  of  such  students,  and  in  the  branch  of 
study  assigned  to  them,  regard  should  be  had  to  their 
age,  their  talents,  and  their  natural  turn  ; that  the 
students  should  have  pensions  remitted  to  them  from 
their  monasteries;  and  that  such  monasteries  as  neg- 
lected to  send  students,  or  to  pay  their  pensions  regu- 
larly, should  be  fined  by  the  provincial  chapters. 

* “ Proemium  Arithmelicse,  et  Musicae  proemium,  in  uno  Volu- 
mine.”  Charlton  (p  114  ) reads  Prcemium  for  Proemium,  and  Ma- 
thematical for  Arilhmeticce.  He  has  made  several  other  mistakes, 
which  will  be  found  corrected  in  the  copy  in  the  Appendix.  The 
catalogue  is  in  four  columns;  but  some  of  the  columns  are  not  filled, 
blanks  beiug  left  for  inserting  the  names  of  new  books. 


406 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


When  the  students  had  obtained  their  degrees,  and 
returned  to  their  monastery,  they  were  allowed  to  sit 
next  to  the  prior  and  subpt  ior.*  Dr.  Hugh  Ellerton, 
who  was  abbot  of  Whitby  from  1437  to  1462,  was 
one  of  those  graduated  monks,  but  whether  he  had 
been  a Whitby  student,  or  had  belonged  to  some  other 
abbey,  does  not  appear. f It  was  not  uncommon  for 
monasteries  to  recall  their  students,  just  as  they  were 
about  to  take  their  degrees,  in  order  to  save  the  ex- 
pense of  graduation.^  Instances  of  neglect  in  sending 
students,  or  in  paying  their  pensions  frequently  oc- 
curred. In  1343,  it  was  reported  to  the  provincial 
chapter  that  the  abbot  of  Whitby  had  not  sent  a stu- 
dent during  the  first  term;  this,  however,  was  not 
attributed  to  the  abbot’s  neglect,  but  to  the  illness  of 
the  student  who  had  been  chosen.  ||  At  the  provincial 
chapter  in  1426,  it  was  found  that  our  abbot  had  not 
sent  a student  during  a whole  year;  for  which  neg- 
lect he  was  fined,  along  with  other  six  delinquents  of 
the  same  class.];  While  such  measures  were  taken  for 
the  education  of  the  monks,  there  can  be  little  doubt, 
that  learning  flourished  more  in  the  monasteries  during 
the  14th  and  15th  centuries,  than  in  the  ages  imme- 
diately preceding. 

When  Leland  was  on  his  tour  through  the 
monasteries,  a little  before  the  era  of  the  dissolution, 

* Wiik.  Concil.  II.  p.  594—599  III.  p 469.  + He  is  styled 

Hugh  Ellerton  S.  T.  P.  i.  e.  Sane  tee  Theologice  Professor.  Burton, 
p.  80.  § Wilk.  Concil  II.  p.  725.  ||  Ibid.  p.  714-  j Ibid.  III. 

p 468.  One  student  was  the  proportion  for  Whitby.  In  the  Roll  for 
1394—5,  the  sum  of iij  li.  ij.  s.  v d.  is  entered  as  a “contribution 
for  the  student.” 


STATE  OF  RELIGION. 


407 


he  searched  the  library  at  Whitby,  according  to  his 
general  plan,  and  made  extracts  from  some  of  the  cu- 
rious works  which  it  contained:  particularly  from  the 
“Life  of  St.  Bege,”  the  “Life  of  St.  Hilda,”  and  a 
“ Chronicle  by  an  unknown  author.”  lie  mentions 
two  or  three  other  books  ; and,  as  no  volume  that  he 
names  occurs  in  the  ancient  catalogue,  except  the  Life 
of  St.  Hilda,  we  may  infer  that  the  library  had  been 
much  augmented.  Indeed,  it  must  then  have  contained 
not  only  more  manuscripts,  but  many  printed  volumes. 
As  the  chronicle  was  anonymous,  we  cannot  say  whe- 
ther it  had  been  written  at  Whitby,  or  purchased  from 
another  quarter.  From  Leland’s  extracts  it  appears 
to  have  furnished  some  curious  particulars,  relating 
to  the  ancient  state  of  Britain,  the  Roman  roads,  the 
names  and  boundaries  of  the  shires,  and  other  topics 
chiefly  geographical.* 

Whatever  progress  our  monks  may  have  made 
in  learning,  there  is  reason  to  believe,  that  the  state 
of  religion  among  them  was  truly  deplorable.  I will 
not  say,  that  they  were  strangers  to  true  devotion  in 
the  era  of  their  poverty,  nor  venture  to  assert,  that 

* Lei.  Collect.  III.  p.  39,  40.  A History  of  Newcastle  makes 
Leland’s  account  of  the  ancient  inscription  at  J arrow  a quotation  from 
this  Whitby  Chronicle;  but  this  is  a mistake  : several  subjects  inter- 
vene between  the  quotations  from  that  chronicle  and  the  account  of 
Jarrow.  The  latter  place  was  probably  visited  by  Leland  himself.  I 
have  not  heard  whether  this  Whitby  chronicle  is  extant  or  not.  Pro- 
bably it  perished,  with  many  other  valuable  works,  amidst  the  havock 
that  took  place  at  the  dissolution.  Several  of  the  M.S.S  volumes  in 
the  Whitby  library  might  be  copied  by  our  monks  from  other  works ; 
for  in  every  monastery  there  was  a scriptorium,  or  writing-room,  ad- 
joining to  the  library,  in  which  some  of  the  monks,  or  writers  employed 
by  them,  were  usually  engaged  in  transcribing  books.  Many  of  their 
writings  yet  extant,  are  beautifully  written,  and  richly  illuminated. 


40$ 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


no  real  Christian  could  be  found  among  them  in  the 
subsequent  ages  of  luxury  and  affluence:  but,  it  may 
be  safely  affirmed,  that  among  the  monks  of  Whitby, 
as  of  most  other  places,  genuine  religion  was  extremely 
rare.  This  sentiment  does  not  rest  merely  on  the 
accounts  of  their  crimes,  which  were  currently  re- 
ceived at  and  before  the  reformation,  and  of  which  it 
would  be  easy  to  muster  up  not  a few;*  but  it  is 
founded  on  documents  supplied  by  themselves.  If  we 
review  the  facts  that  have  been  stated  in  the  foregoing 
chapters  ; if  we  recollect,  in  particular,  the  pride  and 
ambition  discovered  by  our  monks,  even  so  early  as 
(he  days  of  Stephen  ; if  we  consider  their  eagerness 
for  worldly  possessions,  the  methods  which  they  took 
to  obtain  and  secure  them,  and  their  unchristian  quar- 
rels with  their  neighbours  at  various  periods  ; is  it 
unfair  to  conclude,  that  their  general  spirit  was  not 
the  spirit  of  Jesus’  religion  ? It  is  true,  they  abounded 
in  prayers,  and  in  formal  devotions,  but  these  services 
were  more  like  the  unvaried  movements  of  a machine, 
than  the  acts  of  fervent  piety.  They  performed  them, 
not  because  they  loved  to  abound  in  the  service  of 
God,  but  because  such  were  the  rules  of  their  order 
Their  devotions  were  not  a delightful  employment, 
but  au  unavoidable  burden.  Hence  their  well-known 
eagerness  for  offices  which  allowed  them  to  roam 
abroad,  and  excused  them  from  constant  attendance 
on  their  spiritual  services  ;f  and  hence  the  penance  of 

* Fosbrooke  has  raked  together  an  immense  number  of  stories  of 
tiiis  description,  some  of  which  are  very  improper  for  publication, 
especially  as  they  are  of  such  a nature,  that  they  could  hardly  be  sub- 
stantiated by  proofs,  f Wilk.  Concil  II  p.  719,  720,  729 — 732 


STATE  OF  RELIGION. 


409 


additional  prayers,  or  psalms,  inflicted  on  delinquents. 
Had  religion  been  their  delight,  a double  portion 
would  have  been  deemed  a privilege  ; and  it  could  not 
be  imposed  as  a punishment,  but  on  the  supposition 
that  it  was  an  irksome  task.  Their  worship  was  not 
the  spontaneous  devotion  of  a heart  sincerely  conse- 
crated to  God,  but  the  reluctant  homage  of  a base  and 
selfish  mind,  willing  to  perform  a mortifying  service, 
for  the  sake  of  advantages  otherwise  unattainable.  It 
was  not  the  cheerful  obedience  of  sons,  cordially  at- 
tached to  their  heavenly  Father,  but  the  painful  drud- 
gery of  slaves,  bending  under  the  yoke  at  the  call  of 
interest.* 

This  sordid  spirit  betrayed  itself  in  almost  all  the 
transactions  of  the  monks.  Though  forbidden  by  their 
rules  to  have  personal  property,  their  love  of  money 
could  not  be  repressed  ; many  of  them  sought  to  have 
even  their  allowances  of  clothing  and  other  necessaries 
given  them  in  money,  that  they  might  have  some  of  it 
to  hoard  or  to  spend.  + Their  avarice  was  conspicuous 
in  their  treatment  of  the  churches  belonging  to  them; 

* The  idea  of  prescribing  devotional  exercises  as  a punishment 
originated  in  the  Saxon  period,  and  was  continued  alter  the  conquest. 
By  the  Saxon  canons,  issued  under  king  Edgar,  weak  persons  were 
allowed  to  purchase  exemption  from  fasting,  either  by  psalms  or  by 
money.  A day's  fast  might  be  redeemed  by  a penny,  or  by  220 
psalms ; seven  years  fast  by  singing  daily,  for  12  months,  the  whole 
psalter  iu  the  morning,  the  same  in  the  afternoon,  and  50 psalms  more  at 
night ! A year’s  fast  might  be  redeemed  by  30  sh.  or  30  masses,  so  that 
masses  were  valued  at  1 sh.  each.  The  great  had  a more  speedy  way 
of  doing  penance  in  kind,  viz.  by  substitution;  their  retainers  fasted 
for  them;  and  if  they  had  a sufficient  number,  they  could  redeem  seven 
years  fasting  in  three  days  ! ! Wilk.  Concil.  I.  p 237,  238.  Psalms 
were  among  the  penances  prescribed  to  offending  monks  by  Lanfranc’s 
Constitutions.  Ibid.  p.  350.  f Ibid.  p.  592.  II.  p.  16. 

3 G 


410 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


the  parishes  were  oppressed,,  and  the  curates  starved.* 
Clergymen  were  engaged  to  serve  them  for  trifling  pen- 
sions, in  the  hope  of  being  preferred  to  the  next  vacant 
benefice ; and  the  advowson  of  churches  was  sometimes 
made  an  article  of  gain  by  selling  it  for  the  next  turn.f 
But  what  else  could  be  expected  among  the  monks, 
when  the  great  body  of  the  clergy,  from  the  pope  down 
to  the  lowest  chaplains,  were,  with  a few  exceptions, 
infected  with  the  same  baneful  corruptions!  The 
clergy  oppressed  the  people,  the  lower  clergy  were 
squeezed  by  their  superiors,  and  the  pope  laid  his  pon- 
derous yoke  on  them  all : avarice,  extortion,  and  ven- 
ality pervaded  the  whole  system  of  ecclesiastical  polity. 
The  Articles  relating  to  the  reformation  of  the  church, 
laid  before  king  Henry  V,  by  the  university  of  Oxford, 
in  1414,  exhibit  a shocking  picture  of  the  state  of  re- 
ligion in  that  age ; and  other  documents,  of  unques- 
tionable authority,  evince  that  the  colouring  is  not 
darker  than  the  truth. § 

Nothing  can  be  a clearer  proof  of  the  impiety  of  our 

* Ibid.  I.  p.  383.  III.  p.  363.  f William  Foslon,  who  was  pre- 
sented to  the  living  of  Crossby-Ravenswarth,  before  the  terrible  contest 
about  that  church,  was  a pensioner  of  our  abbey  ; (See  p.  334)  yet  be 
might  be  one  of  the  royal  pensioners  ; for  on  the  admission  of  a new 
abbot,  the  king  obliged  the  abbey  to  give  a corrody  or  pension  to  a 
clergyman  of  lus  nomination,  till  they  could  promote  him  to  a compe- 
tent living.  Fosbrooke,  I.  p.  79.  Thus  at  the  instance  of  Henry  VII, 
our  abbey  gave  a pension  of  40s  yearly7  to  John  Staincton,  under  the 
abbot  John  Beneslede  in  1508;  andon  the  admission  of  Thomas  Bydnell 
his  successor,  in  1514,  a pension  of  5 marks  was  granted  to  Richard 
Pigot,  (on  account  of  the  creation  of  anew  abbot),  till  the  abbot  should 
promote  the  said  Richard  Pigot  to  a competent  living.  Ch.  p.  274. 
In  the  year  following  the  advowson  of  the  churches  of  Slingsby7  and 
Semar,  for  one  turn,  was  sold  by  our  abbey  to  Ybrian  Darlay7,  pro- 
fessor of  Divinity,  and  George  Evers,  notary-public.  Ch.  p.  275. 

§ Wilk.  Concil.  III.  p.  360—365. 


411 


STATE  OF  RELIGION. 

monks,  than  the  existence  of  Sunday  fairs  and  markets, 
held  by  their  authority,  and  under  their  very  eye,  for 
several  ages.  It  appears  from  the  charter  of  Henry 
VI,  granted  in  1445,  “that  the  abbot  and  convent  had 
been  used,  from  time  immemorial,  to  hold  a market  at 
Whitby  every  Lord's  day  throughout  the  year;”  and 
though  the  market  was  by  that  charter  transferred  to 
Saturday,  and  an  act  ot  parliament  was  passed  three 
years  after,  to  enforce  a similar  improvement  over  all 
the  kingdom,  still  the  act  allowed  the  sale  of  “necessary 
victual”  on  the  Lord’s  day,  and  suffered  the  Sunday 
markets  to  continue  in  harvest:  so  that  this  reforma- 
tion was  very  partial.*  As  the  markets  at  Whitby  were 
under  the  controul  of  the  abbot  and  convent,  their  sanc- 
tioning this  shocking  violation  of  God’s  sacred  day, 
demonstrates  too  forcibly  a lamentable  want  of  true 
religion.  It  was  not  so  in  the  days  of  St.  Hilda  and 
St.  Cuthbert,  when  even  the  queen  of  Northumberland 
was  not  permitted  to  mount  her  chariot,  or  perform  a 
journey,  on  the  Lord’s  day;f  nor  did  such  a contempt 
of  divine  institutions  appear  even  in  the  close  of  the 
Saxon  period  :§  but  after  the  conquest,  this  impiety 
grew  apace,  till,  in  spite  of  some  laudable  attempts  to 

f Statutes  at  large,  I.  p.  618,  619.  Charlton,  p.  271.  Charlton 
not  aware  that  the  word  sabbatum  in  old  records  means  Saturday , 
has  mistranslated  Henry’s  charter,  representing  him  as  continuing  the 
weekly  market  on  the  Lord’s  day  with  a view  to  sanctify  it;  whereas 
the  charter  states,  that  the  king  willing  to  sanctify  the  Lord’s  day, 
allowed  the  market  to  he  henceforth  held  on  a Saturday.  Bad  as  the 
times  were,  the  profanation  of  the  Lord’s  day  was  never  recommended , 
but  merely  tolerated.  It  remained  for  a protestant  prince  (James  1.) 
to  encourage  and  enforce  this  heaven-daring  crime,  by  publishing  his 
infamous  Book  of  Sports.  +Bed.  Vita.  S.  Cudb.  c.  27.  § Wilk.  Coucib 
I.  p.  203,  207,  220,  273. 


3 G 2 


412 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


stop  its  progress,*  it  overspread  the  whole  land  like 
a deluge.  The  reformation  from  popery  produced  a 
most  important  change  ; yet  the  relics  of  this  irreligion 
are  too  visible  in  the  Sunday  fairs  still  held  in  this  dis- 
trict, and  in  the  sale  of  fruit  and  sweetmeats  on  the 
Lord’s  day,  in  the  streets  of  Whitby. 

While  divine  institutions  were  thus  trampled  under 
foot,  a general  decay  of  morals  must  necessarily  have 
ensued.  The  profanation  of  the  sabbath  is  an  inlet  to 
every  vice;  for  he  who  is  accustomed  to  insult  the  ma- 
jesty of  heaven  ; is  not  likely  to  respect  the  rules  of 
temperance,  justice,  and  integrity  ; and  we  nare  un- 
doubted evidence,  that  Sunday  fairs  not  only  produced 
a general  neglect  of  divine  worship,  but  led  to  the  per- 
petration of  innumerable  crimes. f The  permission  of 
this  abuse  is  a proof  that  the  monks  had  as  little  con- 
cern for  morality  as  for  religion  ; and  that  they  well 
deserved  those  calamities  which  at  last  overtook  them. 

* Il»id.  p.  508,  510,  511,  624,  707.  III.  p.  42,  43.  Heylyu  in 
his  History  of  the  Reformation,  p.  38,  speaks  of  the  strict  observance  of 
the  Lord’s  day  as  an  innovation ; but  it  was  only  a return  to  the  piety 
of  former  times;  though  it  must  be  owned  that  the  profanation  of  the 
Christian  sabhath  had  long  been  sanctioned  by  ecclesiastical  authority. 
The  synod  of  Exeter,  iu  1287,  permitted  the  sale  of  victuals  on  sun- 
day,  after  mass.  Wilk.  Concii.  II.  p.  145.  f In  a mandate  cf  the 
archbishop  of  Canterbury  on  this  subject,  issued  in  1359,  it  is  stated 
as  a mournful  fact,  that  while  the  Lord’s  day  was  violated  by  markets 
and  fairs,  it  was  also  profaned  by  feasting,  drunkenness,  debauchery, 
meetings  of  clubs,  quarrels,  fightings,  and  even  murders.  Tn  some 
places  the  whole  population  flocked  to  these  impious  fairs,  and  the 
churches  were  totally  deserted.  Wilk.  Concii.  III.  p.  43. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY, 


413 


CHAP  XIV. 

A SHORT  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  NEIGHBOURING  MONASTERIES. 

BEFORE  proceeding  to  notice  the  dissolution  of 
our  abbey,  it  will  be  proper  to  glance  at  the  history  of 
the  other  religious  houses  in  the  district.  Their  num- 
ber is  too  great,  to  admit  a minute  account  of  each 
of  them  ; especially  as  a few  of  them  were  of  such  ex- 
tent, that  they  might  furnish  materials  for  separate 
histories. 

There  was  no  abbey  in  the  vicinity  of  Whitby, 
within  the  distance  of  25  miles;  but  there  were  no  less 
than  eight  priories ; besides  cells , hospitals,  and  fria- 
ries. Six  of  the  priories  were  for  nuns. 

Among  the  priories  in  the  district,  Guisborough  is 
entitled  to  the  first  place,  not  only  for  its  antiquity, 
but  for  its  importance ; for,  though  it  only  received 
the  name  of  a priory,  it  was  an  establishment  of  greater 
magnitude  than  Whitby  itself.  This  respectable  raon.- 
astery  was  founded  by  Robert  de  Brus,  son  of  that 
Robert  who  is  mentioned  in  Domesday.  There  is  a 
difference  of  ten  years  in  regard  to  the  date  of  the 
foundation,  some  placing  it  in  1119,  and  others  in 
1129.  The  latter  date  is  adopted  by  most  writers, 
but  1 have  no  hesitation  in  saying,  that  the  former  is 
the  true  date,  for  Brus’s  chaiter  states,  that  it  was 
founded  “by  the  counsel  and  advice  of  pope  Calixtus 


414 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


II and  as  this  pope  finished  his  course  in  1124,  the 
foundation  of  the  monastery  cannot  be  dated  so  late 
as  1 129.* 

This  priory  was  for  regular  canons  of  the  order 
of  St.  Augustine.  The  secular  canons  were  clergymen, 
who  were  subject  to  a peculiar  discipline,  but  were 
called  secular,  because  they  had  intercourse  with  the 
world  : the  name  was  especially  applied  to  the  assistant 
clergy  in  cathedrals.  The  regular  canons,  so  called 
from  their  living  under  monastic  rules,  were  a species 
of  monks  ; but  differed  from  the  monks  properly  so 
called,  in  a nearer  approximation  to  the  clerical  order. 
They  were,  therefore,  frequently  presented  to  paro- 
chial livings,  though  not  without  a dispensation.  The 
habit  of  the  regular  canons  of  St.  Augustine  was  a 
long  black  cassock,  with  a white  rochet  over  it,  and 
above  that  a black  cloak  or  hood.  They  had  caps  on 
their  heads,  and  they  did  not  shave  like  the  monks, 
but  wore  their  beards.  There  were  the  same  officers 
in  their  convents,  as  in  those  of  the  monks,  they  were 
under  a similar  discipline,  and  had  their  daily,  annual, 
and  provincial  chapters.  Benedict  XII,  by  his  Con- 
stitutions issued  in  1339,  placed  them  under  the  same 
kind  of  regulations,  as  to  discipline  and  learning,  as 
lie  had  previously  introduced  among  the  Benedictine 
monks. f 

* Dugd.  Monast.  II.  p.  147.  Matth.  Westm.  II.  p.  31.  I am 
surprised  that  a circumstance  so  decisive  as  to  the  date  should  hare 
escaped  the  notice  of  Tanner,  and  other  diligent  inquirers.  The  erro- 
neous date  has  been  taken  from  Brompton’s  Chronicle,  into  which  it 
must  have  originally  crept  through  the  carelessness  of  some  transcriber, 
f Burton’s  Monast.  p.  60,  61.  Wilk,  Concil.  II.  p.  629 — 651 


NEIGHBOURING  MONASTERIES. 


415 


The  first  prior  of  Guisborough  was  called  Wil- 
liam ; and  it  is  said  that  he  was  brother  to  Robert  de 
Brus,  the  founder;  in  the  same  manner  as  the  prior 
Serlo,  of  Whitby,  was  brother  to  William  de  Percy. 
He  was  at  York  in  1132,  and  accompanied  archbishop 
Thurstan  to  the  chapter  of  St.  Mary’s  abbey,  at  the 
separation  of  those  who  founded  the  abbey  of  Foun- 
tains.* He  was  cotemporary  with  our  abbot  Nicholas; 
and  it  was  in  their  time  that  the  dispute  arose  re- 
specting the  tithes  of  Middleburgh.f  He  appears  to 
have  been  succeeded  by  one  Ranulph,  who  was  prior 
in  1146.§  The  latter  continued  but  a short  time;  for 
his  successor,  Cuthbert,  witnessed  a charter  granted 
to  our  abbey  by  the  archbishop  Henry  Murdac,  who 
died  in  1153.  ||  Cuthbert  seems  to  have  been  prior 
for  many  years.  After  him  occurs  Roaldus,  who  was 
cotemporary  with  our  abbot  Peler,^  and  died  about 
or  before  the  year  1210,  when  Lawrence  became  prior 
of  Guisborough.  The  latter  resigned  his  office,  about 
the  year  1218,  and  retired  into  Cumberland.**  His 
successor  Michael  was  cotemporary  with  our  abbot 

* See  p.  401.  Note.  Dugd.  Monast.  I.  p.  737.  f See  p.  327, 
328.  R.  f.  68.  Ch.  p.  91.  § Burton,  p.  355.  ||  R f.  52.  Ch.  p.  117. 

Cuthbert  was  also  witness  to  a charter  of  St.  W illiam,  and  to  one  of 
archbishop  Roger,  and  some  others  in  the  Whitby  Register.  R.  f.  JO, 
53,  58,  60.  Ch.  p.  84,  118,  124,  142.  j Among  the  witnesses  to  a 
charter  granted  to  the  nuns  of  Basedale  are  “ Peter,  abbot  of  White- 
by  ; Ralph,  prior  of  Whiteby  ; Ranulph,  a monk  there ; Roald,  prior 
ofGyseburn;  Peter,  cellarer  there ; William  de  Percy,  &c.”  Dugd. 
Monast.  I.  841.  **  Lawrence  was  witness  to  sereral  Whitby  char- 

ters, some  granted  in  1210  or  1211,  (R.  f.  10,  14,  118.  Ch.  p.  155, 
156.)  and  some  of  a later  date,  R.  f.  57,  63,  11,  12  Ch.  p.  161,  166, 
167.  After  his  resignation  he  is  styled  “ late  prio-  of  Giseburn.”  He 
seems  to  have  retired,first  to  York,  where  he  witnessed  one  of  the  char- 
ters referred  to:  after  which  we  find  him  at  Carlisle,  or  in  its  vicinity. 


416 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


Roger,  from  whom  he  booght  the  tithes  of  Upleathara 
and  Marsh.  He  was  judge-delegate  in  the  dispute 
between  Whitby  and  Shapp,  and  was  also  employed 
to  examine  the  right  of  Whitby  to  the  church  of 
C r ossby - lla ve n s wa r t h . * He  seems  to  have  died  in 
1230.  As  the  succeeding  priors  are  not  named  in  our 
records,  it  will  be  sufficient  to  mention  them  in  a note.f 
The  possessions  of  this  monastery  were  very  rich 
and  extensive.  Its  estates  indeed  were  not  so  compact 
as  those  of  Whitby  abbey,  and  possibly  were  not  of 
equal  extent,  yet  they  yielded  a larger  revenue,  as 
they  consisted  chiefly  of  rich  lands  in  the  plain  of 
Cleveland,  and  other  fertile  spots.  Part  of  the  pro- 
perty of  the  canons  lay  near  the  Whitby  estates;  for 
they  had  lands  at  Ugthorpe,  Scaling,  Danby,  and 
Giazedale,  with  a right  to  cut  timber  in  Eskdale  forest, 
near  Danby.  Some  of  their  possessions  were  in  the 
county  of  Durham,  in  Hertness,  at  Castle-Eden,  and 
other  parts  : and  some  were  at  a much  greater  dis- 
tance; for  they  had  property  in  Hull,  in  Lincolnshire, 
in  Cumberland,  and  even  in  Scotland.  Several  lands, 
or  rents,  were  appropriated  to  particular  offices,  as  at 
W hitby.  In  the  list  of  benefactions  we  find  seven  for 
the  support  of  the  fabric,  or  to  the  office  of  the 

* See  p.  328,  331.  R.  f.  103,  &c.  Ch.  p.  167,  168,  & c.  f John 

occurs,  1230;  Simon ; Ralph  de  Ireton,  1261  ; Adam  de  New* 

land,  1289;  William  de  Middleburgh, ; Robert  de  W'ilton,  1320; 

John  de  Derlington,  1346;  John  de  Ilurreworthe,  1391 ; Walter  de 
Thorpe,  1393;  John  de  Helmesley,  1408;  Thomas  Twenge,  1436; 

Richard  de  Yrton, ; Thomas  Darlington,  1455;  John  Moreby, 

1475;  John  Whitby,  1491;  John  Moreby,  1505;  Benedict,  loll; 
William  Spires,  1511  ; James  Cockeril  S T.  P.,  1519;  and  Robert 
Pursglove,  alias  Sylvester,  who  was  prior  at  the  dissolution.  A great 
number  of  these  priors  were  chosen  from  among  the  canons  themselves. 


NEIGHBOURING  MONASTERIES. 


417 


master-builder ; two  to  the  almshouse  ; two  to  the 
office  of  the  pitanciary  ; six  for  maintaining  lights 
before  the  great  altar,  or  St.  Mary’s;  one  for  a light 
at  St.  Thomas’s  altar;  one  for  a light  at  St.  Katha- 
rine’s altar  ;*  and  one  for  a light  in  the  dormitory. 
Some  donations  of  villanes,  natives.,  or  slaves  occur: 
one  was  noticed  before  (p.  276) ; another  was  granted 
by  Robert  Brus  of  Annandale,  in  1242,  consisting  of 
the  natives  of  Castle-Eden,  with  all  their  families  and 
goods;  a third  was  given  by  William  de  Percy  of 
Kildale,  viz.  two  natives  of  Deephill-bridge,  with  their 
families  and  effects;  and  a fourth  by  William  de  Mow- 
bray of  Tametun,  who  gave  the  service  of  two  bro- 
thers John  and  Allan  of  Kirkby,  with  their  families  and 
all  their  goods  f — Some  donations  were  testamentary, 
being  given  along  with  the  body  of  the  donor:  as  in 
the  case  of  William  de  Kylton,  Osbert  de  Kylton, 
Hawise  de  Upsal,  Robert  de  Tunstal,  Robert  de 
Tholebi,  Alan,  son  of  Thomas  de  Giseburn,  and 
Agnes,  wife  of  Henry  Fitz-Ralph.  The  grant  of  this 
lady  furnishes  another  instance  of  the  prevalence  of 
slavery  : she  gave  four  oxgangs  of  land  in  Galmeton, 
with  four  tofts,  and  the  four  natives  who  held  them, 
with  all  their  families  and  effects. — A few  benefactions, 
as  at  Whitby,  consisted  in  the  remission  of  feudal 

* There  was  another  altar  dedicated  to  St.  Crux,  or  The  Holy 
Cross.  Burton,  p.  356.  + A few  instances  more  might  have  been 

added.  It  would  seem  that  part  of  the  posterity  of  those  slaves  re- 
mained attached  to  the  soil  even  after  the  dissolution ; for  Philip  and 
Mary,  in  their  Letters  Patent  to  Sir  Thomas  Chaloner,  granted  him, 
among  other  possessions  of  this  monastery,  “ the  native  men,  native 
women,  and  villaues,  with  their  offspring5’ — “ Nativos,  nativas,  et 
villanos,  cum  eorum  sequelis.55  Carta  penes  Rob.  Chaloner  armigeruim. 

3 H 


418 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


services  due  by  the  monastery.  One  of  the  most  curi- 
ous instances  is  a release  from  5s.  annually  paid  in 
lieu  of  300  eels,  a service  due  for  an  oxgang  of  land 
in  Rottese.* 

The  immunities  of  this  monastery  were  similar 
to  those  of  our  abbey.  Henry  I.  granted  to  the  prior 
and  canons  the  privileges  of  soch,  sack,  thol,  theam, 
and  infang enithef.  By  a charter  of  Henry  III,  they 
were  allowed  to  have  a market  nt  Guisborough  every 
monday,  and  a fair  every  year  for  three  days,  viz.  on 
the  assumption  of  the  blessed  Virgin  (August  15.)  and 
on  the  day  before  and  the  day  after.  The  same  king 
granted  them  free  warren  in  the  demesne  lands  of 
Guisborough,  Ugthorpe,  Bernaldby,  and  Lounesdale ; 
which  privilege  was  extended  by  Edward  III,  to  Thor- 
modeby,  Ureby,  and  Hutton-Lowcross.  Edward  II 
gave  them  permission,  under  certain  restrictions,  to 
acquire  some  new  lands,  notwithstanding  the  statute 
of  mortmain  ; for  which  dispensation  they  paid  a fine 
of  £20;  and  a similar  relaxation  of  the  statute  was 
granted  them  by  Edward  111.  The  latter  also  permit- 
ted them  to  turn  their  wood  called  Clyve , with  80  acres 
of  land  contiguous  to  it,  into  a park;  and  gave  them 
leave  to  fortify  their  dwelling  at  Guisborough  with  a 
wall  of  stone  and  lime,  and  to  keep  it  so  strengthened 
and  fortified.f  To  these  privileges  Henry  IV  added  the 
view  of  frank-pledge  in  the  parish  of  Guisborough, 

* Burton’s  Monast.  p.  340 — 354.  Dugd.  Monast.  II.  p.  147, 
148,  &c.  Cartae  penes  R.  Chalouer  armig.  f It  seems  to  have  been 
also  inclosed  with  a foss,  or  ditch,  mentioned  iu  Burton,  p.  345.  The 
long  ponds,  extending  in  a line  on  the  south  and  east  of  the  priory, 
were  probably  formed  out  of  a part  of  this  foss. 


NEIGHBOURING  MONASTERIES. 


419 


to  take  place  twice  in  the  year ; the  waif  and  straif, 
in  the  same  parish ; and  the  return  of  briefs  or  writs.* 

The  spiritual  revenue  of  Guisborough  must  have 
been  very  considerable ; for  upwards  of  fifty  churches 
and  chapels  belonged  to  this  priory.  Some  of  them, 
however,  were  soon  alienated.  Eight  of  them  were 
in  Scotland,  and  of  course  must  have  been  lost  after 
the  war  of  the  succession  and  a few  more  were 
withdrawn  in  various  other  ways.  The  church  of 
Kelestern,  given  by  Hugh  Baius,  was  lost  in  a dispute 
with  the  priory  of  Thornton.  Kirkby  on  Wisk,  and 
its  dependant  chapels,  granted  by  Wm.  de  Kirkby, 
were  given  up  for  some  lands  at  Alesby  in  Lincoln- 
shire. The  church  of  Lyum,  or  Kirkleatham,  which 
Wm.  de  Kylton  gave  with  his  body,  seems  to  have 
scarcely  ever  come  into  the  possession  of  the  canons.§ 
Some  of  the  chapels  yielded  little  revenue  ; for  the 
expence  of  supplying  them  with  chaplains,  if  they 
were  regularly  supplied,  would  equal  the  emoluments; 
though,  in  some  cases,  there  were  lands,  or  revenues, 
expressly  set  apart  for  their  support.  ||  As  almost  all 

* Ibid.  Tanner,  p.  650,  651.  f These  were  Annan,  Loch- 
maben,  Kirk- Patrick,  Cumbertrees,  Rein -Patrick,  Gretenhou  (now 
Gretnay),  Rampton,  and  Logan.  Dugd.  Mon.  II.  p.  152.  Burton, 
p.  357.  All  these  churches  were  granted  by  the  Annandale  branch 
of  the  Brus  family.  § Burton,  p.  340,  348.  Cartae  penes  R.  Chalo- 
ner  armig. — It  is  possible,  however,  that  the  church  of  Lyum,  which 
was  confirmed  to  the  priory  by  king  John,  might  be  the  chapel  of 
Wilton,  in  the  parish  of  Kirkleatham:  at  least  this  chapel,  for  which 
I find  no  other  charter,  may  have  come  to  the  priory  in  consequence 
of  this  grant.  |]  The  3rd  Peter  de  Brus  gave  <±  1.  to  the  canons,  on 
condition  that  they  should  find  a perpetual  chaplain  for  Brotton : and 
some  lands  at  Castle-Eden  were  confirmed  to  them,  on  their  agreeing 
to  pay  5 marks  to  a chaplain  to  celebrate  in  the  chapel  of  Killawe. 
Burton’s  Monast.  p.  342.  There  was  also  a chapel  of  theirs  at 


420 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


the  churches  subject  to  this  priory  were  appropriated 
to  it,  the  receipts  in  pensions  would  be  small,  but  in 
tithes  very  great.  The  tithe  of  fish,  for  Redcar, 
Coatham,  and  Skinning’rave,  was  not  inconsiderable. 
The  church  of  Hessle,  near  Hull,  given  by  Ivo  de 
Karkem,  was  supplied  by  one  of  the  canons;  and 
another  of  them  officiated  in  Trinity  chapel,  Hull, 
annexed  to  this  church.  Here  was  a chantry,  and  an 
hospital  for  twelve  men,  each  of  whom  received  one 
halfpenny  daily. * 

Castle-Eden,  which  the  bishop  of  Durham,  in  1311,  confirmed  to  the 
canons,  together  with  the  chapel  of  Treindon.  Dugd.  Monast.  II.  p. 
152.  The  chapel  of  Toccotes,  (or  Tockets),  called  St.  James’s,  was 
supplied  every  raonday  Wednesday  and  friday,  by  a chaplain  found  by 
the  sacrist  of  the  priory;  for  the  convenience  of  the  family  of  Toccote* 
and  their  dependants,  who  engaged  to  attend  the  mother  church  of 
Guisborough,  with  their  offerings,  on  Sundays  and  other  festivals ; 
and  also  to  maintain  the  chapel,  and  furnish  it  with  a chalice,  &c. 
Burton,  p.  353.  There  was  a chapel  in  the  house  or  castle  of  the 
Meinills  at  Whorlton,  besides  the  church  of  Whorlton.  Ibid.  p.  357. 
There  seems  to  have  been  a chapel  in  the  manor-house  at  Marsk.  Ibid, 
p.  349.  Iudeed,  a chapel  was  then  a necessary  appendage  to  the 
mansion  of  a baron.  A family  at  Redcar  gave  some  land  there,  on 
which  a chapel  was  to  be  built:  but  this  pious  design  does  not  appear 
to  have  been  carried  into  effect.  Ibid.  p.  351. 

* Burton,  p.  346,  &c.  Tanner,  p.  650.  Cartee  penes  R.  Chaloner 
armig. — A lease  of  the  tithes  of  8 rectories  and  7 chapels,  belonging 
to  this  priory  at  the  dissolution,  (including  the  oblations  of  some  of 
them),  was  granted  by  Henry  VIII  to  Thomas  Leigh,  Esq.  after- 
wards Sir  Thomas  Leigh,  on  the  following  terms:  Rectory  of  Guis- 
borough  and  chapel  of  Upleatham — £ 30 ; Marsk,  with  the  tithe  of 
fish  at  Redcar — <£26  13s.  4 d;  Skelton  and  the  chapel  of  Brotton, 
with  the  tithe  of  fish  at  Skinningrave — <£18;  Ormesby  and  the  cha- 
pel of  Eston — of 26  13s.  Ad;  Marton — <£8;  Stainton  with  its  chapels 
of  Acklam  and  Thormonby — <£26  13s.  Ad;  Stranton  with  the  chapel 
of  Seton — <£17  6s.  8c? ; and  Hart  with  its  chapel  of  Hartlepool — 
£’22.  Some  of  the  tithes  of  hay,  & c.  being  let  to  various  individuals, 
are  not  included  in  this  lease  ; which  is  also  the  case  with  the  tithes 
end  offerings  set  apart  for  the  ministers.  Burton  had  not  seen  this 
lease,  nor  the  other  papers  in  possession  of  Robert  Chaloner,  Esq. 
else  he  would  not  have  supposed  that  Acklam  was  alienated  from  the 
priory  (p.  340.  Note),  nor  have  been  ignorant  of  the  person’s  name 


NEIGHBOURING  MONASTERIES. 


421 


Scarth,  near  Whorlton,  was  a cell  belonging  to 
this  prior}'.  It  was  founded  by  Stephen  de  Meinill 
in  the  time  of  Henry  1 ; and  Robert  de  Meinill  gave 
for  its  support  the  churches  of  Rudby  and  Whorlton, 
with  the  chapelry  of  his  own  house.  It  seems  to  have 
been  abandoned  by  the  canons  prior  to  the  dissolution, 
and  some  have  doubted  whether  the  founder’s  designs 
ever  took  effect.* 

The  hospital  of  St.  Leonard  at  Hutton-Lowcross, 
founded  by  William  de  Bernaldby,  for  lepers,  was  a 
considerable  establishment  under  this  priory  ; and  se- 
veral donations  were  appropriated  to  its  support. 
Most  of  these  donations  were  in  Bernaldby  or  Bar- 
naby.  The  master  of  this  hospital,  in  1342,  was 
Richard  de  Brotton.  He  was  sometimes  called  the 
keeper,  or  elemosinary  custos.  The  lord  of  Hutton 
had  a right  to  place  one  leper  in  this  hospital ; but 
this  right  was  given  up  to  the  prior,  and  to  the  keeper 
of  the  hospital. f 

If  tradition  can  be  credited,  for  I have  not  found 

any  satisfactory  documents  on  the  subject,  there  was 

from  whom  the  church  of  Hessle  was  received,  p.  346. — Of  the  other 
churches  and  chapels,  not  already  noticed,  Dauby,  Kirk-Burn,  Kirk- 
Levington,  Yarm,  Wilton,  Whorlton,  Ingleby-ArneclifF,  Heslarlon, 
the  other  Heslarton,  Hessle,  Shireburn,  and  Derham  in  Airedale, 
(Cumberland),  were  appropriated  to  the  priory.  They  had  also  the 
patronage  of  Easington,  Liverton,  Lofthouse,  Crathorne,  Bemingham, 
and  Bridekirk  in  Airedale;  the  chapel  of  Harlsey  paid  a pension  to 
their  church  of  Arnecliff,  and  they  had  a chapel  called  St.  Helen’s  in 
the  warren  at  Hartlepool.  Burton,  p 340,  &c.  History  of  Hartlepool, 
by  Sir  Cuthbert  Sharp,  p.  1 14.  There  was  another  chapel,  chantry, 
or  hospital,  called  St.  Helen’s,  at  Wilton ; where  two  priests  were  to 
say  mass  for  the  soul  of  the  founder.  Sir  William  Bulmer  ; and  where 
4 poor  men,  and  4 poor  women  were  maintained  Graves’s  Hist,  of 
Cleveland,  p.  411,  412.  * Dugd.  Mon.  II.  p.  153.  Tanner,  p,  656. 
Burton,  p.  357.  f Burton,  p.  357. 


422 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


also  a cell  in  Commondale,  belonging  to  this  priory. 
The  tradition  prevails  both  at  Guisborough  and  in 
Co  min  or,  dale  ; and,  in  the  latter  place,  the  remains  of 
an  ancient  building  are  pointed  oat  as  the  ruins  of 
this  cell.  From  this  building,  it  is  said,  the  painted 
glass,  now  in  the  east  window'  of  Guisborough  church, 
was  taken  at  the  dissolution.  When  we  consider  the 
scanty  information  which  we  have  concerning  Scarth, 
the  want  of  written  documents  will  perhaps  not  appear 
a decisive  proof  that  no  religious  house  existed  in 
Commondale.* 

The  painted  glass,  now  mentioned,  has  not  been 
made  for  the  window  which  it  occupies;  as  appears 
from  the  awkwardly  patched  fragments  of  figures  and 
inscriptions  of  various  kinds  : yet  it  is  by  no  means 
uninteresting.  The  window  is  divided  at  the  top  into 
several  small  compartments,  formed  by  the  intersec- 
tion of  muilions  and  transoms,  and  in  these  compart- 
ments various  fragments  are  distributed.  The  rest  of 
the  window  is  divided  longitudinally  by  two  muilions, 
so  as  to  form  three  equal  compartments.  In  one  we 
see  the  virgin  and  babe,  or  Christ  in  his  infancy  ; in 
the  central  division  is  a king  with  a golden  crown, 
probably  to  denote  Christ  reigning;  and  in  the  third 
compartment  is  Christ  judging  the  w orld.  Beside  the 
babe,  in  the  first  figure,  is  a dove,  to  represent  the 
Holy  Spirit.  Over  the  second  figure  is  a semicircular 
inscription,  very  imperfect,  in  which  we  can  discern 

* The  prior  had  a mansion  in  Danby.  Burton,  p.  343.  The 
house  in  Commondale  might  be  a similar  mansion,  if  not  a hermitage 
or  cell.  The  notion  that  bishop  Colman  had  a cell  here  is  unfounded. 
The  dale  was  anciently  called  Camisedale. 


NEIGHBOURING  MONASTERIES. 


423 


the  words  33CUS  — God  be  merciful.  The 

third  figure,  which  is  the  most  interesting,  exhibits  the 
judge,  with  uplifted  hands,  in  the  act  of  pronouncing 
sentence.  Beneath  him  we  see  the  dead  rising,  or 
newly  raised ; the  righteous  clothed,  and  looking 
towards  the  judge;  the  ungodly  naked,  and  shrinking 
from  his  presence.  Over  their  heads  is  the  sentence 
Tftitt  StttltCtt  patrfe  met — Come  ye  blessed  of  my 
Father : and  beneath  is  the  sentence 
iH  tgneilt  etemam — Depart  ye  cursed  into  everlast- 
ing fire.  The  lower  part  of  the  window  is  chiefly 
filled  with  common  glass,  bnt  adorned  with  some  small 
lozenge  panes  containing  figures  of  apostles,  and  two 
panes  of  the  same  shape  in  which  are  the  armorial 
bearings  of  the  Chaloners.  These  must  of  course  be 
modern.  The  remaining  figures  scarcely  deserve  to 
be  particularized. 

This  parish  church,  or  rather  a church  on  the 
same  site,  called  St.  Michael’s,  existed  before  the 
foundation  of  the  monastery,  and  even  before  the 
conquest.*  Like  St.  Mary’s  at  Whitby,  it  was  a place 
of  worship  for  the  people  of  the  town  and  neighbour- 
hood, while  the  great  church  of  the  priory  was  re- 
served for  the  canons. 

The  church  of  the  priory  has  been  of  great  ex- 
tent and  grandeur,  as  appears  from  the  remains 

* Dugd.  Mon.  II.  p.  148.  Bawdwen’s  Domesday,  p.  69.  This 
church,  at  the  time  of  the  survey,  was  not  in  the  fee  of  Robert  de 
Brus,  but  in  that  of.the  earl  of  Morton.  Hence  the  site  of  the  monas- 
tery was  granted,  or  confirmed,  by  Ralph  de  Clere;  who  probably 
held  it  in  right  of  the  earl  of  Morton,  or  his  assigns.  The  church, 
in  Ralph’s  charter,  is  called  St.  Michael’s  chapel:  the  priory  was 
built  on  the  south  of  it. 


424 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


of  the  east  wall,  a view  of  which  is  here  presented. 
The  whole  extent  of  the  east  wall  is  98  feet,  the 
great  east  window  is  24  feet  w'ide,  and  above  60  feet 
high  ; besides  10  or  1 1 feet  between  the  base  of  the 
window  and  the  ground,  which  space  being  added  to 
the  height  of  the  arch,  by  the  taking  down  of  that 
part  of  the  wall,  gives  it  a magnificent  appearance. 


The  upper  part  of  the  arch  has  been  adorned  with 
mullions  elegantly  branched,  which  has  also  been  the 
case  with  the  smaller  windows.  The  architecture  is 
that  of  the  14th  century,  the  church  having  been 
burnt  down  in  the  end  of  the  1 3th. 

The  offices  of  the  priory,  which  must  have  stood 
chiefiy  on  the  south  side  of  the  great  church,  are  all 
demolished  :*  but  we  find  on  the  north-east  side  part 

* In  the  lease  of  tlio  site,  granted  by  Henry  VIII.  to  SirThos. 
Leigh,  the  buildings  of  the  priory  are  expressly  excepted,  as  “the 
king  had  ordered  lliem  to  be  demolished  aud  carried  off.”  Great  part 


NEIGHBOURING  MONASTERIES. 


425 


of  (he  ancient  wall,  (probably  the  same  that  was  built 
when  the  priory  was  fortified),  with  a gate  leading 
into  the  village,  and  part  of  the  porter’s  lodge.  The 
outer  arch  of  the  gate  is  semicircular,  and  strongly 
built;  the  inner  arch  is  elliptical,  with  a small  gate  at 
the  side,  to  admit  persons  entering  singly. — A strong 
iron  lock,  which  belonged  to  one  of  the  offices  of  the 
priory,  above  15  inches  long,  and  from  8 to  11  in 
breadth,  having  two  keys,  and  three  bolts,  besides  two 
lateral  bolts,  has  long  been  in  the  possession  of  the 
Chaloner  family.  One  key  is  fixed  in  the  lock  ; the 
other,  which  can  be  taken  out,  as  in  other  locks,  turns 
round  in  a kind  of  box,  the  caverns  of  which  are 
adapted  to  receive  its  indented  teeth,  placed  in  six 
rows.  The  whole  mechanism  is  singularly  ingenious; 
and  from  its  great  strength  and  security,  we  may  sup- 
pose  it  to  have  been  the  lock  of  the  treasury. 

It  was  chiefly  to  the  bounty  of  the  Brus  family 
that  this  priory  was  indebted  for  all  its  glory;  yet,  as 
the  monks  of  Whitby  had  disputes  with  the  descen- 
dants of  Wm.  de  Percy,  the  canons  of  Guisborough 
were  in  like  manner  involved  in  serious  quarrels  with 
the  posterity  of  their  liberal  founder.  In  1246,  a 
dispute  between  John  the  prior  and  the  fourth  Peter 
de  Brus,  was  settled  in  York,  at  the  easter  assizes; 
and  this  was  not  the  first  quarrel  between  them.  The 
chief  matters  in  debate  were,  the  pasturing  of  cattle 
in  the  moors  of  Glazedale,  Swineshead,  Wheatlands- 

of  the  village  of  Guisborough  appears  to  have  been  rebuilt  with  the 
materials ; for  there  is  scarcely  an  old  house  pulled  down  in  it  without 
observing  some  of  the  carved  stones. — N.  B.  In  the  last  line  of  the 
opposite  page,  for  north-east  read  north-west. 

3 i 


426 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


head;  and  Stonegateside ; some  taxes  imposed  by 
Peter  de  Brus  on  the  prior’s  servants;  dues  exacted 
by  him  for  vessels  delivering  goods  at  Coatham  for 
the  priory;  the  tithe  of  game;  and  mill  dues.  The 
lord  of  Skelton  seems  to  have  been  the  aggressor,  and 
the  prior  obtained  the  redress  of  his  grievances.* — 
The  Brus  family  and  their  heirs,  the  Thwengs, 
D’Arcies,  and  Fauconbergs,  had  the  advovvson  of  the 
monastery;  but  as  so  many  of  the  canons  themselves 
were  chosen  priors,  it  is  probable  that  their  patrons 
did  not  interfere  much  in  the  elections. f Many  indi- 
viduals of  these  noble  families  were  interred  in  the 
priory  ; and,  at  the  dissolution,  a beautiful  monument 
of  the  Brus  family  was  standing  in  the  church  of  the 
priory. § It  was  of  the  table  form,  and  has  stood  with 
the  east  end  against  a wall,  probably  the  east  wall  of 
the  church,  near  the  altar.  It  had  no  recumbent 
figure  above,  but  13  upright  figures  standing  in 
niches,  5 on  each  side,  and  3 on  the  west  end.  The 
centre  figure  at  the  west  end  is  a king,  in  royal  robes, 
with  a crown  on  his  head;  his  right  hand  holds  a 
sceptre,  while  his  left  supports  a shield  bearing  a lion 
rampant.  This  was  perhaps  intended  for  king  Robert 
Brus,  or  rather  for  his  grandfather  Robert  the  com- 
petitor. The  other  figures  are  clothed  in  armour,  and 
have  shields  with  the  lion  rampant,  the  saltier,  and 

* Fin.  Ebor.  30  Hen.  3.  ligul.  E.  Carta  penes  R.  Chaloner 
armig. — The  most  serious  contest  which  this  priory  had  with  any 
neighbouring  monastery,  was  that  which  was  carried  on  with  the  priory 
of  Tingmouth,  respecting  the  tithes  of  Hart  and  Stranton,  A.  D.  1212. 
Burton,  p.  345,  346.  f Ibid.  p.  354.  § A representation  of  this 

monument,  but  not  correct,  is  given  in  Dugdale’s  Mouast.  II.  p.  148. 


NEIGHBOURING  MONASTERIES. 


427 


other  armorial  bearings  of  the  family.  The  west  end 
was  probably  destroyed  at  the  dissolution,  but  the 
south  and  north  sides  were  removed  into  the  parish 
church;  and  were  fixed  in  the  seats  near  the  west 
door,  one  on  each  side  the  passage.  At  the  rebuilding 
of  the  church,  a few  years  ago,  these  precious  remains 
of  antiquity  were  built  into  the  porch,  or  lower  part 
of  the  tower;  that  which  was  the  south  part  of  the 
monument,  on  the  north  side,  still  fronting  the  south; 
and  that  which  was  the  north  part,  on  the  opposite 
side.  The  five  knights  on  the  latter  have  their  shields 
on  their  breast,  those  on  the  former  have  them  cover- 
ing the  left  arm.  The  sculpture,  though  partly  defaced, 
is  highly  interesting,  not  only  as  the  principal  figures 
are  well  executed,  but  as  the  pillars  between  the 
niches,  and  the  spandrels  of  the  arches  forming  the 
canopies,  are  adorned  with  smaller  figures  and  devices, 
at  once  elegant  and  curious.* 

As  several  stone  coffins  and  graves  have  been 
discovered,  at  various  periods,  in  a part  of  the  garden 
of  Robert  Chaloner,  Esq.  on  the  south  of  the  con- 
ventual church,  we  may  suppose  that  the  cemetery 
was  in  that  quarter;  or  else  that  this  was  the  site  of 
the  chapter-house,  where  the  illustrious  dead  were 
frequently  interred. f 

* Some  of  the  figures  on  the  pillars  are  priors,  canons,  persons 
reading,  writing,  &c.  Among  the  emblems,  or  lesser  figures,  we  find — ■ 
a cock  perched  on  a hand-reel — the  sun  and  the  moon — the  bread  and 
the  chalice — a griffin,  an  angel,  &c.  On  the  whole,  there  is  much 
more  variety  in  the  sculpture  than  appears  in  Dugdale’s  plate.  Several 
monuments  of  the  Fauconbergs,  and  other  barons,  appeared  among  the 
ruins  of  the  priory,  some  time  after  the  dissolution.  Grose’s  Antiqu.  VI. 
p.  105.  f In  1808,  some  labourers,  digging  a foundation  for  a forcing 
bed,  about  50  yards  south-west  of  the  east  wall  of  the  priory  church, 

3 I 2 


428 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


Guisborough  had  the  honour  of  producing  some 
eminent  men,  as  well  as  Whitby.  William,  a canon 
of  this  priory,  assumed  the  habit  of  the  Cistercian 
order,  under  St.  Robert  abbot  of  New-Mi lister  (for- 
merly a monk  of  Whi(by),  and  on  the  death  of  that 
abbot  he  was  chosen  his  successor,  and  was  afterwards 
promoted  to  be  abbot  of  Fountains.  His  historian 
gives  him  the  very  highest  character  : “ He  proclaimed 
war  against  vices,  maintained  a combat  with  pleasures, 
and,  mortifying  his  members,  compelled  the  flesh  to 
serve  the  spirit.  This  indeed  he  carried  to  excess, 
weakening  his  body  with  immoderate  watchings  and 
fastings.  Many  years  he  presided  over  New-Minster, 
and  the  house  prospered  in  his  hands.  From  thence 
he  was  translated  to  the  government  of  the  church  of 
Fountains,  at  a great  age:  yet  his  advanced  years 
occasioned  no  neglect  in  discipline  or  management; 
for  he  was  a prudent  man,  having  faithful  counsellors, 

found  two  stone  coffins  placed  close  together,  and  pointing  east  and 
west.  One  was  larger  thau  tbe  other,  but  they  were  of  the  same  form, 
each  consisting  of  an  entire  stone,  coarsely  hewn,  with  a place  for  the 
head  to  rest  in,  and  without  any  appearance  of  a cover.  The  bones 
in  both  were  well  preserved;  and  in  one  of  them  the  teeth  were  entire, 
with  the  enamel  white.  The  coffins  are  still  kept  in  the  garden,  their 
contents  having  been  removed  and  buried.  Immediately  under  these 
coffins  were  discovered  two  more,  consisting  of  several  flat  stones,  in 
a rough  state,  some  forming  the  sides,  some  the  bottom,  and  some 
the  covering.  Each  of  these  contained  a skeleton,  without  the  head; 
and  after  a diligent  search,  a skull  was  found  at  tbe  foot  of  each  coffin, 
but  lying  on  the  outside,  as  if  unworthy  to  be  entombed  with  the  body. 
These  were  probably  the  remains  of  some  barons  who  had  been  be- 
headed for  treason.  In  the  same  place  were  seen  numerous  bones  and 
parts  of  skeletons,  lying  in  every  direction  without  any  order;  and 
some  spear-heads  and  battle  axes  were  dug  up,  nearly  consumed  with 
rust.  A subterraneous  passage  was  also  discovered  near  the  spot, 
pointing  towards  the  east  end  of  the  conventual  church ; but  it  was 
shut  up  without  being  explored. 


NEIGHBOURING  MONASTERIES. 


429 


active  officers,  obedient  sons,  who,  with  filial  love, 
bore  on  their  shoulders  the  old  age  ot  their  father. 
He  governed  his  subjects  with  mildness,  seeking  the 
good  of  his  people;  and  the  house  increased  under 
his  hand,  in  manors,  and  pastures,  and  plentiful  pos- 
sessions. During  10  years  he  ruled  the  church  of 
Fountains;  and  having  finished  his  course,  he  rested 
in  peace  at  a good  old  age,  leaving  to  posterity  the 
grateful  remembrance  of  bis  virtues.”* 

Walter  Hemingburgh,  one  of  the  annalists  of 
of  the  middle  ages,  was  a canon  of  Guisborough.  His 
work  begins  at  the  conquest,  and  is  continued  to  the 
year  1308.  It  consists  of  about  "SO  chapters ; but  a 
great  part  of  it  is  not  original,  being  borrowed  almost 
verbatim  from  William  of  Newburgh.  He  wrote  much 
about  the  incursions  of  the  Scots  into  the  north  of 
England  ; and  has  recorded  some  interesting  parti- 
culars relating  to  his  own  monastery.  Under  the  year 
1289,  he  registers  this  calamity:  ,c  On  the  7th  of  the 
Kalends  of  June  (May  26)  the  fierce  flame  consumed 
our  church  of  Giseburn,  with  many  books  of  divinity, 
and  nine  most  valuable  chalices,  and  with  costly  vest- 
ments and  images. ”f  Under  the  year  1296  he  records 
the  death  of  Robert  de  Brus,  competitor  with  Baliol  for 
the  crown  of  Scotland.  lie  died  at  Lochmaben  in  his 
territory  of  Annandale  ; and,  by  his  own  desire,  was 

* Dugd.  Mon.  I.  p.  749.  ■[  To  help  to  repair  this  loss,  the 

canons  next  year  petitioned  Edward  I.  for  leave  to  appropriate  the 
churches  of  Easington,  Berningham,  and  Heslarton,  of  which  they 
already  had  the  advowson  : the  king  granted  their  request  as  far  as  in 
him  lay,  yet  the  appropriation  does  not  appear  to  have  taken  effect. 
Grose’s  Antiqu.  VI  p.  105.  Graves’s  Hist.  p.  424. — Hemingburgh,  or 
Hemmingford,  died  at  Guisborough,  in  1347.  Biogr.  Diet.  XVII.  338. 


430 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


buried  at  Guisborough,  beside  his  father.* — When 
Leland  made  his  tour  through  the  monasteries,  the 
canons  of  Guisborough  had  no  copy  of  this  chronicle; 
nor  does  he  make  extracts  from  any  work  in  their 
library,  though  he  names  a few  of  the  books. j- 

Dr.  Cockerill,  the  last  prior  but  one,  was  one  of 
the  graduated  canons  of  this  monastery.  He  held  the 
rectory  of  Lythe.  After  being  prior  of  Guisborough 
for  some  years,  he  was  made  abbot  of  Lilleshull ; but 
he  was  attainted  for  high  treason,  during  the  troubles 
that  occurred  at  the  dissolution. § 

The  canons  of  this  priory  distinguished  them- 
selves, along  with  the  monks  of  Durham,  in  resisting 
the  exorbitant  demands  of  the  church  of  Rome.jj  Near 
the  dissolution,  they  contracted  an  intimate  friendship 
with  the  monks  of  St.  Mary’s  abbey  at  Toi  k^ 

* Lei.  Coll.  II.  p 314,  31-3.  It  is  probable  that  the  principal 
figure  on  the  tomb  above  described  was  intended  lor  this  Robert;  for 
though  he  did  not  reach  the  crown  himself,  the  success  of  his  grand- 
son would  be  considered  as  establishing  his  right  to  wear  it.  The 
royal  shield  on  the  tomb,  as  represented  in  Dugdale’s  plate,  is  exactly 
the  same  with  the  shield  of  king  Robert,  as  it  appears  on  his  great 
seal.  (See  an  engraving  of  this  seal  in  Sir  Culhbert  Sharp’s  Hist,  of 
Hartlepool,  at  p.  27.)  Yet  this  is  no  proof  that  the  figure  is  not  meant 
for  Robert  the  competitor,  whose  shield  we  may  suppose  to  have  been 
the  same.  King  Robert  was  interred  at  Dunfermling.  f Ibid.  111. 
p.  41.  § Burton,  p.  355.  Graves’s  Hist.  p.  425.  ||  Matth.  Paris, 

p.  920,  921.  f Among  the  papers  in  the  possession  of  Rob.  Cbaloner, 
Esq.  M.  P.  is  a deed,  by  which  John  prior  of  Guisborough  and  his 
convent,  in  gratitude  for  favours  received,  admit  to  their  fraternity 
Edmund  abbot  of  St.  Mary’s  and  his  convent,  giving  them  an  interest 
in  their  prayers  and  services,  both  during  life  and  after  death-  As 
this  document  is  dated  Sept.  30.  loll,  there  must  be  a mistake  in 
Burton’s  list,  where  he  makes  Benedict  prior,  Sept.  10.  1513  Bur- 
ton’s Mon.  p.  355.  A copy  of  this  deed,  and  of  some  other  papers 
relating  to  this  priory,  will  be  given  in  the  Appendix.  The  deed  is 
particularly  interesting,  as  it  has  appended  to  it  an  impression  of  the 
priory  seal,  partly  mutilated.  On  one  side  is  the  virgin  Mary  and  the 


NEIGHBOURING  MONASTERIES. 


431 


The  number  of  canons  which  formed  the  com- 
plement of  this  priory  is  not  known  ; but,  if  we  may 
judge  from  the  comparative  number  of  pensioners 
after  the  dissolution,  they  must  have  been  much  more 
numerous  than  the  monks  of  Whitby.  Their  revenues 
indeed  were  considerably  larger;  the  annual  amount 
being  estimated  by  Dugdale  at  £628.  3s.  4 cl.  and  by 
Speed  at  £712,  6s.  6d* 

The  priory  of  Grosmont,  now  called  Growmond, 
was  much  inferior  to  that  of  Guisborough.  It  was 
founded  about  the  year  1200,  by  the  liberality  of 
Johanna,  daughter  of  William  Fossard,  and  wife  of 
Robert  de  Turnham.  This  lady  was  heiress  to  the 
estates  of  the  Fossard  family,  at  Mulgrave,  Egton, 
and  other  places ; which  descended  to  her  daughter 

babe,  sitting  under  a canopy  in  the  form  of  a church,  with  this  in- 
scription around  her : AV(5  MARIA  BRAC1A  PL.  Hail  Mary 
full  of  grace  ! On  either  side  is  a person  under  a smaller  canopy, 
kneeling  towards  the  virgin,  and  raising  his  hands.  The  inscription 
around  the  outer  edge,  the  beginning  of  which  is  gone,  appears  to 
have  been  &ID.  PRlORAo’  BeAoG  MARie  D€  GYS£ BURRF. 
The  seal  of  the  priory  of  the  blessed  Mary  of  Gyseburne.  On  the 
reverse  is  St  Augustine  in  his  robes,  with  his  mitre  and  crosier,  sit- 
ting also  beneath  a church-like  canopy,  with  a praying  figure  on  either 
side,  as  on  the  obverse.  Around  the  saint  are  the  words  OR A CP.  It  OB. 
STG  AVGV.  Pray  for  us,  St.  Augustine  The  marginal  inscrip- 
tion on  this  side  is  too  imperfect  to  be  translated ; the  letters  which 
remain  are  A VG VST i Re  Z-6CVM  FO....  Perhaps  it  has  been, 
Sancte  Augustine  tecum  eons  vit^e  divin m—Holy  Augus- 
tine, with  thee  is  the  fountain  of  divine  life.  The  crockets  and 
finials  of  the  smaller  canopies  are  those  of  the  13th  century  or  the 
beginning  of  the  14th. 

* Dugdale,  I.  p.  1045.  Tanner,  p.  650.  Burton,  p.  354,  356. 
Among  the  revenues  of  Guisborough,  as  well  as  of  Whitby,  there  were 
several  precarice,  or  datfs-works.  In  the  grant  made  to  Sir  Thomas 
Chaloner  after  the  dissolution.  I find  “57  precarise,  or  autumnal  works 
called  Heybound,  annually  paid  or  done  by  different  tenants  of  Gis- 
bourne,  and  lately  belonging  to  the  monastery  of  Gisbourne.”  Carta 
penes  R.  Chaloner  armig, 


432 


HISTORY  OF  TI1E  ABBEY, 


Isabella,  and  came  by  her  to  the  Mauley  family;  on 
her  marriage  with  the  first  Peter  de  Mauley.  Johanna, 
by  her  charter,  granted  to  the  prior  and  brethren  of 
the  order  of  Grandimont  in  France  (a  branch  of  the 
Benedictines),  a mansion  in  the  forest  of  Egton,  to 
be  a cell  to  their  monastery.  Accordingly  a small 
priory  was  erected  here,  in  a sequestered  spot  on  the 
banks  ot  the  Esk  ; where  a few  monks,  under  the 
government  of  a corrector,  took  up  their  abode;  call- 
ing the  place  Grandimont  or  Grosmont,  after  the 
parent  monastery.  The  possessions  given  by  the 
foundress  were  chiefly  at  Egton  and  Goldsborough. 
She  gave  them  the  mill  at  Egton,  with  the  fishery 
there;  and  granted  liberty  for  their  cattle  to  graze  in 
her  pastures,  to  the  number  of  40  cows,  500  sheep, 
&c.  with  their  young  of  three  years.  They  also  re- 
ceived from  her  some  houses  in  York,  with  several 
other  donations;  among  which  a gift  of  villanes  must 
not  be  omitted:  “ She  gave  them  one  man  in  Golds- 
burc  (Goldsborough),  with  his  messuage,  and  two 
oxgangs  of  land,  and  his  heirs; — to  cultivate  their 
land  in  the  same  town,  and  do  other  services,  at  the 
Avill  of  the  brethren;  and  another  man  in  the  same 
manner  in  Eggeton,  with  two  oxgangs  of  land,  to 
keep  their  mill  and  their  cattle,  and  do  other  services, 
at  the  will  of  the  brethren ; and  likewise  one  called 
Tostus  in  Sandeshande  (Sandsend),  for  doing  their 
business  and  services  ; and  one  man  in  Donecastre, 
and  his  heirs,  with  his  messuage  and  its  appertenan- 
ces,  to  attend  them  in  certain  places  and  houses  of 


NEIGHBOURING  MONASTERIES. 


433 


theirs.”* — Egton  mill  seems  to  have  been  afterwards 
withdrawn  from  the  priory ; but  it  was  restored  by 
the  3rd  Peter  de  Mauley,  with  further  privileges;  on 
condition  that  the  monks  should  establish  a chantry 
for  the  benefit  of  his  family,  providing  two  chaplains, 
to  perform  service  daily,  for  their  souls,  and  to  chant 
every  year  on  the  anniversary  of  their  obits;  and  that 
the  monks  should  also  relieve  any  foreign  brother  who 
might  visit  them.f — About  an  hundred  years  after, 
the  abbot  of  Grandimont  obtained  leave  of  Richard 
II,  to  sell  the  advowson  of  this  cell,  with  its  apper- 
tenances,  to  John  Hewitt,  alias  Serjaunt;  by  which 
means  it  became  indigenous , and  was  not  among  the 
alien  priories  suppressed  by  Henry  V. — This  priory, 
which  was  sometimes  called  Eskdale,  was  probably 
intended  for  13  monks;  but  there  were  not  above  4 
in  it  at  the  dissolution.  Its  annual  revenues  are  rated 
by  Dugdale  at  ,£12  2s.  8 d;  by  Speed,  at  £14  2s. 
8d.  The  advowson  of  the  church  of  Lockinton  be- 
longed to  it,  but  it  does  not  appear  to  have  received 
any  more  churches.§ 

* Dugd.  Mon.  III.  p.  15.  The  ground  for  the  priory  was  to 
extend  along  the  river  VII  Quarantans,  and  towards  the  hill  three 
Quarantans  and  a half : the  Quarantans  to  be  measured  by  a rod  of 
20  feet.  The  inclosure  of  this  space  is  still  very"  discernible.  The 
monks  were  to  have  200  acres  in  all,  around  their  house,  including 
woods  ; and  were  also  permitted  to  cut  timber  out  of  the  forest.  This 
charter  was  confirmed  by  king  John.  Ibid.  I.  p.  597.  f The  original 
charter  is  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  Richard  Garbutt,  the  present  pro- 
prietor of  Egton  mill.  It  is  dated  at  St.  Julian’s,  on  St.  Bartholomew’s 
day  (Aug.  24),  1294.  Roger  de  Cressewell  was  then  corrector; 
and  the  brethren  of  the  priory,  though  connected  with  Grandimont  in 
France,  were  “of  the  English  nation.”  The  charter  is  most  beau- 
tifully written  : Mauley’s  seal  is  gone,  but  the  silk  cord  by  which  it 
hung  still  remains.  § Tanner,  p.  679. 

3 K 


434 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


The  church  at  Growmond,  of  which  the  foun- 
dations are  still  visible,  has  been  100  feet  long,  by  40 
broad.  It  was  dedicated  to  St.  Mary.  Some  of  the 
other  buildings,  extending  westward  from  the  church, 
have  been  converted  into  a farm-house  and  offices. 
On  the  south  of  these  buildings  has  been  the  square 
of  the  cloister,  which  has  reached  almost  to  the  brink 
of  the  river,  being  near  100  feet  each  way. 

The  six  nunneries  in  the  district  were  all  founded 
in  the  12th  century,  all  dedicated  to  the  virgin  Mary, 
and  all  conducted  on  a small  scale;  each  being  intend- 
ed for  the  reception  of  about  12  nuns  and  a prioress. 

Handale,  or  Grenedale,  a Benedictine  priory, 
was  founded  in  1133,  by  William  de  Percy  of  Duns- 
ley,  grandson  of  the  first  William  de  Percy,  who 
endowed  it  with  lands  in  Grenedale,  Dunsley,  and 
Staxton  in  Depedale.  To  these  were  added  by  other 
benefactors  some  lands  and  tenements  in  Marton, 
Scaling,  Wapley,  and  Hildenvell.  The  prioress  Avicia 
and  her  nuns,  let  to  Ralph  the  prior  and  the  canons 
of  Guisborough,  an  oxgang  of  land  and  two  tofts  in 
Marton,  at  an  yearly  rent  of  4 quarters  of  corn. 
Richard  de  Percy,  in  the  reign  of  king  John,  or  of 
Henry  III,  granted  the  advowson  of  Handale  to 
Richard  Malebisse  and  his  heirs,  on  condition  of  their 
paying  to  the  nuns  one  pound  of  incense  yearly. 
Small  as  their  property  was,  they  did  not  enjoy  it 
without  molestation ; but  had  law-suits  about  their 
premises  in  Hilderwell,  about  the  mediety  of  a mill  at 
Scaling,  and  other  matters.  There  were  8 nuns  on 


NEIGHBOURING  MONASTERIES . 


435 


the  establishment  at  the  dissolution ; when  the  reve- 
nues according  to  Dugdale  were  only  £\3  19s;  ac- 
cording to  Speed,  £20  7s.  8d  '.*■ — The  church  of  this 
priory  is  completely  demolished ; but  some  remains  of 
the  other  buildings  appear  in  the  farm-house  and 
offices  erected  on  the  site : and  it  is  observable,  that 
these  have  stood  on  the  north  side  of  the  church, 
whereas  in  almost  all  other  monasteries,  in  this  quar- 
ter, the  offices  have  been  on  the  south. 

Basedale,  or  Baysdale , a Cistercian  priory,  may 
be  properly  placed  next,  as  it  also  was  sometimes 
called  Handale  and  Grendale  ; a circumstance  which 
may  excite  a doubt,  whether  some  records  belonging 
to  the  one  priory  may  not  have  been  appropriated  to 
the  other.f  This  nunnery  was  first  established  at 
Hoton  (Hutton-Lowcross),  about  the  year  1162,  by 
Ralph  Nevill ; whose  donation  was  confirmed  by  Adam 
de  Brus,  lord  of  Skelton.  Soon  after,  the  same  Ralph, 
with  the  consent  of  Ernald  de  Percy,  gave  some  land  at 
Thorp,  near  Ay  ton,  where  the  nuns  obtained  a habi- 
tation, thence  called  Nun- Thorp.  About  20  jears 
after,  they  removed  to  Basedale,  the  most  westerly 

* Reg.  Whitb.  f.  129.  Dugd.  Mon.  I.  p.  72,  427,  428.  Tanner, 
p.  655.  Wapley  is  by  mistake  called  Walpole. — Besides  Avicia,  tbe 
following  prioresses  occur;  Cecilia  de  Irton,  1313;  Mariott  de  Herse- 
ley,  1315;  Alicia  de  Hoton,  1318;  Agnes,  1320;  Cecilia,  1504; 

Joan  Scott,  ; and  Ann  Lutton,  1532.  f That  Basedale  was 

called  Handale  and  Grendale,  is  obvious  from  the  Whitby  records  : 
Regist.  f.  115,  Charlton,  p.  231,  238.  Though  I have  followed  Dug- 
dale in  placing  Avicia  and  her  lease  under  Handale,  I strongly  sus- 
pect that  the  transaction  relates  to  Basedale;  for  it  is  certain  that  the 
manor  ofMarton  belonged  to  the  latter.  Burton,  p.  251.  If  Bonington, 
in  the  lease,  can  be  viewed  as  a mistake  tor  Bovingcourt,  as  Warton 
evidently  is  for  Marton,  the  idea  will  be  confirmed ; as  the  Boving- 
court  family  were  the  chief  benefactors  of  Basedale. 

3 r 2 


436 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


branch  of  the  Esk ; where  some  lands  were  giverT 
them  by  Guido  de  Bovincourt,  who  also  granted  them 
possessions  in  Westerdale,  Stokesley,  Battersby,  and 
Newby.  Other  donations  were  added  by  various 
benefactors  ; among  whom  are  some  of  the  Eure 
family.*  As  Nunthorp  chapel,  called  St  James’s, 
was  subject  to  Ayton  church,  belonging  to  Whitby 
abbey  ; and  as  Basedale  was  in  Stokesley  parish,  of 
which  the  abbot  of  York  was  patron,  there  were  some 
disputes  and  other  transactions,  between  the  nuns  of 
Basedale  and  the  abbots  of  those  places. f There  were 
about  ten  nuns  here  at  the  dissolution:  their  income 
was  rated  at  i*20  Is.  4 cl.  Dugdale  : £21  19s.  4 cl. 
Speed.  The  site  of  the  priory  is  now  a farm-stead. § 
Rosedale  was  founded  by  Robert  de  Stutevile 
about  the  year  1 190.  It  is  not  certain  whether  the 
nuns  of  this  priory  were  Benedictines  or  Cistercians. 
Their  property  lay  chiefly  in  Rosedale,  and  near 

* Dugd  Mon.  I.  |>.  840,  841.  Tanner,  p.  669.  Graves’s  Hist, 
p 267  Note  Append.  No.  V.  A donation  ot  vil/ancs  to  this  priory 
•was  noticed  before,  p.  275,  276.  -f  See  the  dispute  between  our 
«bbot  Roger  and  the  prioress  Susanna  noticed  in  p.  332.  In  1316, 
the  prioress  and  convent  gave  up  to  the  abbot  of  Whitby  a claim  which 
they  had  on  lands  in  Ayton,  let  to  John  de  Thorp  and  Alice  his  wife. 
Reg.  f.  115.  Ch.  p 231,  238.  Robert  de  Longo-Campo,  abbot  of 
York,  allowed  Isabella  and  her  nuns  to  have  a cemetery  at  Basedale; 
saving  the  other  rights  of  the  mother  church  at  Stokesley.  Dugd. 
Mon.  I.  p.  841.  § The  following  prioresses  occur:  Isabella,  about  or 

before  1200  (cotemporary  with  Robert  de  Longocampo  abbot  of  York, 
and  Roald  prior  of  Guisborough) ; Susanna,  about  1230  (cotempo- 
rary with  Roger  abbot  of  Whitby);  Johanna,  1304;  Johanna  (pro- 
bably another  of  the  name),  1338;  Katherine  de  Mowbray,  1343  ; 

Alicia  Page, ; Elizabeth  Gotham,  1460;  Elizabeth  Darel,  1481; 

Agnes  Thomlinson,  1497  ; Margaret  Buckton,  1523;  Joan  Fletcher 
(a  nun  of  Rosedale),  1524;  and  Elizabeth  Raighton,  or  Rowton  (a 
nun  of  Keldholm),  1527.  Some  of  them  are  not  in  Burton’s  list, 
Mon.  p.  252.  One  of  the  Johannas  was  a Percy.  Some  of  the  prioresses 
had  beeu  nuns  here. 


NEIGHBOURING  MONASTERIES. 


437 


Cropton,  Cawthorn,  Newton,  Lockton,  and  Picker- 
ing. They  had  also  a few  more  distant  possessions, 
and  the  patronage  of  Thorpenhow  church,  in  the 
diocese  of  Carlisle.  There  were  about  ten  nuns  here 
at  the  surrender.  Dugdale  states  their  income  at 
£ 37  12s.  3d;  Speed,  at  £41  13s  8^.  The  church, 
or  chapel,  was  dedicated  to  St.  Lawrence,  as  well  as 
St.  Mary.*  It  is  still  used,  or  at  least  a part  of  it,  as 
a parochial  place  of  worship.  A view  of  the  ruins  on 
the  west  side  is  here  exhibited. 


The  square  of  the  cloister,  on  the  south  of  the 
church,  is  almost  entire;  the  buildings  having  been 
converted  into  dwelling-houses,  barns,  &c.  In  this 
square,  on  the  east  side,  are  some  of  the  tomb-stones 
that  have  been  placed  over  the  nuns,  with  crosses, 

* Dugd.  Mon.  I p.  507 — 510.  Tanner,  p.  67S.  Burton,  p.  078, 
379.  Among  the  annual  revenues  we  find  6 flagons  of  oil,  given  by 
Matilda  the  widow  of  Americas  de  Scardeburgh. 


438 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


&c.  carved  on  them.  The  only  name  that  is  legible 
is  that  of  Catharine  Meger.*  On  a lintel  in  the  end 
of  one  of  the  offices  on  the  east  is  this  inscription  : 


These  words,  signifying  All  is  vanity , were  intended 
to  remind  the  nuns  of  the  vanity  of  this  world;  and 
they  now  stand  as  a most  appropriate  motto  over  the 
ruins  of  monastic  grandeur. f 

Keldholm  was  also  founded  by  a Robert  de 
Stuteville,  about  60  years  before  Rosedale.  The  pos- 
sessions of  this  Cistercian  nunnery  lay  chiefly  at 
Keldholm,  near  Kirkby-Moorside,  and  at  Crcpton, 
Malton,  Fadmore,  lugleby,  and  Nunnington.  The 
patronage  of  this  priory,  and  of  Rosedale,  passed  from 
the  Stuteviles  to  the  Wakes.  At  the  dissolution,  when 
this  house  contained  a prioress  and  8 nuns,  the  revenues 
were  £29  6s.  1 d.%  The  buildings  are  entirely  gone,  j 
Wykeiiam,  another  Cistercian  nunnery,  was  es- 
tablished about  the  year  1153,  by  Pagan  Fitz-Osbert 

* SYSc-eR  EABARIRX  COGDgR.  + The  prioresses  that 

occur  are;  Maria  de  Ross, ; Joan  de  Pykering,  1310;  Isabella 

Whyteby,  ; Elizabeth  de  Kirkebymoorside,  1336 ; Margaret 

Chamberlain,  ; Joan  Bramley,  1468  ; Margaret  Ripon, ; 

Joan  Baddersby,  1505 ; Maud  Felton,  1521  ; and  Mary  Marshal, 
1527.  Burton,' p.  379.  § Dugd.  Mon.  I.  p.  914,  915.  Tanner,  p. 

674.  Burton,  p.  380,  381.  In  11  Hen.  4.  Edmund,  earl  of  Kent, 
had  two  parts  of  the  advowsou,  then  estimated  at  <^2.  yearly.  Mie 
prioresses  that  occur  are  : Sibilla,  about  1135;  Ernma  de  Stapleton, 

1308;  Emma  of  York,  131 7;  Margaret  Aslaby, ; Alice  Sand- 

ford,  1406;  Agnes  Wandsford,  ; Elena  M andsford,  1461; 

Katherine  de  Anlaghbv,  ; Elizabeth  Darel  (formerly  prioress 

of  Basedale),  1497  ; and  Elizabeth  Lyon,  1534.  ||  In  1S13,  when 

part  of  the  foundations  was  cleared  away,  several  tomb-stones  of 
the  nuns,  with  crosses  on  them,  were  discovered. 


NEIGHBOURING  MONASTERIES.  439 

de  Wykeham.  Most  of  its  estates  were  in  Wykeham, 
Ruston,  Hutton -Bushell,  Ebberston,  Octon,  and  Snain- 
ton.  Two  oxgangs  of  land  in  Flixton,  with  a toft  and 
croft,  were  given  by  Ivetta,,  daughter  of  Richard  Mun- 
ceus,  along  with  her  body  ; and  a capital  house  in 
Scarborough  was  given  by  Cecily,  widow  of  Richard 
Cook  of  that  town,  with  her  body.  The  church,  which 
still  remains,  with  some  vestiges  of  the  offices,  was 
dedicated  to  St.  Michael,  as  well  as  St.  Mary.  It  is 
now  the  parochial  place  of  worship.  The  ancient 
parish  church,  called  All-Saints  was  appropriated  to 
the  priory  ; but  it  appears  to  have  given  place  to  a 
chantry  chapel  of  St.  Mary  and  St.  Helen,  founded 
by  the  famous  John  de  Wykeham  in  1321,  and  en- 
dowed with  lands  in  Irton,  Ay  ton,  &c.  that  the  prioress 
might  provide  two  chaplains  to  perform  service  daily, 
for  his  soul  and  the  souls  of  his  kindred.  The  ruins 
of  this  chapel,  called  St.  Helen’s,  are  beside  the  inn 
at  Wykeham.  The  church,  cloisters,  and  24  other 
houses  of  this  priory,  having  been  consumed  by  fire, 
with  all  the  books,  vestments,  chalices,  &c.  king  Ed- 
ward III,  in  1327,  granted  the  nuns  a release  for  20 
years  from  the  payment  of  £3  12s.  7 cl.,  due  to  him 
for  lands  held  in  the  honour  of  Pickering,  part  of  the 
Dutchy  of  Lancaster.  There  were  nine  religious 
here  at  the  dissolution : Income,  £2b  17s.  6d* 

Yeddingham,  on  the  borders  of  our  district,  was 
a Benedictine  nunnery,  founded  before  1163,  by 

* Dugd.  Mon.  I.  p.  916,  917.  Tanner,  p.  666.  Burton,  p.  255 — 
257.  Burton  has  put  St.  Ellen  instead  of  St.  Michael.  He  names  the 
following  prioresses  : Emma  de  Dunstan,  a nun  here,  1286  ; Isabel, 

1321 ; Eliz.  Edmundson, ; Kalh.  Ward,  1487  ; Alice  Hornby, 

a nun  here,  1502 ; and  Kath.  Nandik,  1508, 


440 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


Helewisia  de  Clere.  With  some  lands  in  Yeddingham, 
or  Little  Marsh,  and  two  oxgangs  in  Wilton,  the 
nuns  obtained  from  Roger  de  Clere  the  privileges  of 
“ tem,  soc,  sach,  and  infangthefe.”  In  Ebberston 
they  had  great  possessions;  of  which  two  oxgangs, 
with  a toft  and  croft,  were  received  with  the  corpse 
of  Eufemia,  daughter  of  Adam  de  Everley.  They  had 
lands  in  Ailerston,  Snainton,  Marton,  Sinnington, 
and  Rili-ington  ; and  obtained  the  church  of  St.John’s 
at  Aeddingharn,  and  that  of  All  Saints  at  Sinnington. 
In  the  latter  place  they  held  4 oxgangs,  &c.  of  the 
priory  of  Guisborough,  for  which  they  paid  15s.  yearly 
at  Shireburn  (Sherburn) ; besides  upholding  the  cha- 
pel of  St.  Michael’s  and  other  buildings,  entertaining 
the  canons  when  there,  and  having  mass  celebrated 
there  thrice  a week.  Some  lands  in  Yeddingham  were 
granted  by  Sir  Hugh  Cubyun,  for  a rent  of  £10,  and 
on  condition  that  the  nuns  should  find  a priest  to  cele- 
brate daily  in  their  church  for  his  family,  or  pay  5 
marks  more  yearly  in  case  of  neglect.  In  1211,  their 
church  appears  to  have  been  rebuilt ; for  it  was  then 
dedicated  by  G.  bishop  of  Whithern,  suffragan  of  the 
archbishop  of  Yoik  ; who  granted  100  days  relaxation 
of  penance  to  such  repenting  delinquents  as  attended 
the  dedication,  and  appointed  a similar  indulgence 
for  40  days  to  be  enjoyed  at  each  anniversary  of  the 
dedication.  Sir  Richard  de  Breuse,  who  became  lord 
of  the  fee  at  Yeddingham,  in  l ight  of  Alicia  his  wife, 
granted  the  nuns  the  privilege  of  electing  their  own 
prioresses;  and  pope  Innocent  VIII  allowed  them  to 


NEIGHBOURING  MONASTERIES. 


441 


choose  their  own  confessor.  This  priory  contained 
8 or  9 nuns ; whose  income  amounted  to  £21  6s.  8 d. 
Dug-dale ; £26  6s.  8 d.  Speed.* 

To  these  priories  may  be  added  a convent  of 
Cistercian  monks  at  Scarborough,,  called  St.  Mary’s* 
founded  before  the  year  1200.  It  was  not  an  inde- 
pendent monastery,  but  a cell  of  the  abbey  of  Cister- 
tium  in  Prance  ; and,  on  the  suppression  of  the  alien 
priories,  it  was  given  to  the  monastery  of  Bridlington. 
The  rectory  of  Scarborough  belonged  to  this  convent ; 
and  the  present  parish  church,  which  bears  the  maiks  of 
antiquity  and  grandeur,  appears  to  have  been  formed 
out  of  the  nave  of  the  conventual  church ; the  tower 

* Dugd.  Mou.  I p.  496 — 498.  Tanner,  p.  670.  Burton,  p.  285 — 
287.  Win.  Archibald  gave  an  oxgang  in  Sinnington,  and  pannage 
lor  20  hogs,  with  15  cart-loads  of  wood  annually.  The  prioresses 

were  : Beatrix, ; Emma  de  Hambleton,  1239;  Margaret  Scarth, 

•;  Margaret  de  Lutton,  ; Alice,  1331;  Guudreda,  ; 

Margaret  de  Ulram,  about  1400;  Idonea,  1445;  Isabella  Heslarton, 

; Cecily  Drewe,  1499;  Joan  Tunstal,  1507;  Elizabeth  White- 

head,  1521;  and  Agnes  Bradrick,  or  Bredridge,  1525. — If  the  chapel 
of  St.  Michael,  mentioned  above,  was  at  Sinnington,  it  must  be  added 
to  the  list  of  chapels  belonging  to  the  canons  of  Guisborough.  Their 
churches  of  Sherburn  and  Heslerton,  and  their  chapel  of  Heslerton, 
were  near  Yeddingham  — We  find  in  Dugdale  a curious  account  of  the 
loaves  delivered  weekly  tc  this  convent  and  their  dependants  and  ser- 
vants; by  which  it  appears  that  the  nuns  had  50  servants,  of  whom 
11  were  at  Ebberston ; and  that  they  provided  for  10  brethren,  one 
of  whom  was  above  the  rest;  and  for  4 priests  (including  the  minister 
of  Sinnington),  and  4 chaplains ; besides  distributing  to  the  minor 
friars  of  Scarborough,  and  to  the  poor.  In  every  nunnery  there  was 
an  officer  called  the  master  of  the  nuns,  who  was  usually  a priest  and 
their  confessor;  though  the  office  of  confessor  was  sometimes  filled  by 
the  principal  chaplain,  or  even  by  a friar.  Some  brethren  were  ad- 
mitted under  the  master,  with  consent  of  the  prioress  and  senior  nuns; 
but  ten  brethren  (one  for  each  nun)  were  surely  too  many  for  Yed- 
dingham.  Wilk.  Concil.  II.  p.  38,  39.  Syraon,  master  of  the  nuns  at 
Wykeham,  witnessed  a Whitby  charter  in  1212.  Reg.  f.  10.  Charlton, 
p.  156.  We  read  also  of  Galfrid,  master  of  the  nuns  of  Duna,  or  Keld- 
holm.  Burton,  p.  380.  Note. 

3 L 


442 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


being’  at  the  east  end,  where  the  ancient  choir  has 
joined  it.  The  south  transept  contained  some  chan- 
tries erected  at  various  periods.  * 

There  were  three  friaries  in  this  district,  all  in 
Scarborough  ; one  of  the  Franciscans,  founded  in 
1245;  one  of  the  Dominicans,  established  about  the 
same  time ; and  one  of  the  Carmelites,  founded  in 
1320.  Owing  to  the  colour  of  their  respective  dresses, 
the  first  were  called  grey  friars,  the  second  black , and 
the  third  white.  They  were  also  distinguished  by 
other  names,  the  Franciscans  being  called  minor 
friars,  from  their  pretended  humility;  the  Dominicans 
preaching  friars,  from  their  office  ; and  the  Carmelites 
brethren  of  the  blessed  virgin.  All  of  them  were  men- 
dicants by  profession,  and  could  hold  no  property; 
yet  they  found  means  to  dispense  with  this  rule,  by 
pretending  that  the  property  given  them  was  the 
pope’s  and  that  they  had  merely  the  use  of  it.  Ac- 
cordingly, each  of  the  convents  of  friars  at  Scarbo- 
rough possessed  some  landed  property.  The  celebrated 
Robert  Baston,  the  poet  of  Edward  II,  was  the  first 
prior  of  the  Carmelites  in  Scarborough,  and  his  bro- 
ther Philip  was  his  successor. f 

* Tanner,  p.  681.  Hinderwell’s  Hist,  of  Scarborough,  (2d  Edit) 
p.  99 — 103.  The  Cistercians  from  their  dress  were  called  ichite  monks, 
f Tanner,  p.  6S4,  687,  690.  Burton,  p.  61.  Fosbrooke,  II.  p.  39. 
Hinderwell’s  Hist,  of  Scarborough,  p.  98,  116—124.  About  the 
year  1312,  some  friars  of  the  order  of  the  cross,  or  crouched,  friars, 
began  to  build  an  oratory  and  other  offices,  in  the  park  of  Sir  Arnald 
de  Percy  in  Kildale;  but  they  were  stopped  by  an  interdict  of  arch- 
bishop Grenefeld,  and  it  does  not  appear  that  they  were  afterwards 
permitted  to  resume  their  operations.  Wilk.  Concil.  II.  p.  423.  Taa,* 
»er,  p.  689. 


NEIGHBOURING  MONASTERIES.  443 

Of  the  hospitals  in  the  district,  not  already  no- 
ticed, two  were  in  Scarborough  ; the  one  dedicated 
to  St.  Thomas  the  martyr,  founded  in  the  time  of 
Henry  II.  by  the  burgesses  of  Scarborough,  aided  by 
a benefaction  of  Hugh  de  Bulmer;  the  other  dedicated 
to  St.  Nicholas,  also  erected  by  the  burgesses.  Both 
were  intended  for  poor  brothers  and  sisters,  and  were 
under  the  rules  of  St.  Augustine.  The  gift  of  the 
mastership  of  St.  Nicholas,  and  probably  of  St.  Thomas 
also,  belonged  to  the  crown.* — There  was  another 
ancient  hospital  at  Pickering;  dedicated  to  St.  Nicho- 
las, and  under  the  patronage  of  the  crown.f 

But  the  most  remarkable  institution  of  the  hos- 
pital kind,  in  all  this  neighbourhood,  was  that  of 
Stainton  Dale.  The  territory  of  Stainton  Dale  was 
given  in  the  reign  of  king  Stephen  to  the  knights 
hospitallers  of  St.  John  Baptist  of  Jerusalem,  a kind 
of  military  religious  order,  of  great  power  and  riches. 
Part  of  the  dale,  if  not  the  whole,  was  the  gift  of  one 
Henry  the  son  of  Ralph.  The  grant  was  confirmed 
by  the  charter  of  Richard  I,  and  the  valuable  immu- 
nities conferred  on  the  knights  hospitallers  by  Henry 
III,  and  other  English  monarchs,  were  enjoyed  in 
this  estate  of  Stainton  Dale,  annexed  to  the  comman- 
dery  of  the  Holy  Trinity  of  Beverley;  which,  like 
the  other  commanderies  or  convents  of  these  knights, 
was  subject  to  the  grand  prior  of  the  order  in  Lon- 
don. About  the  year  1340,  thirty  years  after  the  sup- 
pression of  that  kindred  order  the  knights  templars, 
John  Moryn,  escheator  to  Edward  III,  took  possession 
* Tanner,  p.  675.  Hinderwell’s  Hist,  p.  126,  127.  f Tanner,  p.  691 

3 L 2 


444 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


of  the  manor  of  Stainton  Dale  as  a forfeit;  alleging, 
that  it  had  been  given  by  king  Stephen  to  the  knights 
templars,  tor  keeping  a chaplain  there  to  celebrate  di- 
vine service  daily,  and  for  receiving  and  entertaining 
poor  people  and  travellers  passing  that  way,  and  for 
ringing  a bell  and  blowing  a horn  every  night  in  the 
twilight,  that  travellers  and  strangers  might  be  directed 
thither;  and  that  as  this  chantry  and  alms  had  been 
withdiawn  by  the  master  and  brethren  of  the  hospital, 
the  manor  was  forfeited  to  the  king.  Upon  this,  the 
prior  of  the  mder  represented  tothe  king,in  his  court  of 
chancery,  that  the  manor  was  given  by  king  Richard  to 
the  hospitallers,  without  exacting  any  such  conditions ; 
and  that  it  had  ever  since  belonged  to  them,  both 
before  and  after  the  suppression  of  the  kniglits-temp- 
lars,  of  whose  possessions  it  formed  no  part:  which 
being  found  on  investigation  to  be  the  truth,  the  king 
ordered  the  succeeding  escheator,  Thomas  de  Metham 
to  restore  the  manor  with  all  its  rights.  By  this  deci- 
sion it  would  appear,  that  the  service  above  mentioned, 
which  had  been  for  some  time  performed  by  the  hos- 
pitallers, was  voluntary,  and  not  made  a condition  in 
their  charter.  Whether  they  resumed  it  again  or  not, 
after  that  date,  has  not  been  ascertained  ; but  the 
rising  ground  where  the  bell  was  sounded  or  the  horn 
blown,  is  still  called  B ell- Hill ; the  site  of  the  chantry, 
where  carved  stones  were  lately  found,  is  called  Old- 
Chapel  ; and  the  adjoining  farm-house,  where  the 
hospital  has  stood,  is  called  Old-Hall.  The  manor 
continued  to  enjoy  its  high  privileges  till  the  dissolu- 


HEIGH B O URING  MONAS TERIES. 


445 


lion,  and  many  of  them  have  descended  to  (lie  pre- 
sent proprietors,  the  freeholders  of  the  Dale.* 

As  there  was  a cf  special  and  spiritual  friendship” 
between  our  abbey  and  that  of  Rjevaux,  it  will  not 

* It  is  through  the  kindness  of  these  gentlemen,  who  politely 
suffered  me  to  examine  their  records,  that  I have  been  enabled  to  give 
a correct  view  of  this  establishment.  Charlton,  who  read  and  copied 
the  same  documents,  has  given  an  erroneous  account  of  the  subject ; 
for  he  says  in  his  History  (p.  276,  277)  that  Stainton-Dale  was  first 
given  by  king  Stephen  to  the  knights  templars,  in  1140;  that  on  the 
suppression  of  that  order  it  was  given  by  king  Richard  I.  to  the  hospital 
of  St.  John  of  Jerusalem,  mid  in  a succeeding  reign  was  annexed  to 
the  preceptory  of  the  Holy  Trinity  at  Beverley.  But  it  does  not  ap- 
pear that  the  manor  ever  belonged  to  the  knights  templars,  though 
Moryn  the  escheator  alleged  that  it  did;  on  the  contran,  the  original 
grant  of  Henry  son  of  Ralph  (the  precise  date  of  which  cannot  be 
fixed)  is  expressly  made  “ to  God  and  St.  John  and  the  brethren  of 
the  hospital  of  Jerusalem;”  besides,  the  suppression  of  the  order  of 
knights  templars  did  not  take  place  till  1309,  a hundred  and  twenty 
years  after  the  time  of  Richard  I (Wilk.  Concii.  II.  p.  329,  &c.) ; nor 
is  there  any  record  to  shew  that  this  possession  did  not  from  the  first 
belong  to  the  commandery  of  the  hospitallers  at  Beverley. — The  pri- 
vileges of  the  knights  hospitallers  in  Stainton-Dale,  as  in  their  other 
estates,  were  greater  than  those  of  any  other  religious  house  in  the 
district.  They  had  sok,  sack,  thol,  theam,  mfangenethef,  utfan~ 
gencthef,  hamsock,  gridbricli,  blocleu'ite,  and  many  others  which  it 
would  be  tedious  to  name,  and  difficult  to  explain  ; they  and  their 
homagers  were  exempted  from  all  manner  of  royal  subsidies  or  aids, 
and  could  buy  and  sell  in  any  market  or  fair  in  the  kingdom  without 
paying  either  toll  or  custom ; they  had  court-leet,  view  of  frank-pledge, 
&c.  &c.  The  view  of  frank-pledge,  which  was  granted  also  to  Guis- 
borough  priory,  and  likewise  to  Whitby  abbey,  though  it  is  not  ex- 
pressly named  in  our  records,  was  an  inquest  held,  to  see  that  every 
person  above  12  years  of  age  was  in  some  tything,  had  taken  the  oath 
of  allegiance,  and  had  nine  freemen  to  be  pledges  or  security  for  his 
loyalty  to  the  king,  and  his  peaceable  behaviour  to  his  fellow-subjects. 
Dr.  Sullivan’s  Lectures  on  the  Laws  of  England,  p 269.  Ritson’s 
Jurisdiction  of  the  Court-Leet,  p.  2,  3. — It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that 
in  the  charter  of  Henry  III,  at  the  end  of  the  long  list  of  privileges 
granted  to  the  knights  hospitallers,  a clause  is  added  restricting  them 
from  interfering  with  judgments  relating  to  life  or  limb ; “ servata 
regiae  potestati  justitia  mortis  et  membrorum.”  This  reservation  of 
the  royal  prerogative  strougly  corroborates  the  sentiments  expressed 
in  a former  chapter  (p.  282,  283,  &c.)  respecting  the  judicial  power 
of  our  abbots;  for  if  judgments  affecting  life  or  limb  were  not  given 
to  knights  hospitallers,  whose  privileges  were  so  great,  and  who  were 


446 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


be  improper  to  glance  at  the  history  of  the  latter.  It 
was  the  first  Cistercian  monastery  in  Yorkshire,  being 
founded  in  1131  by  Walter  Espec,  a wealthy  baron, 
who  was  also  the  founder  of  Kirkham  priory,  and  of 
Wardon  abbey  in  Bedfordshire.  The  abbey  of  Rie- 
vaux,  dedicated  to  St.  Mary,  was  endowed  with 
landed  property  to  the  amount  of  fifty  carucates ; of 
which  9 were  given  by  the  founder,  12  by  the  crown, 
12  by  Roger  de  Mowbray,  aiuj  6 by  the  bishops  of 
Durham.  These  possessions  lay  chiefly  in  the  vicinity 
of  Rievaux,  and  in  Heimesley,  Stonegrave,  Bilsdale, 
Wellburn,  Nawton,  Pickering,  Gilling,  Halton,  Bus- 
by, Newsham,  and  Welbury.  There  was  also  exten- 
sive pasturage  for  cattle;  in  Heslerton  for  1000  sheep, 
in  Foikton  for  1000  sheep  and  cattle,  in  liunmanby 
for  500,  in  Bellerby  for  above  500,  in  Alverstain  for 
500  (the  gift  of  Thorphin  de  Alverstain),  in  Beadlam 
for  300,  in  Welbury  for  500,  besides  various  other 
pastures.  In  some  of  their  estates,  the  abbot  and 

more  connected  with  secular  affairs,  much  less  would  they  be  granted 
fo  abbots.  The  same  reservation  was  made  in  grants  of  franchises  to 
barons,  who  were  allowed  infangenethief,  &c.  “ exceptis  his  quae 
pertinent  ad  coronam.”  Madox’s  Hist  of  the  Exehequ.  p.  277.  Fos- 
brooke  (II.  p.  185)  adopts  the  common  opinion,  that  thieves  were 
hanged  by  the  authority  of  abbots,  ‘'as  a result  of  the  privilege  of 
infangeniheff but  that  privilege,  which  belonged  even  to  tire  nuns 
of  Yeddingham,  implied  no  such  authority.  Cases  of  felony  might  be 
inquired  into  at  the  court-lcet;  yet  they  were  not  determined  there, 
hut  handed  over  to  the  king’s  justices.  Ritson’s  Jurisdiction  of  the 
Court- Leet,  p.  9.  So  far  were  our  abbots  from  exercising  such  autho- 
rity, that  when  the  men  of  Ugglebarnby  and  Yburn  broke  into  the 
abbot’s  woods,  in  1381,  he  was  forced  to  prosecute  them  in  the  court 
of  king’s  bench.  Reg.  f.  6.  Charlton,  p.252. — I conclude  this  long- 
note  by  observing,  that  since  the  year  1662,  when  the  manorial  rights 
of  Stainton  Dale  were  found  to  be  vested  in  the  freeholders,  then  21 
in  number  (which  is  still  the  number  of  the  freehold  farms),  the  re- 
cords have  been  kept  in  a strong  oak  chest  with  4 leeks,  the  keys  o; 
which  are  held  by  4 principal  proprietors. 


NEIGHBOURING  MONASTERIES . 


447 


monks  had  free  warren  and  other  privileges;  but  it  is 
singular  that  not  one  donation  of  a church  or  chapel 
occurs,  so  that  their  spiritual  income  must  have  been 
very  small.  Their  whole  revenue  is  rated  by  Dugdale 
at  £278  10s.  2d. ; by  Speed  at  £351  14s.  6d. : yet, 
while  their  income  was  much  smaller  than  that  of 
Whitby,  the  number  of  monks  was  greater,  there 
being  23  monks  and  the  abbot,  at  the  surrender. 
There  were  no  less  than  31  successive  abbots  of  Rie- 
vaux.  William,  the  first,  died  in  1146;  Aelred,  the 
third  abbot,  who  occurs  in  1152,  in  our  records,  was 
a benefactor  to  the  Whitby  hospital,  and  intimate 
with  the  abbot  Richard.  This  Aelred  wrote  a chro- 
nicle, beginning  with  the  creation  and  ending  with 
Henry  1.;  and  wrote  also  the  Life  of  David  king  of 
Scotland,  with  other  pieces : he  died  in  1167.  Gua- 
rine,  the  tenth  abbot,  was  cotemporary  with  our  abbot 
Peter;  and  Roger,  the  fourteenth,  translated  hither 
from  Wardon,  was  cotemporary  with  Roger  abbot  of 
Whitby.  His  predecessor,  William,  was  translated 
from  Melrose;  and  Henry,  who  preceded  William, 
was  another  abbot  of  Wardon.  The  abbot  at  the  dis- 
solution was  Rowland  Blyton.* 

* See  p.  330,  364,  365.  Reg.  Whit.  f.  52,  138,  &c.  Charlton, 
p.  117,  &c.  Dugd.  Mon.  I.  p.  727 — 733,  1034.  Burton,  p.  358 — 366. 
Polydore  Virgil,  (edit.  1651.)  p.  807.  Among  the  donations  is  a kind 
of  hermitage;  “ Salton  in  Farudale,  where  Edmund  the  hermit  lived.” 
Stainton  was  given  by  Walter  de  Gant,  that  the  monks  might  build 
an  abbey  or  eell  there ; but  they  exchanged  it  with  Henry  II,  for 
lands  in  Pickering,  without  building  any  such  abbey.  An  annual  rent 
of  of  4.  fora  pittance  was  received  from  Scawton.  Dugd.  Mon.  p.  730. 
Burton,  p.  363.  Burton  calls  the  last  abbot  Richard  in  p.  365,  and 
Rowland  in  p.  366.  The  advowson  of  this  abbey,  and  of  Kirkham, 
came  to  the  Ros  family,  by  Adeline,  sister  to  Walter  Espec,  who  was 
married  to  Peter  de  Ros,  or  Roos.  Dugd.  Mon.  I.  p.  728. 


448 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


The  situation  of  Rievaux  abbey,  in  a deep  seques- 
tered vale  on  the  banks  of  the  Rye  (whence  it  had  the 
name  Rieval  or  Rievaux ),  is  truly  delightful,  and  its 
building's  have  been  magnificent.  Their  remains  are 
more  qntire,  and  more  interesting,  than  any  in  the 
district.  The  nave  of  the  church  is  wholly  gone;  but 
the  choir,  one  of  its  aisles,  great  part  of  the  tower, 
and  both  the  transepts,  still  exist.  The  form  and  ex- 
tent of  this  building  are  nearly  the  same  with  those  of 
the  abbey  church  of  Whitby;  only  it  is  a few  feet 
larger  in  almost  ah  its  dimensions,  especially  in  the 
length  and  the  height.  The  most  ancient  part,  which 
has  been  coeval  with  its  first  erection,  appears  in  the 
transepts,  particularly  in  that  part  which  is  towards 
the  nave,  where  we  see  two  rows  of  the  small  Norman 
windows  with  semicircular  arches,  and  with  bands 
running  along  the  wall  above  and  below,  as  in  the  old 
part  of  St.  Mary’s  (or  the  parish  church)  at  Whitby.* 
The  rest  of  the  church  bears  a great  resemblance  to 
the  eastern  and  middle  part  of  our  abbey  church  ; 
both  in  regard  to  the  pillars,  the  pointed  arches,  the 
lancet  windows,  and  the  mouldings;  hut  most  of  all 
in  the  windows  above  the  piers,  every  two  of  which 
are  placed  under  an  elliptical  arch.  The  number  and 
kind  of  the  decorations,  however,  together  with  the 
flying  buttresses  of  the  aisle,  bespeak  the  architecture 
to  be  more  modern  than  that  of  the  choir  at  Whitby. 
R is  a singular  circumstance,  that  the  church  instead 
of  standing  east  and  west,  approaches  more  to  the 
direction  of  south  and  north;  so  that  the  choir  is  at 
* See  p.  368. 


NEIGH B O URING  MONA  S TER1ES. 


449 


the  south  end,  and  the  aisle,  which  should  have  been 
the  north  aisle,  is  on  the  east.  This  anomaly  appears 
to  have  been  produced  at  the  rebuilding  of  the  church, 
by  making  the  body  of  the  old  church  serve  as  the 
transept  of  the  new.*  Near  the  altar  end  of  the  choir, 
a large  flat  stone  about  9 feet  long  has  been  raised  up ; 
it  lias  been  either  the  altar  or  part  of  a monument. 
Adjoining  to  the  ruins  of  the  nave,  on  what  should 
have  been  the  south  side  but  is  in  reality  the  west,  we 
find  the  vestiges  of  the  cloister;  the  square  of  which 
is  above  100  feet  each  way.  One  side  of  the  square 
comes  close  to  the  nave  of  the  church,  with  which  no 
doubt  it  communicated.  On  the  opposite  side  stands 
a splendid  building,  extending  in  length  towards  the 
west  above  100  feet,  and  in  breadth  between  30  and 
40.  The  lower  part  of  the  front  wall,  which  is  at  the 
end  next  the  square,  is  lined  with  an  elegant  arcade, 
in  the  centre  of  which  is  a handsome  door  opening 
into  the  square.  The  windows  in  this,  and  in  most 
of  the  other  offices,  are  of  the  lancet  kind.  This 
structure  appears  to  have  been  the  refectory ; though 
it  is  possible  that  part  of  it  may  have  been  assigned  to 
some  other  office.  Parallel  to  this,  and  in  a line  with 
the  transept,  is  another  extensive  ruin,  several  feet 
longer  than  the  refectory,  and  about  the  same  breadth, 

* The  present  transept  is  much  too  extensive  to  have  been  the 
original  one ; but  it  may  very  well  have  been  the  body  of  the  ancient 
church.  It  has  been  enlarged,  at  the  rebuilding,  on  the  side  towards 
the  choir,  and  the  walls  have  been  heightened  so  as  to  admit  a row  of 
lancet  windows  above  the  two  rows  of  Norman  windows.  In  the  north, 
or  rather  the  east  transept,  the  new  work  comes  down  to  the  middle  of 
the  second  row. 

3 M 


450 


HISTORY  OF  THE  A.BBEY. 


corresponding  with  the  breadth  of  the  transept,,  to 
which  it  approaches,  and  with  which  it  has  obviously 
communicated.  From  this  circumstance  we  may  infer, 
that  this  was  the  dormitory  ; such  a communication 
being  necessary  to  accommodate  the  monks  in  repair- 
ing from  their  beds  to  the  church  for  their  nocturnal 
devotions.  This  building  lies  partly  on  the  south  of 
the  refectory,  a space  being  left  between,  and  partly 
on  the  south  of  the  cloister  square.  In  the  west  end 
of  the  dormitory  the  lower  part  of  the  walls  is  ancient, 
and  probably  coeval  with  the  original  abbey.  Beyond 
the  dormitory,  on  the  west  of  the  choir,  we  find  ano- 
ther building,  or  range  of  buildings,  partly  parallel 
to  the  dormitory,  and  partly  joining  it  at  right  angles, 
near  where  it  approaches  the  church.  Here  were 
probably  the  abbot’s  chamber  and  offices.  The  great 
kitchen  must  of  course  have  adjoined  to  the  refectory, 
and  if  the  dormitory  has  occupied  the  whole  of  the 
building  on  the  south  side,  it  must  have  stood  on  the 
north,  where  the  ruins  are  too  indistinct  to  admit  of 
description.  At  a considerable  distance  north  of  the 
church,  is  a small  detached  building,  tolerably  entire; 
and  other  ruins,  nearer  to  the  church,  are  seen  in  the 
same  direction.  These  are  probably  the  remains  of 
the  infirmary  and  the  almshouse. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


451 


CHAP.  XV. 

DISSOLUTION  OF  THE  MONASTERIES STATE  OF  ECCLESIAS- 

TICAL AFFAIRS  SINCE  THAT  ERA. 


WHEN  British  wealth  had  been  profusely  la- 
vished on  the  monks  and  other  religious,  and  a great 
part  of  the  best  lands  in  the  kingdom  had  been  granted 
them  ffas  a perpetual  alms;”  many  soon  began  to 
discover  the  impolicy  of  this  profusion,  both  as  it  re- 
garded the  interests  of  religion,  and  the  advantage  of 
the  state.  Not  only  did  the  heirs  of  the  founders  of 
monasteries  regret  the  improvident  liberality  of  their 
fathers,  by  which  their  paternal  inheritance  had  been 
materially  curtailed ; but  men  of  various  classes  ob- 
served with  concern,  that  the  bounty  which  was 
intended  to  cherish  true  religion  became  the  food  of 
luxury,  pride,  and  corruption  ; while,  by  the  exemp- 
tion of  so  many  proprietors  of  land  from  secular  ser- 
vice, a much  greater  share  of  public  burdens  was 
thrown  on  the  rest  of  the  community.  The  king  and 
parliament  perceived  the  injury  done  to  the  state  by 
such  extensive  alienations  of  landed  property,  and 
found  it  necessary  to  check  this  alarming  evil.  So 
early  as  the  year  1225,  when  the  Great  Charter  of 
Henry  III  was  issued,  a clause  was  inserted,  (c.  36.) 
to  render  any  further  donations  of  land  to  religious 

3 m 2 


452 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


houses  null  and  void  ; and  especially  to  prevent  per- 
sons from  making  over  their  lands  to  monasteries,  to 
receive  them  back  again  as  homagers,  a method  then 
adopted  to  procure  the  exemption  of  lands  from  public 
burdens.  This  regulation  was  confirmed  and  extended 
by  the  statute  of  mortmain,  passed  in  1279  under 
Eduard  I ; so  that  henceforth  no  lands  could  be  «iven 
to  religious  houses,  without  a special  dispensation 
from  the  king.  At  the  same  time,  while  the  monks 
and  clergy  were  allowed  to  retain  the  lands  already 
given  them,  means  were  taken  to  make  them  contri- 
bute to  the  public  revenue,  by  imposing  on  them 
various  assessments,  denominated  dismes,  aids,  or 
subsidies.  Such  contributions  frequently  occurred, 
and  were  sometimes  very  considerable.  In  1333, 
when  Edward  III  raised  an  aid  for  the  marriage  of 
his  sister,  the  abbot  of  Whitby  was  taxed  £o,  the 
abbot  of  Rievaux  £4,  and  the  prior  of  Scarborough 
£2.  The  alien  priories,  of  which  Scarborough  was 
one,  were  often  more  burdened  than  the  rest:  they 
were  regarded  with  a jealous  eye,  as  so  many  chan- 
nels by  which  the  country  was  drained  of  its  wealth  ; 
and,  after  being  restrained  from  making  remittances 
to  their  superiors  abroad,  they  were  at  last,  under 
Richard  II  and  Henry  V,  either  wholly  suppressed  or 
rendered  indigenous.  Besides  the  royal  subsidies,  the 
monasteries  were  burdened  with  corrodies  and  pen- 
sions, payable  to  clergymen  or  others,  nominated  by 
the  king ; and  even  the  confirmatory  charters  were 
made  the  means  of  taxation,  for  they  could  not  be 


DISSOLUTION. 


453 


obtained  without  money;  and,  in  some  instances,  the 
king  compelled  the  religious  houses  to  get  their  char- 
ters renewed,  in  order  to  replenish  his  coffers. 

As  the  monastic  orders  were  at  no  pains  to  adorn 
their  profession  by  their  lives,  their  wealth,  which 
nourished  their  vices,  was  viewed  as  a legitimate  ob- 
ject of  jealousy,  while  their  irregular  conduct  excited 
disgust,  and  called  for  severe  reprehension.  Wickliff, 
the  morning-star  of  the  reformation,  who  arose  in  the 
reign  of  Edward  HI,  exposed  in  strong  colours  the 
vices  of  the  monks  and  friars;  and  his  little  books 
which  he  published  in  English,  against  the  errors  and 
con  options  of  the  church  of  Rome  in  general,  as  well 
as  the  immoralities  of  the  monastic  orders,  were  so 
well  received  and  so  eagerly  sought  for  by  the  laitv, 
that  the  strictest  prohibitions  and  most  cruel  persecu- 
tions could  not  wholly  suppress  them.*  Even  the 
clergy  were  often  on  bad  terms  with  the  monks ; and 
a variety  of  concurring  circumstances  prepared  the 
way  for  their  downfal. 

When  the  light  of  reformation,  accelerated  in  its 
progress  by  the  art  of  printing,  had  made  a consider- 
able impression  in  England,  notwithstanding  the  severe 
means  employed  to  extinguish  it.  Providence  raised 
up  an  instrument  to  break  the  yoke  of  papal  oppres- 
sion, and  dissipate  those  monastic  establishments, 
which  were  no  longer  retreats  of  piety,  but  nests  of 

* Polydore  Virgil.  Lib.  XIX.  This  author,  who  was  a rigid 
catholic,  though  he  lived  to  see  the  reformation,  considers  the  victory 
of  Atrincourt  gained  by  Henry  V,  as  the  reward  of  that  prince’s  zeal 
in  punishing  Sir  John  Oldcastle  and  other  heretics  / Lib.  XXII. 


454 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


wickedness.  This  was  Henry  VIII;  a mail  whose 
character  is  stained  with  the  blackest  crimes,  but 
whose  headstrong  passions  were  overruled  for  introduc- 
ing the  most  beneficial  events.  Eager  to  be  divorced 
from  his  queen  Catherine,  he  applied  for  that  purpose 
to  the  papa!  court  in  1527;  but  the  pope,  overawed 
by  her  nephew  the  emperor  Charles  V,  durst  not 
comply  with  Henry’s  wishes;  and,  acting  with  con- 
summate duplicity,  gave  no  decided  answer,  but  used 
every  artifice  to  prolong  the  negociations,  in  hope 
that  some  favourable  turn  might  extricate  him  from 
his  difficulties.  The  king,  who  had  acted  as  the  cham- 
pion of  popery  in  writing  a book  against  Luther, 
which  gained  him  the  title  of  Defender  of  the  Faith , 
was  loath  to  break  with  the  holy  father;  but,  after  en- 
during the  most  mortifying  delays  and  disappointments, 
his  patience  could  hold  out  no  longer ; and,  finding 
himself  seconded  by  his  parliament  and  convocation, 
he  procured  a sentence  of  divorce  from  Cranmer,  his 
own  archbishop,  in  1533,  without  waiting  for  the 
pope’s  decision.  In  the  following  year,  after  some 
fruitless  attempts  at  reconciliation,  the  authority  of  his 
holiness  was  finally  renounced,  and  Henry  himself 
constituted  the  supreme  head,  on  earth,  of  the  English 
church  ; a title  which  he  had  previously  assumed. 

This  memorable  revolution,  in  which  the  hand  of 
Providence  is  very  discernible,  led  to  the  most  impor- 
tant results.  One  of  its  first  consequences  was  the 
total  overthrow  of  the  English  monasteries.  Of  all 
classes  of  Henry’s  subjects  the  monks  were  most 


DISSOLUTION. 


455 


reluctant  to  acknowledge  his  supremacy,  and  to  re- 
nounce iheir  subjection  to  the  see  of  Rome,  from  whence 
they  were  wont  to  look  for  protection  against  the 
attempts  of  the  state,  or  the  encroachments  of  the 
clergy.  The  new  head  of  the  church,  whose  preten- 
sions to  infallibility  and  unlimited  power  were  not 
inferior  to  those  of  his  late  master,  could  brook  no 
opposition  ; and  therefore  resolved  on  the  abolition 
of  monachism  ; a resolution  which  lie  adopted  from 
other  considerations  no  less  powerful,  for  the  wealth 
of  the  monks  was  a tempting  prize  to  a prince  whose 
rapacity  and  extravagance  were  equal  to  his  pride. 
His  ministers  and  parliament,  several  of  whom  were 
the  friends  of  reformation,  readily  entered  into  his 
views;  and  the  clergy,  ever  jealous  of  the  monks,  ac- 
quiesced in  a spoliation  by  which  they  hoped  to  profit. 
To  pave  the  way  for  this  bold  measure,  Henry  in  his 
capacity  of  ecclesiastical  head  appointed  a general 
visitation  of  all  religious  houses,  in  1535  ; and  Crom- 
well, his  vicar-general,  gave  commissions  to  doctors 
Leighton,  Lee,  London,  and  several  ethers,  to  visit 
the  monasteries  and  churches  of  all  descriptions,  and 
report  the  state  of  them.  The  visiters  received  ample 
instructions  for  this  service,  which  they  performed 
with  great  promptitude  and  zeal ; and  the  reports 
which  they  gave  in  were  more  than  sufficient  for 
Henry’s  purpose.  In  almost  every  quarter  shameful 
irregularities  were  detected,  and  even  enormities  too 
shocking  for  the  page  of  history  to  record.  Perhaps 
the  details  were  not  exaggerated  ; yet  we  cannot  put 


456 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


fall  confidence  in  documents  prepared  under  the  eye 
of  tyranny.  The  commissioners  well  knew  that  to 
have  returned  a favourable  report  would  have  exposed 
them  to  the  frowns  of  their  despotic  lord,  and  might 
even  have  cost  them, their  lives.  If  at  this  very  period 
none  durst  presume  to  defend  the  character  and  life 
of  an  innocent  queen,  whom  her  brutal  husband  had 
determined  to  sacrifice,  what  chance  could  the  monks 
have  of  escaping,  even  though  their  crimes  had  been 
much  less  flagrant? 

Though  the  odium  cast  on  the  monasteries  by 
the  reports  of  the  visiters  had  prepared  the  way  for 
their  suppression,  it  was  deemed  prudent  not  to  attack 
the  whole  at  once,  but  to  begin  with  the  smaller 
houses,  which  were  represented  as  the  most  corrupt. 
Accordingly,  an  act  of  parliament  was  passed  in  1536, 
giving  the  king  all  the  monasteries  whose  annual  in- 
come did  not  exceed  j£200.  By  this  act,  all  the  reli- 
gious houses  comprised  in  this  history  were  dissolved, 
except  Whitby,  Guisborough,  Rievaux,  and  the  esta- 
blishment in  Stainton-Dale.  The  poor  nuns,  of  whom 
there  were  so  many  small  convents  in  our  district, 
suffered  most  severely.  The  greater  monasteries  had 
their  existence  prolonged  only  for  a short  season  ; 
and  their  downfal  w7as  accelerated  by  the  Pilgrimage 
of  grace,  and  other  insurrections,  w hich  the  suppres- 
sion of  the  smaller  had  occasioned.  In  1537,  Henry 
had  recourse  to  another  visitation,  which  so  alarmed 
the  remaining  convents,  that  they  were  compelled  to 
surrender  one  after  another  on  the  best  terms  they 


DISSOLUTION. 


457 


could  obtain : and  an  act  passed  in  1539  granted  to 
the  king  the  possessions  of  all  that  had  already  sur- 
rendered, and  of  those  which  were  yet  to  surrender. 
Rievaux  was  given  up  in  1538;  Whitby  surrendered 
Dec.  14.  1539,  and  Guisborough  eight  days  after. 
The  establishments  of  the  knights  hospitallers,  ex- 
cepted in  former  acts,  were  dissolved  by  act  of  par- 
liament in  1540,  so  that  Stainton-Dale  was  given  up 
in  1541  ; and,  last  of  ail,  the  hospitals  and  chantries 
shared  the  same  fate  in  1545.* 

This  compleat  overthrow  of  the  monastic  esta- 
blishments was  eminently  subservient  to  the  cause  of 
the  reformation ; yet,  on  the  part  of  Henry  and  his 
servile  pailiament,  it  was  a work  of  the  grossest  in- 
j ustice  and  oppression.  Had  monachism  been  abolished 
as  unwarranted  by  the  law  of  God,  and  injurious  to 
the  interests  of  society ; had  the  estates  of  the  religious 
been  restored  to  the  heirs  of  the  donors,  where  they 
could  be  found ; and  had  the  rest  of  the  property, 
after  allowing  a suitable  maintenance  to  the  monks, 
nuns,  &c.  then  existing,  been  devoted  to  pious  and 
benevolent  uses,  or  to  works  of  public  utility ; or  had 
the  whole  of  the  estates,  after  making  provision  for 
the  monks,  been  devoted  to  such  purposes,  the  trans- 

* Wilk.  Concil.  III.  p.  772,  786,  & c.  Statutes  at  Large,  II. 
p.  247,  265,  291,  371.  Burton,  p.  67,  354,  364,  366.  The  religious 
houses  suppressed  consisted  in  all  of  645  monasteries,  90  colleges, 
2374  chantries  and  free  chapels,  and  110  hospitals.  Their  whole 
annual  revenue  was  reckoned  at  =£161, 100;  which  is  greatly  below 
the  real  income.  The  sale  of  plate,  jewels,  church-ornaments,  lead, 
hells,  materials,  &c.  produced  an  immense  sum.  Yet  such  was  the 
king’s  extravagance,  that  after  receiving  all  this  wealth,  he  applied 
to  parliament  in  1540  for  another  subsidy  ! ! ! Rapin  I.  p.  821 — 827 


458 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


action  might  have  been  justified;  but,  in  the  way  in 
which  it  was  executed,  it  bears  a very  different  aspect. 
No  provision  was  made  for  the  accommodation  of 
travellers,  hitherto  entertained  at  the  religious  houses 
in  their  way ; no  relief  was  assigned  to  the  poor  whom 
the  monasteries  had  supported;  nay,  numbers  even  of 
the  religious  themselves  were  left  destitute.  The  por- 
tion of  the  plunder  set  apart  for  the  support  of  religion 
and  learning,  was  extremely  trivial;  the  great  mass  of 
it  was  swallowed  op  in  feeding  Henry’s  extravagance, 
or  gratifying  his  cringing  favourites.  It  is  disgusting 
to  observe  the  falsehood  and  base  hypocrisy  employed 
in  this  business  by  the  king  and  parliament.  The  act 
for  dissolving  the  larger  monasteries  impudently  as- 
serts, that  the  abbots,  priors,  &c.  who  had  surrendered, 
did  it  “of  their  own  free  and  voluntary  minds,  good 
wills  and  assents,  without  constraint,  coaction  or  com- 
pulsion, of  any  manner  of  person  or  persons  ;”  though 
it  is  well  known,  that  such  as  refused  to  surrender 
were  arraigned  for  high  treason,  and  forfeited  at  once 
their  property  and  their  lives.  The  act  for  suppressing 
the  smaller  convents  deeply  laments  their  “vycyous, 
carnal,  and  abominable  living,”  whereby  they  wasted 
their  property  to  the  “slander  of  good  religion,  and 
to  the  great  infamy  of  the  king’s  highness,”  who  wras 
mightily  concerned  for  “the  only  glory  and  honour  of 
God,  and  the  totall  extirping  and  destruction  of  vyce 
and  sinne;”  and  then  infers,  that  their  possessions 
hitherto  “ spoiled  and  wasted  for  increase  and  main- 
tenance of  sinne,  should  be  used  and  converted  to 


DISSOLUTION. 


459 


better  uses pretending'  at  the  same  time,  that  the 
religious  in  these  houses  would  be  “"commytted  to 
great  and  honourable  monasteries — where  they  may 
be  compelled  to  live  religiously , for  reformation  of 
their  lives.”  Such  language  proceeded  with  a bad 
grace  from  a prince  whose  life  was  peculiarly  ^vici- 
ous, carnal,  and  abominable;”  especially  after  he 
ceased  to  be  managed  by  the  arch-sycophant  Wolsey ; 
— a prince,  who  was  the  slave  of  his  own  passions,  a 
bloody  persecutor  of  the  reformed  religion,  a stern 
tyrant  to  his  subjects,  a monster  to  his  family;  whose 
hands,  while  they  were  receiving  the  plunder  of  the 
convents,  were  reeking  with  the  blood  of  his  queen, 
the  innocent  and  amiable  Anne  Boleyn,  whom  he 
murdered  to  make  way  for  the  gratification  of  his 
ungovernable  lust  by  marrying  another ; — a prince, 
whose  cruelty  spared  neither  friends  nor  foes,  neither 
catholics  nor  protestants";  under  whom,  as  under  ano- 
ther Tiberius,  a word  or  a look  could  be  construed 
into  treason;  and  in  whose  latter  days  the  axe  of  the 
executioner  never  cooled,  and  the  flames  of  horrid 
persecution  were  never  extinguished.  Nor  did  such 
language  better  become  that  slavish  parliament,  v^ho, 
trembling  at  the  despot’s  frown  and  crouching  beneath 
his  feet,  were  the  ready  ministers  of  his  injustice  and 
his  extravagance,  his  cruelty  and  his  lust. 

Such  were  the  agents  who  broke  down  that  for- 
midable phalanx  which  supported  the  papal  throne, 
the  destruction  of  which  was  essentially  necessary  to 
introduce  the  reformation.  Nor  is  it  foreign  to  the 

3 n 2 


460 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


divine  plans  to  employ  such  instruments  in  the  service 
of  truth  and  goodness.  It  was  chiefly  by  means  of  the 
intriguing  and  ambitious  Maurice  of  Saxony,  that  the 
protestant  religion  was  firmly  established  in  Germany  : 
and  the  avarice,  as  much  as  the  zeal,  of  the  nobles  of 
Scotland,  produced  the  reformation  in  that  part  of 
Britain.  Mystenous  Providence  ! “ Surely  the  wrath 
of  man  shall  praise  thee!”  The  workings  of  human 
passion  are  made  to  subserve  the  purposes  of  mercy  ! 

In  surrendering  their  possessions,  the  abbots, 
priors,  and  other  religious  bargained  for  annuities  or 
pensions;  and  some  of  them  also  obtained  preferments 
in  the  church,  or  offices  in  the  state.  The  pensions 
paid  out  of  the  monastic  estates  were  not  inconsider- 
able, so  that  the  full  amount  of  the  proceeds  did  not 
fall  to  the  crown  till  after  a lapse  of  several  years. 
What  the  pensions  were  immediately  after  the  disso- 
lution is  not  known  ; but  the  pension  list  for  1553  (1st 
of  Mary)  is  still  extant.  Even  then,  about  14  years 
after  the  surrender,  the  sum  payable  by  the  augmen- 
tation office,  on  the  account  of  Whitby  only,  was 
no  less  than  £188  5s.  4 d.  per  annum  : viz.  £26  to 
John  Hexham,  late  abbot ; £8  to  Robert  Woods ; 
£6  to  Peter  Thompson ; £5  6s.  8 d.  each,  to  Wm. 
Nicholson,  Thos.  Thorpe,  Thos.  Hewit,  and  Henry 
Barker;  £5  each,  to  John  Watson,  Wm.  Newton, 
Wm.  Froste,  and  Rob.  Ledley ; £6  1 3s.  4 d.  paid 
for  fees;  and  £100  5s.  4 d.  for  pensions  granted  by 
the  abbey  before  the  dissolution.  As  Henry  De  Vail, 
the  last  abbot,  is  not  in  the  list,  he  must  either  have 


DISSOLUTION. 


461 


died  before  that  year,  or  have  obtained  some  lucrative 
office.  The  officers  and  members  of  the  other  con- 
vents in  the  district  had  also  pensions;  but  none  of 
them  made  such  an  advantageous  bargain  as  Robert 
Pursglove,  prior  of  Guisborough,  who  was  made  suf- 
fragan bishop  of  Hull,  and  had  an  annual  pension  of 
£166  13s.  4 d* 

* According  to  Charlton  (p.  281,  282),  the  abbot  John  Hexham 
refused  to  surrender,  and  therefore  the  monastery  was  sequestered,  on 
a charge  of  being  concerned  in  the  late  insurrections ; upon  which  the 
abbot,  after  a vain  attempt  to  vindicate  himself,  resigned  his  office, 
and  the  chapter  having  elected  Henry  de  Vail,  the  prior,  to  succeed 
him,  the  new  abbot  got  the  forfeiture  reversed,  at  the  intercession  ol 
the  prior  of  Guisborough  ; which  was  only  to  pave  the  way  for  his 
finally  surrendering  the  monastery,  on  Dec.  14.  1-340.  On  what  au- 
thority this  statement  rests  I have  not  found  ; perhaps  it  is  merely 
conjectural,  and  it  does  not  appear  to  me  to  have  the  appearance  of 
probability ; for  if  the  monastery  had  been  sequestered,  it  is  very  un- 
likely that  the  king  would  restore  it,  and  much  more  unlikely  that  a 
pension  of  of 26  would  be  given  to  the  refractory  abbot:  but  if  Jolin 
Hexham  resigned  the  abbacy,  merely  to  divest  himself  of  care  and 
trouble,  it  was  natural  to  assign  him  a larger  pension  than  the  other 
monks,  though  that  of  Henry,  his  successor,  must  have  been  much 
greater.  The  date  of  the  resignation  (which,  being  misled  by  Burton, 
1 have  followed  in  the  Note  on  p.  265)  is  a year  wrong;  the  true  date 
being  Dec  14.  1539.  The  surrender  took  place  Dec.  14.  in  the  31st 
of  Henry  8,  and  as  the  30th  of  Henry  8 ended  April  22d,  1539,  the 
remaining  months  of  that  year  belong  to  his  31st  year.  Burton  lias 
made  the  same  mistake  in  regard  to  Guisborough,  dating  the  surren- 
der of  that  priory,  Dec.  22.  1540  ; whereas  the  true  date  is  Dec.  22. 
1539.  In  these  corrections  I am  supported  by  the  papers  in  the  pos- 
session of  Rob.  Chaloner,  Esq  M.  P.  and  by  a document  furnished 
from  the  Augmentation  Office  by  John  Caley,  Esq.  whose  politeness 
I gratefully  acknowledge;  not  only  in  regard  to  that  document,  but 
also  in  bis  making  a search  for  the  conventual  seal  of  Whitby.  This 
search,  I am  sorry  to  add,  was  ineffectual ; as  the  deed  of  the  surren- 
der of  our  abbey  is  not  now  to  be  found  in  the  Augmentation  Office. 

Robert  Pursglove,  prior  of  Guisborough,  enjoyed  his  pension  for 
many  years  ; for  he  lived  till  May  2d,  1579.  Graves’s  Hist.  p.  425. 
Of  the  other  pensions  at  Guisborough,  Thos.  WTitby  had  £ 3 ; 
Christopher  Thompson,  <£ 6;  three  canons,  £6  13s.  4 d.  each;  twelve 
canons,  £5  6s.  8 cl.  each  ; old  annuities  and  corrodies,  <£11  6s.  8 d : 
making  in  all  (with  the  prior’s  pension)  <£27 1. — At  Rievaux,  the 
abbot  had  <£65;  Thos.  Jackson,  alias  Richmond-,  <£6  13s.  4c?. ; three 


462 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


It,  is  not  known  wliat  quantity  of  lead,  plate,  &c. 
was  found  at  Whitby  abbey,  or  at  Guisborough  pri- 
ory : but  at  Rievaux  there  were  516  ounces  of  plate, 
110  fodder  of  lead,  and  5 bells.  Part  of  the  lead  of 
Whitby  abbey  is  said  to  have  been  used  in  putting  a 
new  roof  on  St.  Mary’s  church,  instead  of  the  ancient 
slate  roof.  Tradition  reports,  that  the  bells  of  our 
abbey,  having  been  shipped  for  London,  sunk  with 
the  vessel  which  carried  them,  on  the  outside  of 
Whitby  rock,  and  were  never  recovered.* 

At  the  sale  of  the  monastic  estates,  great  bargains 
were  obtained  by  Henry’s  favourites  and  other  pur- 
chasers. In  some  instances,  the  lands  were  not  sold 
immediately  on  the  dissolution,  but  were  let  on  leases 
for  21  years,  officers  being  appointed  to  collect  the 

monks,  £<o  each  ; nine,  £6  6s.  8 d.  each;  four,  £o  each;  and  two, 
£A  eacli : making  <=£165  13.*.  4 d.  in  all. — In  regard  to  the  nunne- 
ries:— The  prioress  of  Haadale  had  £ 6 13s.  Ad. ; two  nuns,  <£1 
13s.  Ad.  each,  and  two  =£1  6s.  8 d each  : — the  prioress  of  Basedale 
had  of 6 13s.  4c/. ; Joan  Fletcher,  the  former  prioress,  =£4  6s.  8 d, 
and  four  nuns  there.  If.  each  : the  prioress  of  Keldholm  had  5/.,  and 
John  Porter,  chaplain  (probably  master  of  the  nuns),  A l.  : two  nuns 
of  Wykeham  had  1/.  13s.  Ad.  each,  and  seven,  1/.  6s.  8 d.  each;  be- 
sides 21.  6s.  8 d.  of  okl  corrodies:  tbe  prioress  of  Yeddingham  had 
6/.  13s.  Ad.  ; Agnes  Butterfield,  21.  and  four  other  nuns,  1/.  6s.  8 d. 
each;  with  21.  3s.  Ad.  paid  in  corrodies. — All  these  pensions  remained 
on  the  list  in  1553 ; several  pensioners  must  have  died  between  the 
dissolution  and  that  year.  Burton,  p.  87,  252,  See.  We  have  no  ac- 
count oi  the  Rosedale  pensions. 

* Burton,  p.  364.  Charlton,  p.  283.  I may  here  observe,  that 
when  Henry  VIII  renounced  the  pope’s  authority,  he  ordered  the 
vestiges  of  that  authority,  in  ail  public  records,  to  be  cancelled : hence, 
in  the  Whitby  Register,  all  the  copies  of  the  pope’s  bulls  are  crossed 
out  with  red  ink,  yet  not  so  as  to  render  them  totally  illegible — 4 
may  also  take  oecasion  to  remark,  that  the  first  line  of  the  imperfect 
inscription  in  the  wall  on  the  north-east  of  the  abbey  (see  p.  353, 
Note.)  appears  to  have  been,  MILES  f>lC  T V M Y LA T VS,  WIL- 
LELMVS  Rlc-6.  VOCXTVS:  Of  course  it  has  once  been  placed 
ever  the  tomb  of  some  Sir  William, 


DISSOLUTION. 


463 


rents.  The  site  of  Whitby  abbey  (excepting  the 
buildings  which  were  to  be  demolished  and  carried 
off),  and  several  parcels  of  the  abbey  lands  adjoining, 
were  let  March  2d.  1540  (31  Hen.  8.)  to  Richard 
Cholmley,  Esq.  afterwards  Sir  Richard  Cholmley,  for 
21  years ; but  before  that  lease  expired,  they  were 
sold.  May  30th,  1550  (4  Edw.  6.)  to  John,  earl  of 
Warwick;  who  sold  them,  April  18th,  1551,  to  Sir 
Edward  Yorke  ; from  whom  they  were  purchased  by 
Sir  Richard  Cholmley,  July  2d,  1555.  Sir  Richard 
also  bought  the  abbey  lands  of  Sleights,  Eskdale-side, 
Iburn,  and  Ugglebarnby,  March  1,  1546;  he  pur- 
chased about  the  same  time  the  possessions  of  the 
cell  of  Growmond,  which  had  been  previously  sold  to 
Edward  Wright,  Esq.  and  by  him  to  Mr.  Francis 
Spri  gg : and  in  1563,  Feb.  20th,  Sir  Richard  also 
bought  the  abbey  lands  of  Stoupe,  Fyling,  Norman- 
by,  &c. : so  that  a large  proportion  of  the  estates  of 
our  abbey  became  the  property  of  the  Cholmley  family, 
to  whom  the  manorial  rights  of  Whitby,  Stakesby, 
Fyling,  &c.  with  the  site  of  the  abbey,  and  other 
possessions,  still  belong.* — The  manor  of  Hackness, 

* Burton,  p.  81.  Charlton,  p.  291 — 303  Memoirs  of  Sir  Hugh 
Cholmley,  p.  7.  From  this  last  authority  I have  taken  the  name  of 
Sir  Edward  Yorke,  called  by  Burton  and  Charlton  Sir  John  Yorke. 
Charlton  dates  the  lease  of  Whitby  in  1541,  instead  of  1540;  and 
the  grant  of  Sleights,  &c.  in  1545,  instead  of  1546.  Sir  Richard, 
according  to  the  lease,  paid  49/.  8 d.  yearly,  for  the  abbey  lands  at 
Whitby,  Stakesby,  Stoupe,  Wragby  and  Springhill.  He  bought 
Sleights,  & c.  for  333/.  8s.  4 d. : to  be  held  of  the  king  in  capite,  for 
the  service  of  the  fiftieth  part  of  a knight’s  fee  ; paying  annually  36s. 
3 d.,  besides  a pension  of  13s.  4c/.  to  Percival  Cockerell,  the  forester 
of  Eskdale  woods.  The  lands  of  Stoupe,  Fyling,  &c.  were  bought 
for  1120/  12s.  6cZ.  to  be  held  in  free  and  common  socage  and  not  in 
capite.  They  were  let  for  39/.  18s.  lc/. — In  1668,  Growmoud  was 


464 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


after  being  some  time  in  lease,  was  given  by  queen 
Elizabeth  to  lord  Essex;  after  which  it  passed  to  Ar- 
thur Dakins,  Esq.  whose  only  daughter  Margaret  was 
married  to  Sir  Thos.  Posthumus  Hoby;  from  whom 
it  came  to  Sir  John  Sydenham:  and,  in  1696,  the 
latter  sold  it  to  John  Vanden  Bempde,  Esq.  who  left 
it  to  his  only  child,  the  marchioness  of  Annandale, 
mother  of  the  late  Sir  Rich.  Vanden  Bempde  John- 
stone, Baronet.  His  son.  Sir  John  V.  B.  Johnstone, 
a minor,  is  the  heir  apparent.  Lady  M.  Johnstone, 
Sir  Richard’s  widow,  was  recently  married  to  Wm. 
Gleadowe,  Esq. — The  site  of  Guisborough  priory, 
and  the  lands  in  the  occupation  of  the  canons  at  the 
dissolution,  were  let  Nov.  21st,  1540,  to  Thos.  Leigh, 
Esq.  afterwards  Sir  Thos.  Leigh,  for  21  years,  at 
£49  5s.  4 d. ; and  again  let  (in  reversion)  for  30 
years,  at  the  same  rent,  to  Thos.  Chaloner,  Esq. 
afterwards  Sir  Thos.  Chaloner,  July  20th,  1547.  The 
latter  purchased  these  premises,  with  a great  deal 
more  of  the  priory  lands,  Oct.  31st,  1550,  for  the 
sum  of  £998  13s.  4 d ; and  the  whole  were  con- 
firmed to  him  and  his  heirs,  by  the  grant  of  Philip 
and  Mary,  July  16th,  1558;  to  be  held  of  the  king 
in  capite , for  the  service  of  the  40th  part  of  a knight's 
fee,  and  the  yearly  payment  of  £135  15s.  4 \d. ; be- 
sides annuities  to  the  king’s  officers  then  on  the  lands. 
The  estate  now  belongs  to  Rob.  Chaloner,  Esq.  M.  P. 
a descendant  of  Sir  Thomas. — The  estates  of  Rievaux 

sold  to  Sir  Joliu  D’oyley,  from  whom  it  passed  to  the  Sanders  fa- 
mily ; the  site  of  the  priory,  and  the  lands  adjoining,  now  belong  te 
Mr.  Richard  Agar  of  Fryup. 


DISSOLUTION. 


465 


abbey  were  disposed  of  so  early  as  1538,beiBg  granted 
by  exchange,  to  Thomas,  earl  of  Rutland,  a descend- 
ant of  the  founder;  they  passed,  by  marriage,  to  the 
duke  of  Buckingham,  and  were  sold  by  the  second 
duke  of  Buckingham  to  Sir  Chas.  Duncombe,  ancestor 
to  the  present  proprietor,  Chas.  Slingsby  Duncombe, 
Esq.  M.  P.  A beautiful  terrace,  formed  by  the  late 
Thos.  Duncombe,  Esq.  on  the  brink  of  the  hill  that 
overlooks  Rievaux,  with  a temple  at  each  end  of  the 
walk,  commands  an  interesting  view  of  the  ruins  of 
the  abbey,  and  the  adjacent  scenery.* 

Respecting  the  ecclesiastical  affairs  of  the  district 
since  the  dissolution,  a few  remarks  may  suffice ; for 
this  quarter  of  the  country  was  not  much  distinguished, 
either  by  its  zeal  or  by  its  sufferings,  amidst  the 
changes  and  counter-changes  which  afterwards  oc- 
curred in  the  church. 

* The  estates  of  Stainton-Dale,  with  many  other  monastery- 
lands,  were  sold.  May  26,  1553,  to  Win.  Buckton  of  Ayton,  gent, 
and  Roger  Marshall  of  Aislaby,  gent,  and  the  Dale  was  sold  by  Wm. 
Buckton,  in  1562,  to  Gregory  Allenson,  Wm.  Hay,  John  Glover, 
and  George  Watson,  for  o£40 : in  1627,  it  passed  to  other  four  pro- 
prietors; and,  in  1657,  it  was  disposed  of  to  other  four,  as  trustees 
for  themselves  and  for  the  rest  of  the  freeholders  in  the  Dale  — The 
site  of  Handale  priory  was  granted  (35  Hen.  8)  to  Ambrose  Beck- 
with, and  now  belongs  to  Mr.  Stephenson  Thomas. — The  site  of  Base- 
dale,  with  the  adjacent  land,  was  granted  (36  Hen  8)  to  Ralph  Buhner 
and  John  Thyn,  to  be  held  of  the  king  in  capite.  It  is  now  the  pro- 
perty of  James  Bradshaw  Pierson,  Esq. — Rosedale  and  Keldholm 
were  both  granted  (30  Hen  8)  to  Ralph  Nevil,  earl  of  Westmoreland, 
to  be  held  of  the  king  in  capite.  The  premises  are  now  shared  by 
various  proprietors. — Wykeham  was  grauted,  in  1543,  to  Francis  Poole, 
and  by  him  conveyed  to  Rich.  Hutchinson;  whose  descendant  Rich. 
Langley,  Esq.  is  the  present  proprietor. — Yeddingham  was  given  in 
1543  (35  Hen.  8)  to  Robt.  Holgate,  bishop  of  Landaff,  afterwards 
archbishop  of  York. — The  grants  of  the  monastic  estates  were  pecu- 
liarly valuable,  as  being  accompanied  with  most  of  the  privileges  and 
immunities,  which  had  been  conferred  on  the  convents  who  possessed 
them.  3 o 


46G 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


The  insurrections  which  took  place  in  or  near 
this  district,  on  the  suppression  of  the  monasteries, 
have  already  been  glanced  at.*  A commotion  of  minor 
importance,  on  pretence  of  reforming  abuses  in  reli- 
gion, arose  at  Seamer  in  1549;  when  some  deluded 
fanatics,  to  the  number  of  three  thousand,  headed  by 
Thomas  Dale,  parish- clerk  of  Seamer,  one  Stevenson 
of  that  place,  and  Wm.  Ombler  of  East-Heslerton, 
committed  some  barbarous  murders,  and  other  darina: 
outrages ; but  they  were  quickly  dispersed,  and  their 
leaders  taken  and  executed. f 

The  reformation  made  small  progress  under 
Henry  VIII;  for  this  pope  of  England,  was  as  zealous 
in  defending  transubstantiation  and  other  absurdities 
of  popery,  as  any  triple-crowned  sovereign  of  Rome. 
He  persecuted  with  fire  and  sword  those  who  presum- 
ed to  move  a step  further  than  himself  in  the  work 
of  reformation,  as  well  as  those  who  refused  to  follow 
him ; and  his  abject  parliament,  acquiescing  in  his 
infallibility , not  only  sanctioned  under  pain  of  death 
each  successive  creed  which  he  promulgated,  but  rati- 
fied beforehand  whatever  doctrines  he  might  choose 
to  publish  !§  Henry  retained  his  popish  notions  to  the 
end  ; and,  in  his  last  will,  he  called  on  the  virgin  Mary, 
with  all  the  holy  company  of  heaven,  continually  to 
pray  for  him,  he  appointed  mass  to  be  said  for  him  for 
ever,  and  he  left  money  to  be  distributed  among  the 
poor,  that  they  might  pray  for  his  soul.  ||  Under  Ed- 
ward VI,  his  amiable  but  short-lived  son,  the  reform- 

* See  p.  98.  f Hindenvell’s  Hist.  p.  329,  330.  § Henry’s 

Hist.  B.  VI.  cli.  2.  § 2.  ||  Heylyn’s  Hist,  of  the  Reform,  p.  23. 


ECCLESIASTICAL  AFFAIRS. 


467 


ation  advanced  with  rapid  steps  : but  we  have  no  par- 
ticular account  of  its  progress  in  this  part  of  Yorkshiie, 
nor  of  the  effects  produced  here  by  the  severe  check 
which  it  received  in  the  reign  of  the  bloody  Mary. 
None  of  the  victims  of  popish  bigotry  and  intolerance, 
who  suffered  under  that  detested  queen,  appear  to 
have  belonged  to  this  vicinity.  Neither  is  there  any 
record  of  the  changes  accomplished  here  on  the  resto- 
ration  of  the  protestant  religion  by  Elizabeth. 

Many  good  men  have  regretted,  that  the  reform- 
ation of  the  church  established  under  Edward  VI, 
and  restored  by  Elizabeth,  was  not  carried  to  a greater 
length.  The  shell  of  the  building  was  suffered  to  stand, 
though  it  was  altered,  and  newly  furnished ; but  per- 
haps it  would  have  been  better  to  have  demolished  the 
whole  fabric,  and  rebuilt  it  anew,  on  the  model  of 
scripture ; without  any  regard  to  the  forms  and  addi- 
tions devised  by  human  fancy,  or  established  merely 
by  tradition. 

Among  other  subjects  of  regret  may  be  noticed 
the  continuance  of  that  mode  of  impoverishing 
churches,  which  prevailed  so  much  among  the  monks. 
As  the  tithe  system  was  perpetuated,  why  were  not 
the  tithes  restored  to  their  original  use,  the  support  of 
religion,  and  the  maintenance  of  the  poor,  in  the 
parishes  where  they  are  levied  ? Why  were  these  ob- 
lations converted  to  other  uses,  and  the  appropriated 
churches  left  in  that  state  of  poverty  to  which  the 
monasteries  had  reduced  them  ? In  no  place,  perhaps, 
has  this  evil  been  more  felt  than  in  our  district,  where 

3 o 2 


468 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


such  a vast  proportion  of  the  livings  were  appropri- 
ated to  religious  houses ; and  where,  in  consequence 
of  the  squeezing  system  practised  by  the  monks,  no- 
thing but  a wretched  pittance,  much  inferior  to  the 
income  of  a sailor  or  a carpenter,  is  left  for  the  supnort 
of  the  minister,  while  the  tithes,  which  might  have 
maintained  both  him  and  the  poor,  are  alienated  to 
other  purposes. 

The  method  of  propagating  religion,  or  sup- 
pressing heresy  and  schism,  by  fire  and  sword,  is 
another  part  of  popery,  retained  at  the  reformation  ; 
and  it  is  one  of  the  blackest  parts  of  the  antichristian 
fabric.  Not  only  under  the  tyrant  Henry,  but  under 
Edward,  Elizabeth,  and  the  Stuarts,  the  sword  and 
the  halter,  the  axe  and  the  fire,  were  employed  to 
support  the  established  religion,  both  against  popish 
recusants,  and  protestant  non-conformists.  So  late  as 
the  reign  of  Charles  II,  Nicholas  Postgate,  a catholic 
priest,  born  in  Yorkshire,  was  executed  at  York,  un- 
der one  of  those  bloody  statutes  by  which  those  who 
propagated  the  Romish  religion  were  denounced  as 
traitors.  He  lived  on  the  moors,  about  two  miles 
from  Mulgrave  Castle  and  five  from  Whitby,  and  had 
laboured  in  Yorkshire  50  years,  having  reached  the 
advanced  age  ofk82.  He  was  apprehended  in  the  house 
of  Matthew  Lythe  at  Littlebeck,  committed  to  Yoik 
castle,  and  indicted  for  high  treason  ; and,  though  his 
only  crime  consisted  in  the  exercise  of  his  priestly 
functions,  no  mercy  was  shewn  to  his  grey  hairs,  but 
he  was  hanged,  drawn,  and  quartered  as  a traitor. 


ECCLESIASTICAL  AFFAIRS. 


469 


Aug.  7.  P679.*  Mach  as  I dislike  the  errors  and 
superstitions  of  the  Romish  church,  I had  rather  that 
they  were  perpetuated  for  ever,  than  that  such  san- 
guinary means  should  be  used  for  extirpating  them. 
It  is  strange,  that  a practice  so  contrary  to  the  whole 
spirit  of  the  gospel  should  ever  have  begun ; and 
especially,  that  it  should  have  continued  so  long  to 
disgrace  (he  proteslant  religion.  Cruelty  is  the  very 
soul  of  antichrist;  love  is  the  essence  of  Jesus’  reli- 
gion. Let  violence  be  employed  to  repress  violence, 
and  let  crimes  against  society  be  crushed  by  the 
magistrate’s  arm ; but,  never  let  the  sacred  name  of 
religion  be  stained  with  deeds  of  blood;  never  let  a 
sword  be  drawn  in  defence  of  the  truth,  except  the 
sword  of  the  Spirit,  the  word  of  God.  Thanks  to  a 
gracious  Providence  ! the  rights  of  conscience  are 
now  better  understood;  and,  under  that  mild  iace 
which  has  happily  swayed  the  British  sceptre  more 
than  a century,  religious,  as  well  as  civil,  liberty  is 
the  boast  of  Britons.  To  grant  liberty  of  conscience 
is  the  line  of  policy,  as  much  as  of  duty ; for,  in  pro- 
portion as  all  classes  of  subjects  are  protected  in  the 
exercise  of  their  rights,  they  will  be  attached  to  the 
government  that  protects  them  : and  surely  it  is  much 
wiser  to  bind  the  non-conformist  to  the  duties  of  loy- 
alty by  the  ties  of  gratitude,  than  attempt  to  coerce 
him  with  the  chains  of  intolerance.  Experience  has^ 
in  this  instance,  sanctioned  the  dictates  of  reason  : 
and  now  that  the  loyalty  of  protestant  dissenters  has 
* Challoner’s  Memoirs  of  Missionary  Priests,  II.  p.  217, 


470 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ABBEY. 


so  often  been  proved,*  and  the  peaceable  conduct  of 
English  catholics  has  so  long  been  witnessed,  we  may 
venture  to  hope,  not  only  that  the  flames  of  persecu- 
tion will  never  be  rekindled  in  Britain,  but  that  every 
intolerant  law  will  soon  be  effaced  from  the  Statute 
Book. 

* During  the  rebellion  in  1715,  the  dissenters  of  Newcastle  dis- 
tinguished themselves  by  their  attachment  to  the  house  of  Hanover. 
A body  of  700  volunteers  consisting  of  churchmen  and  dissenters 
united,  took  up  arms  to  defend  the  town ; and  “ the  keelmen,  being 
mostly  dissenters,  offered  a body  of  700  more,  to  be  always  ready  at 
half  an  hour’s  warning.”  Tindal’s  Rapin,  IV.  p.  445.  The  same 
loyalty  was  displayed  by  the  dissenters  during  the  rebellion  in  1745—6; 
when  the  seceders  at  Stirling  particularly  signalized  themselves  by 
their  zeal  and  their  bravery.  See  Gentleman’s  Magazine  for  1746. 
g.  69. 


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